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Chapter One: Postwar Resentment and the Invention of Middle America 10
MIAMI UNIVERSITY The Graduate School Certificate for Approving the Dissertation We hereby approve the Dissertation of Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff Doctor of Philosophy ________________________________________ Timothy Melley, Director ________________________________________ C. Barry Chabot, Reader ________________________________________ Whitney Womack Smith, Reader ________________________________________ Marguerite S. Shaffer, Graduate School Representative ABSTRACT TALES FROM THE SILENT MAJORITY: CONSERVATIVE POPULISM AND THE INVENTION OF MIDDLE AMERICA by Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff In this dissertation I show how the conservative movement lured the white working class out of the Democratic New Deal Coalition and into the Republican Majority. I argue that this political transformation was accomplished in part by what I call the "invention" of Middle America. Using such cultural representations as mainstream print media, literature, and film, conservatives successfully exploited what came to be known as the Social Issue and constructed "Liberalism" as effeminate, impractical, and elitist. Chapter One charts the rise of conservative populism and Middle America against the backdrop of 1960s social upheaval. I stress the importance of backlash and resentment to Richard Nixon's ascendancy to the Presidency, describe strategies employed by the conservative movement to win majority status for the GOP, and explore the conflict between this goal and the will to ideological purity. In Chapter Two I read Rabbit Redux as John Updike's attempt to model the racial education of a conservative Middle American, Harry "Rabbit" Angstrom, in "teach-in" scenes that reflect the conflict between the social conservative and Eastern Liberal within the author's psyche. I conclude that this conflict undermines the project and, despite laudable intentions, Updike perpetuates caricatures of the Left and hastens Middle America's rejection of Liberalism. -
Losing an Empire, Losing a Role?: the Commonwealth Vision, British Identity, and African Decolonization, 1959-1963
LOSING AN EMPIRE, LOSING A ROLE?: THE COMMONWEALTH VISION, BRITISH IDENTITY, AND AFRICAN DECOLONIZATION, 1959-1963 By Emily Lowrance-Floyd Submitted to the graduate degree program in History and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Chairperson Dr. Victor Bailey . Dr. Katherine Clark . Dr. Dorice Williams Elliott . Dr. Elizabeth MacGonagle . Dr. Leslie Tuttle Date Defended: April 6, 2012 ii The Dissertation Committee for Emily Lowrance-Floyd certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: LOSING AN EMPIRE, LOSING A ROLE?: THE COMMONWEALTH VISION, BRITISH IDENTITY, AND AFRICAN DECOLONIZATION, 1959-1963 . Chairperson Dr. Victor Bailey Date approved: April 6, 2012 iii ABSTRACT Many observers of British national identity assume that decolonization presaged a crisis in the meaning of Britishness. The rise of the new imperial history, which contends Empire was central to Britishness, has only strengthened faith in this assumption, yet few historians have explored the actual connections between end of empire and British national identity. This project examines just this assumption by studying the final moments of decolonization in Africa between 1959 and 1963. Debates in the popular political culture and media demonstrate the extent to which British identity and meanings of Britishness on the world stage intertwined with the process of decolonization. A discursive tradition characterized as the “Whiggish vision,” in the words of historian Wm. Roger Louis, emerged most pronounced in this era. This vision, developed over the centuries of Britain imagining its Empire, posited that the British Empire was a benign, liberalizing force in the world and forecasted a teleology in which Empire would peacefully transform into a free, associative Commonwealth of Nations. -
University of Southampton Research Repository
University of Southampton Research Repository Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis and, where applicable, any accompanying data are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis and the accompanying data cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content of the thesis and accompanying research data (where applicable) must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holder/s. When referring to this thesis and any accompanying data, full bibliographic details must be given, e.g. Alastair Paynter (2018) “The emergence of libertarian conservatism in Britain, 1867-1914”, University of Southampton, Department of History, PhD Thesis, pp. 1-187. UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON FACULTY OF HUMANITIES History The emergence of libertarian conservatism in Britain, 1867-1914 by Alastair Matthew Paynter Thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy March 2018 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHAMPTON ABSTRACT FACULTY OF HUMANITIES History Doctor of Philosophy THE EMERGENCE OF LIBERTARIAN CONSERVATISM IN BRITAIN, 1867-1914 by Alastair Matthew Paynter This thesis considers conservatism’s response to Collectivism during a period of crucial political and social change in the United Kingdom and the Anglosphere. The familiar political equipoise was disturbed by the widening of the franchise and the emergence of radical new threats in the form of New Liberalism and Socialism. Some conservatives responded to these changes by emphasising the importance of individual liberty and the preservation of the existing social structure and institutions. -
The Discursive (Re)Construction of National Identity in Cyprus and England with Special Reference to History Textbooks: a Comparative Study
The discursive (re)construction of national identity in Cyprus and England with special reference to history textbooks: a comparative study Klerides L. Eleftherios Institute ofEducation, University ofLondon Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment ofthe requirements for the degree of Doctor ofPhilosophy February 2008 I hereby declare that, except where explicit attribution is made, the work presented in this thesis is entirely my own . Eleftherios L. Klerides Word count (exclusive ofappendix and bibliography): 98139 words 11 Abstract This thesis is an analysis of national identity construction in Cyprus and England in two historical times: the period following the Greek and Turkish military offensives in Cyprus (1974-93), and the period ofthe Conservative administration in Britain (1979-97). It examines identity formations in history textbooks across the two settings and addresses their relationship with intellectual and political constructs ofidentity. These periods were moments of a metamorphosis of identity in both settings. This identity reconstruction was firstly materialised in the signifying practices ofpoliticians and intellectuals. As an effect ofthe emergence ofnew nationalist discourses in the political and intellectual fields was the production of new history textbooks, making it possible for the national image to be also reconstituted in and through them. New identities were articulated in the field of school history but their redefinition varied within and across the two settings. Variations within each setting were primarily determined by the particular features of the social domain in which the construction of identity took place. Across the settings, they were mainly shaped by different genres of school history writing. Despite their differences, the new identities across the two cultural settings and social fields shared certain similar motifs - fragmentation, hybridity and ambivalence. -
Analyzing the Post-Brexit Conservative Party's Populist Status Quo1 Winn, Jacob2
Brexit: A Fluke or the Future of British Conservatism? 119 BREXIT: A FLUKE OR THE FUTURE OF BRITISH CONSERVATISM? Analyzing the Post-Brexit Conservative Party's Populist Status Quo1 Winn, Jacob2 ABSTRacT The Brexit vote — the British people’s vote to leave the European Union in 2016 — represents the outcome of a successful populist movement. More recently, the Conservative Party’s staggering 2019 electoral success demonstrated that the populist “Get Brexit Done” message remains popular among both traditional Conservatives and broad swaths of the working class in former Labour Party strongholds. This study aims to explain the Conservative Party’s marked change rhetoric and policy, as well as factional shifts within the halls of Westminster, in response to the ongoing Brexit negotiations. While some scholars look at the supply- side causes of populism (elites and political parties) and others look at the demand- side causes (the voters), this study applies a third school of thought that examines the relationship between supply and demand by analyzing a series of interviews with Conservative Party staff as well as public opinion polling. In doing so, the study concludes that there has been a deep, reciprocal, and simultaneous onset of populist Euroscepticism within both the Conservative Party and the working class 1 This work is licensed under CC BY 4.0. To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons. org/licenses/by/4.0 2 Jacob Winn is a Fall 2020 graduate from The George Washington University's Elliott School of International Affairs. He earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in International Affairs, with a concentration in International Politics, and a double major in Political Science. -
Revue Française De Civilisation Britannique, XXI-1 | 2016 Citizenship and Social Policy: the Debate on the Citizen’S Income 2
Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique French Journal of British Studies XXI-1 | 2016 Citizenship in the United Kingdom Citizenship and Social Policy: the Debate on the Citizen’s Income Citoyenneté et politique sociale : le débat sur le revenu de citoyenneté Jean-Paul Révauger Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/813 DOI: 10.4000/rfcb.813 ISSN: 2429-4373 Publisher CRECIB - Centre de recherche et d'études en civilisation britannique Electronic reference Jean-Paul Révauger, « Citizenship and Social Policy: the Debate on the Citizen’s Income », Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique [Online], XXI-1 | 2016, Online since 20 July 2016, connection on 30 April 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/813 ; DOI : 10.4000/rfcb.813 This text was automatically generated on 30 April 2019. Revue française de civilisation britannique est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. Citizenship and Social Policy: the Debate on the Citizen’s Income 1 Citizenship and Social Policy: the Debate on the Citizen’s Income Citoyenneté et politique sociale : le débat sur le revenu de citoyenneté Jean-Paul Révauger Introduction 1 The current social situation, all over Europe, is dominated by the prevalence of mass unemployment and declining living standards for the wage earning classes, whether they work for the public or the private sector. Short term variations in the unemployment rate enable governments to gloat over the success of their economic policy, as has been the case in the UK since the beginning of 2014, or encourage the opposition to attack governments. -
On Painting Bishop Geoffrey Rowell
FOLKESTONE Kent , St Peter on the East Cliff A Forward in Faith Parish under the episcopal care of the Bishop of Richbor - ough . Sunday: 8am Low Mass, 10.30am Solemn Mass. Evensong 6pm. Weekdays - Low Mass: Tues 7pm, Thur 12 noon. Contact Fa - parish directory ther David Adlington or Father David Goodburn SSC - tel: 01303 254472 http://stpetersfolk.church BATH Bathwick Parishes , St.Mary’s (bottom of Bathwick Hill), BURGH-LE-MARSH Ss Peter & Paul , (near Skegness) PE24 e-mail: [email protected] St.John's (opposite the fire station) Sunday - 9.00am Sung Mass at 5DY A resolution parish in the care of the Bishop of Richborough . GRIMSBY St Augustine , Legsby Avenue Lovely Grade II St.John's, 10.30am at St.Mary's 6.00pm Evening Service - 1st, Sunday Services: 9.30am Sung Mass (& Junior Church in term Church by Sir Charles Nicholson. A Forward in Faith Parish under 3rd &5th Sunday at St.Mary's and 2nd & 4th at St.John's. Con - time) 6.00pm Sung Evensong (BCP) Weekday Mass Thursdays Bishop of Richborough . Sunday: Parish Mass 9.30am, Solemn tact Fr.Peter Edwards 01225 460052 or www.bathwick - 9am. Other services as announced. All visitors very welcome. Evensong and Benediction 6pm (First Sunday). Weekday Mass: parishes.org.uk Rector: Canon Terry Steele, The Rectory, Glebe Rise, Burgh-le- Mon 7.00pm, Wed 9.30am, Sat 9.30am. Parish Priest: Fr.Martin Marsh. PE245BL. Tel 01754810216 or 07981878648 email: 07736 711360 BEXHILL on SEA St Augustine’s , Cooden Drive, TN39 3AZ [email protected] Sunday: Mass at 8am, Parish Mass with Junior Church at1 0am. -
Zarys Działalności Społecznej I Politycznej Anglo-Polish Conservative Society W Latach 1967–1976
Michał Dworski Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II ORCID: 0000–0002–7505–9221 doi.org/10.34765/sp.0120.a08 „PolES as ToRIES”. ZaRYS DZIAłalnośCI SPOłeCZNEJ I POLITYCZNEJ ANGlo-PolISH ConsERVATIVE SOCIETY W laTACH 1967–1976 Streszczenie Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie wybranych obszarów działalności społecznej i politycznej Anglo-Polish Conservatve Society. Angielsko-polskie stowa- rzyszenie było strukturą afiliowaną przy brytyjskiej Partii Konserwatywnej, która zrzeszała wybranych Polaków, emigrantów politycznych i Brytyjczyków złączonych wspólnotą ideową. Anglo-Polish Conservative Society afirmowało program brytyj- skich konserwatystów, na podstawie którego kształtowało własne interpretacje poli- tyczne. Organizacja miała na celu dążenie do zawiązania wspólnoty osób, które dzięki podejmowanym inicjatywom, stopniowo budowałyby porozumienie polsko-brytyj- skie mogące przełożyć się na bardziej wymierny udział Polaków w życiu społecznym i politycznym kraju ich emigracyjnego osiedlenia. Według Anglo-Polish Conservati- ve Society najlepszym sposobem by zrealizować powyższy cel była organizacja wspól- nych wydarzeń oraz przedsięwzięć w obszarze społecznym, kulturalnym, gospodar- czym czy politycznym. Wśród przedstawianych w artykule obszarów aktywności Anglo-Polish Conservative Society można wymienić działalność podczas poszcze- gólnych kampanii wyborczych i referendalnych, organizację spotkań politycznych 139 Michał Dworski i wydarzeń towarzyskich oraz serię aktywności w sferze emancypacji ekonomicznej Polaków zamieszkujących -
Appendix: “Ideology, Grandstanding, and Strategic Party Disloyalty in the British Parliament”
Appendix: \Ideology, Grandstanding, and Strategic Party Disloyalty in the British Parliament" August 8, 2017 Appendix Table of Contents • Appendix A: Wordscores Estimation of Ideology • Appendix B: MP Membership in Ideological Groups • Appendix C: Rebellion on Different Types of Divisions • Appendix D: Models of Rebellion on Government Sponsored Bills Only • Appendix E: Differences in Labour Party Rebellion Following Leadership Change • Appendix F: List of Party Switchers • Appendix G: Discussion of Empirical Model Appendix A: Wordscores Estimation of Ideology This Appendix describes our method for ideologically scaling British MPs using their speeches on the welfare state, which were originally produced for a separate study on welfare reform (O'Grady, 2017). We cover (i) data collection, (ii) estimation, (iii) raw results, and (iv) validity checks. The resulting scales turn out to be highly valid, and provide an excellent guide to MPs' ideologies using data that is completely separate to the voting data that forms the bulk of the evidence in our paper. A1: Collection of Speech Data Speeches come from an original collection of every speech made about issues related to welfare in the House of Commons from 1987-2007, covering the period over which the Labour party moved 1 to the center under Tony Blair, adopted and enacted policies of welfare reform, and won office at the expense of the Conservatives. Restricting the speeches to a single issue area is useful for estimating ideologies because with multiple topics there is a danger of conflating genuine extremism (a tendency to speak in extreme ways) with a tendency or requirement to talk a lot about topics that are relatively extreme to begin with (Lauderdale and Herzog, 2016). -
Liberal Democrat History Group
Liberal Democrat History Group Newsletter Eight September 1995 What Influences Liberal Democrats? John Stuart Mill, Jo Grimond, green economists and the Suez crisis, according to this Liberal Democrat History Group survey of formative influences on leading Liberal Democrat politicians; by Duncan Brack In 1906 the Liberal journalist WT Stead wrote to the newly (44% response rate), 17 peers (34%) and 19 committee members elected Labour MPs to discover the influence of books and (45%)). The age range was probably rather wider than those religious affiliations on their political beliefs. His findings, of the MP-based samples in the other two parties. (Compared that the Bible ranked second behind the works of Ruskin, while to the Liberal Democrat membership as a whole, women were only two of the 45 who replied had read Marx, was the basis under-represented and former Liberals (who dominate the of the frequently repeated aphorism that the Labour Party Parliamentary Parties) over-represented; the regional and age owed more to Methodism than to Marx. spreads were probably about right.) In 1962, 1975 and 1994 New Society/New Statesman & Society Books, Journals and Authors repeated the exercise with both Labour and Conservative MPs, widening the questions to include, last year, the influence of Liberal Democrats are almost as likely as Labour MPs, and other forms of art or entertainment and of contemporary more so than Conservatives, to derive political influences from figures and events; one question covered the influence of books or authors. But their selection is strikingly different. intellectuals on the MP’s party. The Labour response showed Over a third of all respondents mentioned the greatest of the a decline in the influence of the classic intellectuals of the left Victorian Liberal philosophers, John Stuart Mill, usually for and a resurgence of interest in the older forms of ethical his essay On Liberty. -
Lady Thatcher Celebrated Her 80Th Birthday Last
LADY THATCHER CELEBRATED HER 80TH BIRTHDAY LAST NIGHT WITH 650 GUESTS Andrew Pierce reports The Times Friday, October 14, 2005 BARONESS THATCHER had the perfect excuse to be a little late last night for her 80th birthday party in the presence of the Queen, Tony Blair and some unlikely names from the show-business world. She was delayed by an unexpected telephone call from President Bush wishing her a happy birthday. The ten- minute call from the White House was the latest in a series of tributes that poured in from around the world. It marked yet another highlight in the life of a woman who still casts a huge shadow over the Conservative Party. The red carpet was rolled out for Lady Thatcher, who was dressed in a navy blue cocktail coat and silk chiffon dress designed by Camilla Milton. Lady Thatcher, who looked frail, made no public comment as a crowd of wellwishers lined the streets to catch a glimpse of Britain's first woman Prime Minister. The 650-strong guest list was a roll call of honour from the 1980s Thatcher heyday. Michael Portillo, who was once seen as her anointed heir, made a surprise appearance. He said: "She was influential in her day but not now." But the former Prime Minister also sprinkled the list with some surprise names from both sides of the political divide. The Queen, in a shimmering silver dress, the Duke of Edinburgh, and the Prime Minister were the principal guests at the drinks party in the gold-embossed ballroom of the Mandarin Oriental Hotel Hyde Park, in Knightsbridge. -
Great Britain
April 2010 THE STATE OF THE RIGHT: GREAT BRITAIN David HANLEY www.fondapol.org THE STATE OF THE RIGHT: GREAT BRITAIN David HANLEY The Fondation pour l’innovation politique is a liberal, progressive and European foundation President: Nicolas Bazire Vice-president: Charles Beigbeder Chief Executive Officer: Dominique Reynié [email protected] General Secretary: Corinne Deloy [email protected] THE STATE OF THE RIGHT: GREAT BRITAIN David HANLEY Emeritus Professor of European Studies at the University of Cardiff (Wales) In comparison with most continental states, the terms “left” and “right” are used infrequently in British political discourse. This does not mean that such realities do not exist in Britain: they do in all developed states. It is simply that the British label them differently. British people usually refer to the opposition between Conservatives (or Tories1) and Labour. In other words, the right-left distinction, which in France is sometimes also understood as an opposition between “order” and “movement”, is seen as being firmly incarnated within two institutions, namely the main political parties. There is no real tradition of theorising the nature of the right almost independently of those forces in which it finds expression. An approach such René Rémond’s, which postulates the existence of (at least) three distinct types of right-wing tradition in France, could have no real equivalent in Britain.2 At most, one could speak of a number of variants of conservatism, but all these would be understood as lying firmly within the ambit of one major historical party. Using the classic typology of modern parties developed by Stein Rokkan, it is clear that the British two-class/two-party model (as the British party system has been called) postulates an opposition between the interests of the propertied (understood very broadly) and those of the propertyless.3 1.