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April 2010 THE STATE OF THE RIGHT: GREAT BRITAIN

David HANLEY www.fondapol.org

THE STATE OF THE RIGHT: GREAT BRITAIN

David HANLEY The Fondation pour l’innovation politique is a liberal, progressive and European foundation President: Nicolas Bazire Vice-president: Charles Beigbeder

Chief Executive Officer: Dominique Reynié [email protected]

General Secretary: Corinne Deloy [email protected]

THE STATE OF THE RIGHT: GREAT BRITAIN

David HANLEY Emeritus Professor of European Studies at the University of Cardiff (Wales)

In comparison with most continental states, the terms “left” and “right” are used infrequently in British political discourse. This does not mean that such realities do not exist in Britain: they do in all developed states. It is simply that the British label them differently. British people usually refer to the opposition between Conservatives (or Tories1) and Labour. In other words, the right-left distinction, which in France is sometimes also understood as an opposition between “order” and “movement”, is seen as being firmly incarnated within two institutions, namely the main political parties. There is no real tradition of theorising the nature of the right almost independently of those forces in which it finds expression. An approach such René Rémond’s, which postulates the existence of (at least) three distinct types of right-wing tradition in France, could have no real equivalent in Britain.2 At most, one could speak of a number of variants of , but all these would be understood as lying firmly within the ambit of one major historical party. Using the classic typology of modern parties developed by Stein Rokkan, it is clear that the British two-class/two-party model (as the British party system has been called) postulates an opposition between the interests of the propertied (understood very broadly) and those of the propertyless.3

1. The term was originally pejorative. It refers to a group of brigands from the West of Ireland and was used by Whigs to describe their conservative adversaries. Over time, its use has become, in popular speech, entirely un-polemical and it is synonymous with “Conservative”. Academic analysts tend, however, to use the word “Tory” to denote the reformist or progressive tendency within Conservatism (see section 3 (i) below). We shall follow this practice in this essay. 2. R. Rémond, La Droite en France, Paris: Aubier-Montaigne, 1964; Les Droites aujourd’hui, Paris: Louis Audibert, 2005. 3. S. Lipset and S. Rokkan (eds), Party systems and voter alignments: cross national perspectives, New : Free Press, 1967; P. Webb and J. Fisher, “The Changing British Party System: two-party equilibrium or the emergence of moderate pluralism?” in D. Broughton and M. Donovan (eds) Changing Party systems in Western Europe, London: Pinter, 1999, pp. 8-29.

5 6 fondapol | political innovation political space oftheBritishright. current challengers will make serious inroads into their ownership the of the that suppose to reason no is there and haveeasily challenges, such withstood the Conservatives Invariably later. briefly treated be will Independence Party (UKIP) and the (BNP), which Kingdom United the of form the in particularly outside, from come to times come from within the party (see below); latterly, they have tended that they occupy so easily in British . space Such challenges have some- large the for competition history, their in moments different at faced, have Conservatives the parties, successful all Like Liberals. and Labour party,of cessful composed left a faces Conservatives,which the alism asanorganisedpoliticalforce, and confusionshouldbeavoided. theory for their own political ends, but this has very little to economic do with liberal liber used have may Thatcher Margaret like Conservatives modern Some 1920s. the in Labour by speed remarkable with ginalised mar and overtaken being before left the of party dominant the was it states. All of this places British liberalism on the left. Historically indeed, modern with associated pensions) (housing, policies numerous implemented George Lloyd as such liberals social on, Later freedoms. personal of reform,increase electoral the and and parliamentary as such causes championing movement”, of “party the been usually have ries centu- twentieth and nineteenth the of liberals British politics), British within tradition reformist the embodying as considered (usually Whigs the from Descending divide. the of side left the on belong equivalents the Conservatives in Britain, namely the defence of property), their British liberals are regarded as being firmly on the right (they perform the role of voters. Whereas in a number of European states (Benelux, ), the of 20% some attracts party,still Democratic Liberal the in represented tradition, power,this historic its of much of shorn Although spectrum. right-left the within tradition liberal British the of position the namely between rightandleft. fons et origo of the modern British party system, hence of the distinction the is which cleavage, primary this into subsumed been Britain in have periphery,and centre between or State, and Church between clash the ence to it. The other great cleavages that beset modern societies, such as refer by Labour, primarily and defined Conservative left,are and right Britain,modern In one: predominant the is cleavage socioeconomic this The British right, then, is rooted in a long established and highly suc- clarification, further a make can we point, this established Having - - - thus oustedtheresisters–at thepriceofweakeningparty. Conservatism in tendency reformist pro-landowner).The still stage this (at revamped Party,Disraeli pro-landowner ToriesLiberal behind the rallied while a into Whigs the with mostly went .The the split to was capital.result landed The against capital industrial rising of trial goods and repealed the Corn Laws; in other words, he took the side compete). Tory Prime Minister brought in free trade in indus- now, to as then able, were producers (large existed still that enterprises medium-sized and small of number large the especially interests, landed the against however,would,be measure a Such food). cheap of import the against (tariffs Laws Corn the repealing by done be only could this food,cheaper provide to but was this co-opted.do be to could way One stability,to it threat unless major a represented proletariat a condi- tions.Such harsh in usually mining, or industry in engaged workforce of the 40% over GDP, with of proportion major the for accounting now revolutionary ideasandorganisations, andprotectinglandedcapital. of repression the assuring period, Napoleonic and the Revolution French of time dangerous the during leadership government provided It after 1789 that a recognisably stable Tory faction began to be organised. mentary rule in Britain, it was really only under the aegis of William Pitt parlia- of basis the laid which 1688, of Revolution Glorious the since ill-structured groupsofnotables. between alliances hoc ad and interference monarchical of blend a been had Previously,force.governance serious a as emerge to began parties back to the beginnings of the modern era in parliamentary politics, when for favours. for to a prominent personality, such men might support a ministry in return organised themselves in loose, frequently shifting groups. Often corruption, attached extreme of circumstances in elected franchise restricted gentry,highly by Local Duverger. by described classically notables, of regimes the of examples perfect were century Eighteenth 4. Fontana, 1972. system,1760-1832 London:, Arnold, 1982; Blake,R. F.seelife, O’Gorman,organisationpartisan early Britishthe Onof By the 1830s, however, industrialisation was proceeding fast, industry In order to understand this Conservative hegemony, we need to go to need hegemony,we Conservative this understand to order In 4 Although one such group had been known as Toriesas ever known been had group such one Although THE ORIGINS OF BRITISH CONSERVATISM The ConservativeThe fromPartyPeel Thatcher to London: , The Emergence of the British two-party Britishthe Emergence of The

7 The State of the Right: Great Britain 8 fondapol | political innovation of the 1944 Education Act, and . Iain and Act, Education 1944 the of party says much for the skills of rising politicians like R. A. Butler, the by author tolerated became it That Conservatism. historic to contrary this ran of Most unions. trade from input strong a with lines, corporatist neo- on determined extent an to was policy Economic education. and extensive an offering a wide range of by benefits in housing,buttressed heath was society and goal, achievable employment an as full regarded was management; demand of policies Keynesian by run to be known as the post-war settlement. This involved a mixed economy, come has what accept broadly would Conservatives years, 30 some For as Britons voted massively for Labour and the building of a welfare state. more difficulttosecure. proved has hegemony however,their 1945, they Since prized. always competence have governmental that exude to seemed Conservatives the Macmillan, and Churchill Baldwin, like leaders pragmatic Under called century last the was nothing for Not century”.Conservative “the II). WarWorld after and 1914 (before interludes Labour and Liberal brief by only punctuated was twen- office of late occupancy century.Their the tieth until retain would they which government”, of “natural of party status the Conservatives the for secured measures These cause. Conservative the to classes working and middle the of elements co-opting rights), labour (housing, laws social of passage the and frage Conservative electoral prospects, would oversee the widening of the suf- 5. would eliminate conflict between neighbours with their historic rivalries. say,that to entity is political Schuman,that a Robert and Monnet Jean by espoused Europe of vision the to attracted Worldwere in men these fought II,War had that generation the from All vision. had different a Heath Edward around politicians its of to group wedded A outside, loyalties. remain Atlantic would Britain that clear it made but Europe,of States United a of spoken had moment.Churchill European , Attlee’s successorasLabourleader). denoted by the tag “Butskellism” (an amalgam of the names of Butler and late 1960s, a broad consensus prevailed between the major parties, often conservative political thought inthe twentieth century, Oxford: OUP, 2002. Acceptance of the new status quo was by no means universal; see E. H. H. Green, The 1945 election saw a big and unexpected defeat for the Conservatives, to vital was reform that convinced later,Twonow decades Disraeli, This consensual period in the party’s history was also its most pro- most its also was history party’s the in period consensual This 5 But certainly until the the until certainly But of conservatism: economy: low growth yet high inflation; poor productivity; inefficient productivity; poor inflation; high yet growth low economy: Thatcher, andaverydifferenttypeofprogramme. leader, new Margaret a with him replaced party angry an finished: was minority Labour government till 1979. In the meantime, however, Heath another inconclusive result, and Britain would limp on unsteadily with a extremely narrowly, to Wilson. A follow-up election in October produced owing to electricity cuts. His answer was to call an election, which he lost, another miners’ strike, which again had Britain working a three-day week more consensual style of government. of style consensual a more to returned and talk such abandoned he 1972, of strike miners’ the powertheofunions. Afterconsiderable resistance, including defeata by the down facing involve would that approach neo-liberal aggressive an of ideas with economy,flirted British had the of weaknesses continuing that wouldbringhimdownandchangethecourseofparty. politics domestic Conservatives.was among It sentiment pro-Europe of and career Heath’s of moment high the was This approach. European more a of favour in Atlanticism long-standing Britain’s reconsider to willing policy,seemed security also and Heath foreign In Britain EEC. the into allowed finally membership UK on veto Gaulle’s De General discontinue to willingness whose Pompidou, Georges with relationship election,a 1970 develop the to won able unexpectedly was he he When direction. pro-European a in party his push to tried Wilson, immediately Harold and Labour’s to election 1964 the lost they when Conservative leader became Heath Conservatives. post-1945 the of that to dissimilar not was position this ways some in democrats; social with welfare states and neo-corporatist bargaining, often sharing government economies, mixed of consensus post-war a in believed also family this ular was attracted to European Christian Democracy.Christian European to attracted was ular grow. But the Heathites were also much more political. Heath in partic- to were economy the if (EEC) Community Economic European the of membership British to alternative no saw they motivation: main their as economy the had often have views pro-European of Conservatives 7. 6. For the political economy of this period, see Gamble, A. Britain indecline, London: Macmillan, 1981. 1970, pp 106-27. ChristianDechert,Democrat“The‘International’”,C. EuropeancommitmenttheSee project.to theirsecularisttraditionsignificantly,rejectedmoreTheygroundsofwere and, doubtson real their about 1965,haveConservativesthetriedtoIn heaccepted Christianthemembers Democratofas International. was a reaction to the growing difficulties of the UK the of difficulties growing the to reaction a was Thatcherism For all his admiration of Christian Democracy,Christian of admiration his all For Heath, the by worried 7 Early in 1974, Heath faced yet yet faced Heath 1974, in Early 6 Politicians from Politicians , XI, 1, XI,Orbis ,

9 The State of the Right: Great Britain 10 fondapol | political innovation globalisation. When her party forced her from office in 1990,globalisation. in office from following her forced party her When Delors in pushing through the Single European Act, opening the door to Jacques of ally major a was and enthusiastically deregulated Thatcher economy,the of today.tertiarisation is the To12% speed barely 1970, and services. If over 70% of the workforce was employed in industry in finance of provider a as Britain’sfuture Thatcher,saw to who concern victory helped speed the general decline of UK industry,This a factor of concessions.little any win to failed having work to back forced were sures; all means available to the state were used to crush the miners, who clo- pit of series a beginning by 1984-5 in union miners’ the with battle framework so as to reduce unions’ power to strike, she provoked a major regulatory the steel.tightening and Gradually mining of areas declining She launched a major offensive against the trade unions, especially in the this featofarmsfordomesticpurposes. exploit to right the on lost was opportunity No rule. civilian to return ’s ironically, precipitating, force, expeditionary British a by removed duly was and islands these invaded foolishly junta Argentine of leadership was given a boost by the Falklands War of 1982, when the fact she was as eurosceptic as some of today’s party. in if successfully,doubtful and is hard it it though fought and Thatcher inevitable, was Community the refinancing about battle words,a other EEC. In the Britain’s of for membership arrangements financial sitional tran- the of end the with coincided almost 1979 in power to accession also brought a distinctly combative style to British European policy. Her munication skills was needed. Thatcher had these in abundance, and com- she powerful with convictions strong of leader a politics, consensus soft of years after believes, countries most in right traditional the what to closer much are which policies, such inflation. through ling push To tack- to key the as seen was supply money the of restriction Friedman: Milton of School the ,by was endorsed mix policy undone, and above all the unions had to be broken. A key element in the regulation privatised, be neo- to had services a and Industry shake-up. needed liberal Britain remedy. clear a had who Joseph, Keith in ideolo- gist effective an found ranks, Conservative within numerous economists, still liberal Classical unions. strong very strikes; of rate high a and relations industrial poor steel); (cars, industries owned publicly 8. S. Wall, AStranger inEurope: Britain and the EU from Thatcher to Blair, Oxford: OUP, 2008. In domestic politics, Thatcher sped up the process of privatisation. of process the up sped Thatcher politics, domestic In 8 Her assertive style which supposes an elite of significant property owners whose interests need property,clearly is order established the of pivot eyes).The Conservative attempt to impose a preconceived set of ideas (this is what the left does, in they should be piecemeal and gradual – a response to events rather than an then politics, or society,economy of realm the in made be must changes make senseoftheexternalworld. to which through prism a with Conservatives providing Conservatism, within exists community,distinct political a any in case the is ideology.than pragmatism,rather or Yet,sense common as as thinking Conservatives are wary of theory. If pressed, they prefer to describe their life, British in embedded deeply tradition intellectual an to conformity ucs i sml de o h tria upplrt o a exhausted an of unpopularity Labour government. terminal the to due simply is success its far how and itself, renewed really has party the far how Cameron, David uncertain,however,leader is of skills communication the despite It 2010. May in due elections the win to expected widely were writing 2009, they were credited with poll leads of over 10%, and at the time of ship and policy.and ship . For much of this triumphant time,Blair’s the to Tories opposition appeared bereft of in leader years 12 facing Conservatives the Europe.over divisions increasing left 1997 in defeat comprehensive His against a fast-reviving Labour, but was beset by economic recession and very muchinthehandsofneo-liberals. and Heath with associated tendency pro-European consensual, more the of purged largely party a left popularity,she in slump disastrous a 11. 10. 9. of utterances and core. ideological writings the and Conservatives across the ages, it is to distinguish a recognisable documents policy Beneath conservatism and democracy, London: Pinter, 1994. Forgooddiscussiona conservativeof ideology generally, seeB. Girvin, is there anyone out there?” King inA. (ed.) Britain at the polls, 2001, London: Chatham House, pp. 68-94. Onthe internal politics Toryism,of the authoritative workthat is Norton.Philip of See“The Conservative Party: marginalised. (Toriesreformistofconvictions suchJamesas Prior, IanGilmour Francisor werePym),whoprogressively (Thatcherites) “dries” often between described the as is these years Internal“wets” in conflict party and The core of this thinking is desire to preserve the established order. If established the preserve to desire is thinking this of core The e scesr Jh Mjr wn n nxetd itr i 1992 in victory unexpected an won Major, John successor, Her 10 IS THEREACONSERVATIVE IDEOLOGY? 11 In eight years,eight In leaders.new four through went they In in nature: implicit its is this of characteristic first The 9 TheRight thein twentieth century: - 11 The State of the Right: Great Britain 12 fondapol | political innovation from the ballot box. ballot the from electoral system designed to ensure that such a majority always emerges an and Commons, of House the in party majority the on based ment govern- a means This ”. in crown “the term stitutionalists hasitsplaceinConservativeideology. short, In Heath. grocer’s Edward gardener’s son and Thatcher Margaret – daughter children school grammar two by led been also has party the of Conservative leader is rich and privately educated, like , occasional worker made their way into the hierarchy. If the traditional type the and classes middle the of children expanded, suffrage the as erations, incorporated the rising industrial and commercial bourgeoisie; in later gen- ship. Initially dominated by landowning grandees, Conservatism graduallyleader political of level the at seen be politics.can Conservative This into elite is not fixed for all time: it can be expanded and gradually incorporated to be defended. This is not an inflexible concept, however, as the propertied 14. 13. 12. hfe. og eadd s h aceye f h mdr centralising modern the of party, archetype the as regarded Long shifted. tion ofolderright-wingeconomics inthefaceofthis. nation Tory”party.the within tendency reasser brutal a is Thatcherism France. This shows the (temporary) ascendancy of the reformist or “one management, in ways reminiscent economic of the Gaullist or in “Colbertist” heavily right in government engaged party the era, post-war the in particularly but, economy; market efficient an in state the for role right totryandclaimownershipofthe “national question”. mostly quite low-key; is question this on discourse its but sentiment, patriotic of monopoly a claim to countries, all in right the like tried, has Conservatism feeling, generally,national .More of in question dominant the been on different levels, a decision made easier by the fact that historically it has at UK the across asymmetrically politics conduct to happy is and ible irrevers- as Wales, move this to accepts now power It Ireland. Northern government and Scotland of devolution against hard struggled h ecpin ol b te urn o Cnevts ascae wt J Eoh oel fo te 1960s onwards the (see below). from Powell, Enoch J. associated with Conservatism of current the be would exception The D.-L. Seiler, Partis et familles politiques, Paris: PUF, 1980, pp. 166-75. that aseat can be won with as little as 35% of the poll. Britons vote in single-member constituencies, with one ballot only. This “first-past-the-post” system means In institutional terms, Conservatism has always favoured what con- what favoured always has Conservatism terms, institutional In cnmcly Cnevtvs isicie rfrne s o a modest a for is preference instinctive Conservatives’ Economically, 13 h Cnevtv ad noit at (o ie t t fl name) full its it give (to Party Unionist and Conservative the 12 14 Views on the nature of the UK state have also have state UK the of nature the on Views latterly this has left space for a more xenophobic - - uted toreinforcethesortof ideological dispositionsdescribedabove. contrib- have analysts, most of view the in who, and Conservatives by cited sometimes are who thinkers of number hazardous.small a is said,there That more development ideological their of tracing the makes theory of suspicion Conservative ancestry, intellectual their on selves relatively is easy for the anexercise socialist and even liberal such families, who pride them- Whereas tradition. Conservative the defined have that contributions philosophical the precisely identify to difficult is It left andrighttendencieslikemanyofhispredecessors. out balance to trying is obvious.Cameron that say probably could One not is leadership today’s place would analysis an such Where Heath. and Macmillan leaders post-war and Baldwin Disraeli, with ascendant the in been have would hand, other the brutal).ToryThe on left,were would be the continuator of this tradition (though the changes she made Thatcher ; under century nineteenth the in on later and Peel) analyses,such (against party the of beginnings the at prevailed right the and a Tory left, which recognises the need to move on. move to need the recognises which Toryleft,a and change,resists wing,which right a always is there struggle: factional of gest that this flexibility within Conservatism is actually enacted by means sug- commentators it.Some use to how then and it win to how power: even returning to office. This bespeaks above all a party concerned with stand for one principle, only to modify or abandon it, sometimes before their extreme flexibility. At a given time on a certain issue, the party can its elites, tothediscomfortofmoretraditionalmembers. respects now party other kinds the of relationship and but numbers prominent homosexuals family; among nuclear the of model the up held Conservatives time long a for lifestyle, and liberties personal of terms Catholic the by office. In holding Catholics on ban the 1820s ended Emancipation Act,which the in pragmatically very solved was UK the in question” “religious the states, continental most to contrast in that here recall should One secularised. increasingly as recognises it society a in religions other of members and atheists accepts it increasingly but true is church,established the with It connections strong had long party the that prayer”. at party Conservative “the as England of Church 15. T. Russel, The Conservative Party: its policies, divisions and future , Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1978. All these elements of ideology have one underlying feature, namely feature, underlying one have ideology of elements these All the describe to used joke old an culture, or values of level the At 15 According to According 13 The State of the Right: Great Britain 14 fondapol | political innovation cuts to the welfare state (to produce less and “irresponsible”deregulation economics,behaviour by monetarist claim- of favour in relentlessly arguing Thatcherism, of intellectual” “organic the was he governments, early her , to Friedman.of mist,Close Milton member key a and econo- monetarist the and Hayek like liberals of work the popularised but as the failure of the post-war consensus. Joseph was not an original theorist, 1994), originally a Heathite but converted to neo-liberalism by what he saw (far beyondtheparty)bystressingracialissuessoforcibly. right the of ideology the to contribution major a made It admit. commentators to care liberal than widespread more still is class Powellism working voters. including Conservatives, many among support had he streets.the in wars thereafter,marginalised was career own his Although race prophesying race, British the weakening was whether UK hospitals and services. In sometimes lurid speeches, Powell questioned the 1950s he had strongly encouraged West Indians to come and work in Asian) Commonwealth into the UK, forgetting that as Health Minister in and (black the from immigration attacked also Powell grounds, eignist sover on EEC the of opponent question.unflinching national An the to attention Conservative drew (1912-1998) 1960s,J.Powell the Enoch In the reformisttendencywithinConservatism. of cry rallying the been always has slogan) Toryism”famous most (his “one-nation This laissez-faire. to trusting than rather cause, party the to workers better-off and groups middle emergent newly the co-opt to order in reform for need the saw Disraeli pamphlets, and novels his In pushed who Minister through the widening of the suffrage and some Prime social reform after 1860. the (1804-1881), Disraeli Benjamin by taken was tone and government”.different state “bigA the of mistrust irrational istomissthepoint. They dogoodsimplybybeingthere. institutionsandideologies). Toquestion these,include can even ifthey(which “prejudices” by areapparently place in held is it class; and property on based is It unknowable. fundamentally process, organic an is society Burke, for government; via evolution social determine to trying of danger inspired by the counter-example of the French Revolution, warn against the some of the basic mindset of English conservatism. His pessimistic writings, theorised Union),Burke the of part was Ireland when time a (at Irishman Just as strong an effect was had by the work of (1918- Joseph Keith of work the by had was effect an strong as Just In recent times, two contrasting voices from the right deserve mention. Burke’s negative views have helped over time to reinforce Conservative Pride of place should go to (1729-1797). A Whig and an - tion to a degree previously unknown. selec- candidate centralising despite like, would he as members) minority to recruit as many candidates of diversity (women, working class or ethnic the party, particularly among older members. Nor has Cameron been able to be owned by the left. Acceptance of this change has not been universal in commitment to personal libertarianism – issues that were long considered the past, the whole anti-racist and anti-discrimination agenda, including a to takeownershipofissuestraditionallybelongingthe left. Labour. In language favoured by some policy analysts, the right as has tried compassionate and caring as just as party his presenting and image party”.Cameron’sof Much this of rid getting at directed been has effort seen, in the words of member , as “the nasty be to itself allowed had society,corrupt.It of British possibly evolving and mainstream the with touch of out off, better the for only caring as Lady’s Iron quarters the many of in end seen the reign,was By party the the of years.aspects Thatcher negative the of some extent,from least) at discerned be can (www.conservatives.com). lines policy certain Nevertheless, victory. to them carry will Brown with discontent voter not that hoping on mistakes, relied making have They government. in if implement they to seek thepolicies would about the possible for as unspecific sense as be made to Conservatives has it unpopularity, persistent Labour’s Given better tostudyitinaction, ratherthantoapproachitviapuretheory. eclectic ideology, based on experience. To understand Conservatism, it is some influence on Conservatism. But we would stress that it remains an were alreadyintheair(aswithReaganismUS). that themes amplifying by albeit right, Conservative modern the marked ants). This austere figure, known unkindly as “the mad monk”, has strongly 16. presenting thepartyasmore typicalofthediverseBritaintoday. contrast as “privilege versus merit”, but the point isworth noting. Labour’spracticallyOxbridgeelitesproductsstatethistheare seesimplistic toall ofsystem. be would It educatedat Oxford or Cambridge. Conservative elites come, however, mainly from private schools whereas middle-agedwhitemostlymales, ShadowCabinet are Cabinet andtheInterestingly, both majority ofthe In consequence, Conservatives have embraced, far more firmly than in in than firmly more embraced,far have consequence,Conservatives In an (to party the distance to been has undoubtedly concern major A exercising as others, many among seen, be could thinkers These THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY TODAY 16 But a start has clearly been made in 15 The State of the Right: Great Britain 16 fondapol | political innovation ESDP (EuropeanESDP SecurityDefencesecondaryand Policy)amuchvery as Atlanticist, seeing NATO as the cornerstone of security policy and regarding substantivedifferences between themLabour.and Bothparties firmlyare no are there that say to safe security,is and it defence On been. have they tinguish themselves most from Labour, though it is arguable how successful by thenewcaringimageofparty. tencing, is meant to assure more traditional voters, who might be put off Force. approach,This Police tougher-soundinga to linked sen- and crime on rhetoric Border a of creation the and tests suitability quotas, of proper records of no entries to and have exits from the to UK), and appears call for Office a system Home the as numbers, about precise be to difficult is (it immigration excessive as see they what denounce to keen are Conservatives Secretary.The Home shadow as Grayling Chris of appointment the by symbolised issues, law-and-order and immigration schools.own the on their taken run is to tone right libertarian less rather A parents of groups giving including further, ideas such develop to plan authorities.Conservatives local The of independent were and ship sponsor private in brought which academies, city as innovations such introduced diversity,Blair and choice parental of name the In schools. of system traditional education,public secondary non-selective ran authorities local which in the of weakening the namely Blair, by opened however, ruledoutcutstohealthandoverseasaid budgets. public sector. In conformity with their image as a caring party, they have, the within cuts unspecified) (but extensive for looking time same the at households), thousand few a benefit will that measure (a tax ance while inherit- reduce to instance for details.seek policy They some in surface instincts right-wing Old creditors? government and markets reassure rectitude fiscal such will or claims, recovery,Labour the as down slow cuts Conservative rapid will cuts: expenditure of timing and extent the around polarise will debate election general the Labour.of than Much faster debt public the repay to be will priority economic their that said them go to the wall (with consequences hard to imagine), and they have critical of Brown’s efforts to save the banks, preferring apparently to let British society to a surfeit of “big government”. The Conservatives were state’s role; much of Cameron’s rhetoric ascribes the ongoing problems of as non-committal as possible, using as a leitmotif the need to reduce the It is probably on “high policy” that the Conservatives have sought to dis- route a follow to happy been have Conservatives the education, On be to tried have Conservatives the issues, socioeconomic major On - confrontational positions within EU institutions, which could then be then could which institutions, EU within positions confrontational which prompts onetoaskwhyCameronwouldeverundertake them. failure, to doomed as attempts such see experts Most diction. juris- national under back them bring to is that policy), fisheries sibly EU by previous treaties (employment law, some judicial matters and pos- the to given areas to policy “repatriate”2010 certain after government Cameron a by attempts be will there that is means probably this What UK point of view. develops by way of autonomous structures and capacity, the better from the ESDP less involved.The be to want NATOnot which does with struction adjunct,recon- and peacekeeping of tasks out carrying for vehicle a simply 18. 17. could no longer be held, but promised “not to let matters rest there”. rest matters let promised to held,but “not hisreferendum be longer no could that admit to wasforced Cameron up, signed finally Republic Czech the and When acceptance. British ratified had Parliament of houses both the after even it, on referendum a promised Turkey. The Conservatives as were firmlysuch opposed tostates the Lisbonto enlargement Treaty and further favour to tend they weak, ically enough, given that they favour a Europe that is a single market but polit- sovereignty.national of defenders strident are and integration Logically UK seek actively EU,the from withdrawal further to opposed firmly remain majority the might few While . angry an convey MEPs and MPs new Increasingly, Heath. like leaders with associated approach European of type the of survivor last the is Clarke Kenneth today, declined; has leadership the in figures pro-European of quality and number the years, the Over themselves. distinguish to sought have show clearlythatthereisnorealdisagreementonfundamentals. will promise increased military expenditure. Such populist tactics electoral the doubtless overseas); troops of deaths equipment,causing thus on enough spending not of accused is Labour (typically trivia not detail,if campaign. Debate between them centres not on strategy but on both voted overwhelmingly for the war and are Labour both solidly behind and the Conservatives that surprising hardly is it relationship”), cial in the world (junior partner to the USA, with which it is said to have a “spe- Conservative Party, Vote for change: European electoral manifesto, London, 2009. Stratégie no. 22,2010 (inpress). D.Hanley, “Préserver lesacquis, sans préjuger l’avenirstratégiela : britannique l’Europe”,et in h ase i ta i wud ie i a opruiy o ae up take to opportunity an him give would it that is answer The European policy has therefore become the area in which Conservatives 17 Given their fundamental agreement about the UK’s role Défenseet 18

17 The State of the Right: Great Britain 18 fondapol | political innovation tion instead of .of instead tion social doctrines in favour of market liberalism, and talks about competi- andmoreaboutsubsidiarity;itdownplaysits neo-corporatist about less talks nowadays It members. Democrats Christian its of some the years, EPP has been moving towards their positions, For albeit to the discomfort of such). as party EPP the in never were (they Parliament Conservatives’ the departure from the European is Peoples’ Party (EPP) this group in the European of example spectacular most The voters. of swathes large of fears the on super-state”,playing a “European against their sovereignist of rallying cries. But they see another electoral profit in campaigns , the joining UK the of prospect any there is Nor this. Lisbon change the Treatyto that little know well,do they them will and ingly intergovernmental and neo-liberal in its economic orientation) suits gestures (increas- going is EU the anti-European which reality,in In way possible. the wherever multiply to compelled feel Conservatives people,the such address to order In EU. the of rejection outright its with rise of UKIP, which attracts a more traditional the type of Conservative by voter epitomised kind, this of pressures domestic by driven is Europe of theMurdochpress, whosesupportitseeks. Muchpartybehaviouron Europe to hostility relentless the and public, UK the among Europe for enthusiasm positive of lack the of aware very is it But ones. large some ally eurosceptic than the leaders of a number of European states, including their timedealingwithbruisedegos. mate change, energy shortages and the financial crisis, rather than spend cli- as such problems major to solutions out work to anxious partners EU to cause might obstructionism British of bout further a which tion exaspera- the underestimate to be might that fail),although to doomed is it because (precisely cost-free relatively be would operation an such that believe Conservatives the that possible is It priorities. sovereign to commitment Conservative of proof as opinion domestic to presented 19. the Tories had punched above their weight, chairing numerous commit- numerous chairing weight, their above Toriesthe punched had EPP,the within however,small; be will Parliament European the within rators with the Nazis. Clearly the credibility and influence of such a group anti-Semites,collabo- wartime of champions and deniers climate-change alleged eurosceptics,including European East of number a with alliance pp. 99-114. D. Hanley, In truth, the Conservative high command is probably no more viscer more no probably is command high Conservative truth,the In Beyond the nation state: parties in the era of European integration, Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2008, 19 Yet the Conservatives chose to leave it for an an for it Yetleave to chose Conservatives the - Some commentators distinguish a reformist or left tendency (which has (which tendency left or reformist a distinguish commentators Some raie i fcin o tnece o vrig ere o visibility. of degrees varying of tendencies or factions in organised Lord , a Belize-basedbusinessman. betting millionaire (£5 million), and the current Treasurer, include donors Labour.Prominent overturning of capable it deem now rich backers deserted it, the party is now rich again, as powerful interests its of some when 1997, following years lean some Clarke).After Ken of selection can misfire badly (e.g. the election of instead only after MPs have drawn up a shortlist. This more democratic means of ballot,membership secret but a Labour).by to elected now is leader The but failure to deliver electoral success meets swift retribution (in contrast ence, but little notice is taken of them. Party leaders are given a free hand, confer party the at disagreement voice may dissidents affair: top-down candidatesyoungmetropolitanand high-fliers. Policymainly a has been more “diversity”impose and process selection the centralise to attempts selection of the candidates. Cameron in has clashed powerful with a number traditionally of these association, as he constituency the is unit base the party had no centralised membership list or proper system of fees. The be about 135,000). The fee is £25 per year, a modest sum. For many years, Today’s party claims some 290,000 members (the figure for Labour would same, minimalistvisionofEurope. the share Conservatives and Labour bottom, at rhetoric; of level the on UK European policy is unlikely to change if this happens, except perhaps will change if he achieves office. We may note for now that the content of Cameron’sif seen be tone to issues. remains European It on pragmatism total its about vocal less is it that different,except any hardly is Labour that said be could it defence, his In considerations. domestic short-term by entirely driven is it namely,that policy; European his of nature real should be prepared to throw out the baby with the bathwater reveals the tees and boasting a number of highly respected legislators. That Cameron 21. 20. THE PARTY’S ORGANISATION ANDITS RELATIONS WITH THEMEDIA (http://cornerstonegroup.wordpress.com). org) and, for the eurosceptics, the Bruges Group (www.brugesgroup.com). Traditionalists congregate in the org.uk). Prominent Thatcherite groups include No Turning Back, Conservative ThereformistWayfactionsmain theGroupBoware Forward (www.bowgroup.org) (www.conwayfor.theToryand ReformGroup (www.trg. ‘eurorealism’”, Parliamentary 59, Affairs 2007, pp. 385-400. hardnewplace:Conservative thea a valenceT.politicsandparty,need forthe Bale, soft and“Between a The membership contains a broad spectrum of opinion, sometimes opinion, of spectrum broad a contains membership The 20

21 -

19 The State of the Right: Great Britain 20 fondapol | political innovation in whichConservativesdebatecurrentissues. longer no be trusted could after Blair’s Labour departure. New The that decided Murdoch Rupert owner its since the “red-top”press, the targets the middle classes with its particular variant of Thatcherism, and Times tend to reflect more traditional Conservative views, the dailies. the of most of support the from rule his particularvariantofConservatism. behind lie that impulses Christian the ,reflecting and problems urban on works (www.centreforsocialjustice.org.uk) Justice Social for policy.of Duncan-Smith’stype Centre based civil-society decentralised, more a towards Conservatives steer to tries which cyexchange.org.uk), and monetarism state”.the back “rolling (www.poliExchange Policy is arrival newer A for - campaign the drove which 1974, in Joseph and Thatcher by up set (www.cps.org), Studies Policy for Centre the ably prob- is force main The right. nationalist neo-liberal, the of champion a Redwood, John with associated (www.selsdongroup.co.uk), Group boost to neo-liberal economics since the 1970s, as has the smaller Selsdon significant a (www.iea.org.uk)given Economic Affairs have of Institute the (www.adamsmith.org) or Institute Smith Adam the influence. Thus nected to the party, but their ideological orientations are clear, as is their con- formally are these of all Not Institutions. Heritage or Cato the as such institutions US of emulation in UK the in developed have which sceptic thefurtherdownhierarchyonegoes. euro- increasingly is party the that say to safe is it Europe; on least not erals). Needless to say, some of these dispositions and personnel overlap, ) and a Thatcherite tendency (hard-core economic lib- (rejecting wing traditionalist a by existed),opposed always view our in 22.Forsuggestivea times. most at party dominant one reality in is, there alternation, two-party apparent UK’s the beneath that thesis the with agree would we speaking, Historically the Tory Party, London: Pluto, 1983, pp. 56-82. The party publishes no newspaper in its own right, but benefits as a as benefits but right, own its in newspaper no publishes party The tanks,think of number a by provided is resource of kind different A Daily Express has a slightly more nationalistic tone. Of the populist longueanalysisdurée Toryof strength, seeJ. Ross, THE CONSERVATIVE ELECTORATE 22 has returned to supporting the Conservatives, the supporting to returned has Sun Thus, the Tories dominated from 1783 to 1832, to 1783 from Toriesdominated the Thus, Spectator is the main review The Daily TelegraphDailyand The Thatcherandfriends: the anatomy of (in italics:(in Conservative governments) Percentagevotesof polled; numbers seatsof bracketsin Table1 23. occupancy ofofficecovered some60yearsoutofapossible114. their 37; of total a of out governments 22 within dominant were or led Conservatives 1945, to 1834 from that out point his- to is strength continuing torical describe to way One hegemony. of kind this to enough assume long office in been never has Labour transition. of one described as be could since period The 1992. until dominant were they before conceding half a century of Whig-Liberal supremacy. From 1886, Minority* Labour government. 2005 1987 2001 1992 1983 1979 1964 1997 Oct 1974 Fév 1974 1959 1955 1951 1950 1970 1966 1945 Year For afulllist, see Blake, op.cit : UK GeneralUK : Elections 1945since Turnout 82,6 76,0 76,8 83,9 59,4 75,3 75,8 72,8 72,0 72,8 78,8 72,7 78,7 61,5 71,4 77,7 77,1 Conservative . pp. 368-70. 49,6 (344) 46,4 (330) 43,3 (303) 42,4 (397) 32,3 (198) 43,9 (339) 42,2 (375) 49,4 (365) 43,3 (297) 41,9 (336) 30,7 (165) 35,7 (276) 41,9 (253) 48,0 (321) 31,7 (166) 39,7 (210) 37,8 (297) 30,8 (229) 36,9 (268) 48,8 (295) 43,8 (258) 46,4 (277) 43,0 (287) 35,2 (355) 39,3 (319) 43,2 (418) 46,1 (315) 40,7 (412) 44,1 (317) 34,4 (271) 27,6 (209) 37,2 (301) 47,9 (363) 47,7 (393) Labour 22,6 (22) 16,8 (46) 22,1 (62) 18,3 (52) 25,4 (23) 13,8 (11) 19,3 (14) 18,3 (13) 17,8 (20) Lib-Dem 11,2 (9) 9,0 (12) 8,5 (12) 5,9 (6) 2,6 (6) 2,7 (6) 9,1 (9) 7,5 (6) seats between the government and the opposition Difference in (– 34)* 100 144 102 146 167 179 96 30 66 60 43 21 17 3 5 4 23 21 The State of the Right: Great Britain 22 fondapol | political innovation white-collar workers (C1). The party’s share of these groups has been has groups these of share party’s The (C1). workers white-collar and (AB) middle-class professional groups,the social higher from ingly working innearbybigtowns. commuters by populated seats semi-urban of number large a Labour from taking as well as cities, Scotland,the Wales in and progress some tion. In 2010, in order to win a majority, elec- they have to general make a win Conservatives the happens, this When areas. other in surges occasional of capable is England,which small-town and rural famous North-Southdivideisrootedinanimmensesocial reality”. “the it, puts Ross periphery.As the are nations the Celtic and the South-East, and the North in is centre the UK, the in divide; periphery enthusiastically to decentralising ideology. We encounter here the centre- even more strongly to local Labour or the nationalist parties, subscribing turned and London by neglected felt nations both latter; these for ence experi- crucial the was Wales.and Thatcherism Scotland in and cities, Conservatism has been losing ground in the North of England, in the big Thatcher,under revival brief a notwithstanding 1950s, the Since oped. devel- first Labour where are South the of valleys mining the and tion, tradi- Liberal a in kept have Walesareas rural the great: been never has popularity Its since. ever there declined has but 1914, before Scotland in flourished Conservatism areas. manufacturing and mining old East, over foratimebythislogic. won were of towns textile Later, the project. Conservative the to class working of the bring part a significant hoped, rally was to benefits sufficient it would, overseas) investment growing on based system economic (an party,preference rallying.Imperial this symbolised the into Unionists” “Liberal so-called of group a led who Birmingham, from family Chamberlain the expansion; imperial British of time peak industrial West1890,after Conservatives the the to over went Midlands the and Birmingham profile. urban more a assumed and cities Britain’s of most conquered duly Conservatives the prominent, became capital side, particularly in the South-Eastern quadrant of England. As industrial landed capital, Conservatism’s bastions have always been in the country- 24.

ibid. n oilgcl em, osraim a awy dan overwhelm- drawn always has Conservatism terms, sociological In in dominant party a see we trends, historical these across Looking The Conservatives have always been weak in Yorkshire and the North of representative the as life began that party a for enough Logically , p. 78 24 f hi cnr-ih cutrat o te continent. the on counterparts centre-right their of that to similar electorate an have to Conservatives the showed election European 2009 June the of eve the on intentions voting of survey sive ties. Cameron must also make new inroads into these groups. An exten- utili- privatised in shares cheap of social selling-off buy the and to cheaply right housing the as such incentives by done was This best). at categories these of 38% to only (albeit groups such among vote party the increase to capacity to her Thatcher’skeys was the victories of One the skilled manual workers (C2) and the semi-skilled and unskilled (DE). among average below performed usually have Conservatives the trast, con- By whole. a as electorate the within support its than higher much 26. 25. weak. is level sub-national at strength its and Conservative), dissident a briefly,(except,Westminster for at MPs no had has It tions. elec- succeeding in improved has it which total a Parliament, European the in seats three took it when 1999, in came breakthrough Its election. 1997 the at seats several Conservatives the cost have to believed is and Goldsmith. The party stood in UK general elections, as well as European, was for a time overshadowed by the Referendum Party of financier James of a new centre, Brussels. Founded in 1993 by historian Alan Sked, UKIP within the British nation state and prevent it from becoming the periphery derives from the centre/periphery cleavage, seeking it therefore, cleavages,to party preserveof terms sovereigntyIn membership. EU to opposition British longstanding of far thus expression successful most the is UKIP broadsheets of the right such as the the “red-top” press (Sun), the middle-class tabloids (Mail) or the quality either read voters their public of proportion among high a Interestingly, trailed employees. but average), above (5% generally employees sector private among led income.They median the above those among groups,led income they of workers.terms unskilled In and semi-skilled for average national the below 5% were but managers, among cially 5%,espe- by groups ABC1 social upper among led groups,they age of terms in average national the and vote their between divergence little fit betweenvotingandideologicalintake.

In the 2001 election, for instance, UKIP contested 420 seats and polled only 1.5% of the vote. YouGov Results, Survey European Elections, fieldwork 29 May to 4 June, 2009; sample size 32,268 GB adults. THE INDEPENDENCE PARTY (UKIP) Times or Telegraph. There is a clear 25 Wie hr was there While 26 Its main main Its 23 The State of the Right: Great Britain 24 fondapol | political innovation the above that this is not founded. UKIP has none of the BNP’sthe racism,of none has founded.UKIP not is this that above the figure ismorelikelytobe1 or 2%. the core parties, especially the Conservatives. At a “real” election, UKIP’s they are simply using this opportunity to send a (eurosceptic) message to 15% of them might vote for UKIP at a “secondary” election to the EP, but well; perfectly system electoral their understand voters British direction. this in success some had have Europe,they on Cameron’sstances recent from Judging Conservatives. the on phrase) Sartori’s use (to potential” “blackmail programmatic some exert to is for hope can they most the tions makes it very hard for UKIP to win any seats in Parliament, however; European level. The first-past-the-post system in use for Westminster elec- at party,least the at to threat electoral an represents and Conservatives, In short, UKIPappealstotheold-fashioned, anti-statistrightwingofthe the bureaucratic persecution of categories such as motorists and smokers. as sees it what denounces and cards ID of introduction the to opposed personalfirmlyparents.level,is toagiven itOnbefavours vouchers to change.education,climate In of it sceptical tax.is inheritance It of lition deregulation and a flat tax of 33%, lower corporation taxes and the abo- favouring neo-liberal, economically is UKIP Thus, values”. libertarian and conservative “traditional protect to desire the Farage, Nigel leader recent of words the reflect, in policies other EU,its the from withdrawal British is UKIP of policy main the although Thus, feelings. eurosceptic Cameron’sup shore to order in 2009, March in £100,000 UKIP give to ready was empire,betting his from pounds million several of tune the stance.Stuart Millionaire Wheeler, to Conservatives the backed has who members so,believe party’sthe support to said are them of 60% over and their anti-EU of 43% some UKIP. Certainly to nearest party the are Conservatives the that clear seems it and Pearson, Lord leader current beyond hiselectionasanMEPin2004. long survive not did enthusiasm his though Silk, Kilroy Robert entist sci- political former and MP presenter,ex-Labour TV of presence the summit, with several changes of leader in recent years. It briefly enjoyed EP groupknownasEFD(EuropeofFreedomsandDemocracy). sceptical the behind force main the is EU.It the from withdrawal British for case effect,provocatively,the media considerable with sometime and argues,work,it (EP) noisily,where Parliament European into goes effort Some people associate UKIP with the BNP, but it should be clear from Most UKIP leaders in fact have a past in the Conservative party, including Like all small parties, UKIP has been prone to factional struggles at its iie bcue weee ncsay te osraie ae flexible are Conservatives the necessary, whenever because, limited be posed by immigrants in difficult economic times. Its future will remain to perceived problems the exploiting by living political modest a ideology,make fascist thoroughgoing promoting longer no which, Vlaams Belang) or National Front the as (such parties populist hard-right of vote.2005),protest in a for vehicle the been typical clearly is has It and in Westminster(0.7% voter.threat elections Labour no poses BNP The male,be to likely was 2009 white, former a often and worker manual a towns),textile high.where is in immigration voter Asian BNP typical A success has come in areas of industrial decline (East London, Lancashire This 2004). from numerically declined actually vote BNP (the turnout low very 2009,a in on MEPs two of election 21,000,the of and total a out inexamplesofholocaustdenialandanti-Semiticremarks. caught been immigration.have Islamic leaders by its eyes of its Some in rather than cultural liberalism. It believes in a Christian Britain, menaced anti-capitalist and opposed to the EU, and it stresses themes of authority mends the repatriation of immigrants; its economic policy is rhetorically recom- and nationalist.supremacism of white that for stands party The to soften the BNP’s image: it does not accept the label fascist, preferring tried has Griffin graduate. law Cambridge a Griffin, Nick by led been as a split from the National Front, led by John Tyndall; since 1995, it has the of 1970s Labour governments. The hardship BNP (www.bnp.org.uk) began in 1980 economic the during visibility modest some enjoyed 1945,Front,after National tradition the into merging eventually which fascist the on carried extremists nostalgic but breakthrough, a make to failed Mussolini.It of politics Mosley,the Oswald imitate to attempted the In right. extreme 1930s, the British Union peripheral of Fascists, founded by former and Labour minister small a had always has Britain matter entirely. fused with an anti-Europe dimension. The populist far right is a different Conservatism,of strand old an with connected more much has it which and has a number of officials and candidates from ethnic minorities. It is 27. Searchlight organisation (www.hopenothate.org.uk). legitimacyBasingstoke:, Palgrave, 2009. left-wingA perspective everydayon BNPactivity comes fromthe For academic analysis of the BNP, see N. Copsey, Electoral success has been modest, with some 46 councillors out of out councillors 46 some with modest, been has success Electoral THE BRITISH NATIONAL PARTY (BNP) Contemporary British fascism: the BNP and the search for 27

25 The State of the Right: Great Britain 26 fondapol | political innovation director and the former editor of a ‘redtop’ tabloid paper, whose style is communications Cameron’s Coulson, Andy by promoted advertising anti-Labourcrude, the and Chancellor), (shadow Osborne George and Cameron of a performances media is polished and polite there the between communication, gulf of level the at Even party. his of most of instincts the to counter run to known is causes ecological for support own Cameron’s Grayling. as such people of policies penal repressive more for enthusiasm and vigour anti-immigrant the not with well does accord speciality) Cameron (a rhetoric social inclusive and couples. Warm tomarried taxprivileges to give pledges unquantified) (and on equality and non-discrimination seem odd when set alongside vague drastically.spending Discourses public cut to need the about messages with easily sit not does services public protect to need the about group confi- losing dence inLabour. Buttheexercisehasnotrunsmoothly. steadily Reassuringthis been has group middle this as exercise, similar a perform to have Conservatives the Todayservices. public strong by justice, underpinned social of measure certain a and these between flict talked up the aspirations of this group, implying that there was no con- party Gould, the Philip by pioneered groups focus from vote. evidence Using their of most captured Labour mid-1990s, the From volatility. electoral certain elections.a national displays decides group social This ultimately vote whose up England”,and make “middle who C1) and B seats contain a strong percentage of those salaried middle-class voters (A, them,in activity ical as such backers funded by Ashcroft.theseof Most Conservatives have long targeted these seats, spending heavily on polit- The England. of West and South the across and Midlands, the West, decided in the hundred or so marginal seats, located mainly in thus the are North Elections North. the and WalesScotland, in heartlands its in seats safe in elected 650), of (out MPs 200 around have still probably would scenario,Labour worst-case a in even thus hands; change rarely Commons of House the in seats the of half good a that means tively effec- constituencies single-member of system British unanswered.The As the general election of 2010 approached, several questions remained Margaret indeed Thatcher in1979. or 2007 in FN the vis-à-vis did rather Sarkozy themes, Nicolas BNP as towards slightly discourse their shift to enough THE RIGHT IN BRITAIN TODAY that of a street-fighter rather than a debater. 28. morning of7May, Clegg’s phoneislikelytobebusy. were the biggest party. The last Liberal government was in 1924. On the Conservatives the if particularly pact, Lib-Con a out ruled who person bold a be would positions,it economic neo-liberal more much towards who, Southern English and public-school educated, has moved his party Conservatives would have been unthinkable. In 2010, under , and,instinct by democrat worth,is it what for Catholic, the with deal a social Scotsman, Kennedy, Charles of leadership the under ago, years Five seats. 60 their of most kept have will they means it as crucial, be will Democrats Liberal the of role the happen, should this majority.If a has party no where parliament, hung a predicted have others while predictions have varied, some giving Cameron a working majority (30+), second leaderstrongoncharismabutlittleelse. a of wary are voters that be may It disappointing. proved often output policy his if even communication, at excelled Blair Party). Labour ised new,modern- a of image the Britons sold having for precisely to admire known is he (whom Blair of version minor of sort a as seen being risks thus Cameron image. confident the behind substance of lack and superficiality certain a sense probably voters polls; the in breakthrough decisive a make to failure his in factor a is this far how uncertain is it hisdifficulty. attack “”a to background,of but tries much Labour too proved not has problem this far so but candidates), parliamentary as imposed has he whom of number a background, similar of people are confidants his of (most leadership of style cliquish his for party his in some by criticised is He Brown. than communicator better much a is executive, relations public former a as and, class his of manner dent confi- the has he Oxford), and nobility,Eton (minor Tory background reach outwidertowardsmiddlegroups. the need to appeal to old values (and traditional voters) and the need to between tension a bespeak ambiguities these All rebates. tax and cuts liberal-minded reformers but also by old-fashioned advocates of budget of government”“big by be used can ideology such ambiguous; – is very Moloch the against society civil rehabilitate to need the – theme sistent of communications. He was probably one of the most powerful people within the Blair inner circle. Coulsonseencanthebeasimagemirror Alastair of Campbell, former redtop journalist Blair’sanddirector All of this raises the question of what happens after the election.the after happens what of question the raises this of All Poll High classic tension.a this from of Coming centre the at is Cameron 28 Even Cameron’s most per - 27 The State of the Right: Great Britain 28 fondapol | political innovation cite themasthesupremeexampleof “party ofgovernment”. invariably textbooks that wonder Small 2010. in case the be probably shrewdly calculated offer designed to win a majority of voters. This will party,a the but from originality intellectual brilliant expect not should chosen gestures designed to reach out beyond the Conservative core. We this, combining reassurance for those who own something with carefully of proof eloquent an are stances current options.Their policy different they always produce a working synthesis between different factions and of them carried on in think tanks beyond the party as such. But in the end, office from the right. They have their tensions and internal debates, some turies, the Conservatives have managed to remain the only contender for cen- two nearly in “second-order”For elections.minorities disgruntled for cater nuisances,which minor are BNP the and Conservatives.UKIP h sae n h Biih ih blns s uh s vr o the to ever as much as belongs right British the on space The RECENT PUBLICATIONS

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