New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) New Contree, No. 59 (May 2009) New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

New Contree No. 59 (May 2010)

A journal of Historical and Human Sciences for Southern Africa New Contree, No. 59 (May 2009)

New Contree is an interdisciplinary focussed peer reviewed journal within the Historical and Human Sciences published by the School of Basic Sciences, Vaal Triangle Campus, North-West University. To accommodate more articles from a variety of Historical and Human Sciences disciplines (that especially reflects a fundamental historical approach), this Journal has slightly altered its name from 2008. Opinions expressed or conclusions arrived at in articles and book reviews are those of the authors and are not to be regarded as those of the North-West University or the editorial staff of New Contree. Two editions of New Contree are annually published. Articles appearing in New Contree are abstracted and/or indexed in Index to South African periodicals, Historical Abstracts, and America: History and Life. The Journal is also listed in The Bowker International Serials Database(New York), The Serials Directory (Birmingham, USA), The International African Bibliography (London) and Ebsco Host. The New Contree. A journal of Historical and Human Sciences for Southern Africa, is mainly published in English though all the officially accepted languages in South Africa are accommodated in all editions.

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Manuscripts, in any of the official languages, not exceeding fifteen pages (approx, (one and a half spacing, 12 font) and on a CD disk or sent via electronic mail to the editor as an attachment in WORD are welcome. A summary/abstract must also be included in another language than that of the manuscript. Contributors are asked to write in a clear and simplified style. Please note: The language of both the summary/ abstract and the manuscript must be professionally edited before submitting the manuscript for peer reviewing to New Contree. Sufficient proof must be provided in this regard when presenting the article to New Contree for peer reviewing. Also provide six to ten keywords. The use of informative subheadings is important. For general style and reference techniques of manuscripts, contributors are recommended to refer to the last pages in any recent copy of New Contree. One copy of the edition in which a contributor(s) article has been published will be sent to the contributor(s). Page fees will be charged. As New Contree is an accredited journal, the cost of an article can be recouped from the earnings on research outputs. Authors employed by South African Universities and other tertiary institutions will be requested to subsidise their articles. Authors are not expected to pay for articles themselves. Approach the institution on your behalf. New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

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Prof. Patrick Furlong (Alma College, USA); Prof. Albert Grundlingh (University of Stellenbosch, Western Cape); Prof. Louis Grundlingh (University of Johannesburg, Aucklandpark); Prof. Karen Harris (University of Pretoria, Pretoria); Prof. Ackson M Kandiuza (University of Botswana, Botswana); Prof. Bernard K Mbenga (North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, Mafikeng); Prof. Eric J Nealer (North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, Potchefstroom); Prof. Robert C-H Shell (University of the Western Cape & Commissioner of Truth and Justice for Mauritius); Mr. Nick Southey (University of South Africa, Pretoria).

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ISSN Particulars 0379-9867 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Contents / Inhoud Articles Pieter de Klerk Integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie (1652-1795) 1 binne vergelykende konteks – ‘n historiografiese studie

Hermann Giliomee “Allowed such a state of freedom”: Women and gender rela- 29 tions in the Afrikaner community before enfranchisement in 1930

Pieter L Möller They also served: Ordinary South African women in an extra- 61 ordinary struggle: The case of Erna de Villiers (Buber)

Pieter Warnich, Elize S van Eeden & Lukas Meyer ‘n Vergelykende internasionale perspektief op die historiese 85 verloop en invloed van Uitkomsgebaseerde Onderwys (UGO) op Geskiedenis as skoolvak in Suid-Afrika (Deel Twee)

Otto Terblanche Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika: Normalisering van politieke en 111 kulturele betrekkinge sedert 1990

Book Review

Fred Morton When Rustling became an Art: Pilane’s Kgatla and the Transvaal 139 Frontier 1820 –1902 (Reviewed by Mahunele Thotse) New Contree, No. 59 (May 2009)

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New Contree info Template guidelines for writing an article 151 Reference guidelines for writing an article 153 New Contree subscription for 2010 159 Integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie

Integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie (1652-1795) binne vergelykende konteks – ‘n historiografiese studie

Pieter de Klerk Vaaldriehoekkampus Noordwes-Universiteit

Abstract

During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries a number of European countries founded settlements on the American and African continents. The colonizing powers sent settlers from Europe and slaves from Africa and Asia to their colonies. Most of these colonies existed for several centuries, and during this period the economic, social and cultural relations between the settlers, the slaves and the indigenous peoples did not remain static. In none of these colonies were the descendants of the original groups totally integrated into a homogeneous society, but by the end of the eighteenth century the differences between the groups were much less marked in the Spanish and Portuguese colonies of Central and South America than in the British colonies of North America. The article examines recent research on integration processes in the Cape Colony from 1652 to 1795, when the colony was ruled by the Dutch East India Company. It appears that some researchers emphasize the similarities between integration processes in the Cape Colony and North America while others point out significant differences. The article argues that the development of racial barriers in South Africa from the early nineteenth century has influenced scholarly interpretations of the characteristics of Cape colonial society before 1800. It is concluded that, regarding integration processes during this period, the Cape Colony had more in common with the Portuguese colony of Brazil than the British colonies in North America. However, more comparative research is necessary to obtain a clear perspective on integration processes in the Cape Colony within the context of developments in the European settler colonies during the period from 1500 to 1800.

Keywords: South African Historiography; Comparative History; Cape Colony; Dutch East India Company; Colonial Integration Processes; Miscegenation; Acculturation; Khoikhoi; San; Slaves; Free Blacks.

1 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Inleiding Die periode van ongeveer 1500 tot 1800 in die wêreldgeskiedenis is onder meer daardeur gekenmerk dat mense uit Europa groot gebiede buite hul eie vasteland onder hulle beheer gebring het en nuwe samelewings met ‘n ten minste gedeeltelik Europese karakter tot stand gebring het. Immigrante uit Europa het hulle in hierdie periode hoofsaaklik in Noord- en Suid-Amerika, Siberië en die suidwestelike deel van Afrika gevestig. In al hierdie gebiede was daar konflik tussen die koloniseerders en die inheemse bewoners, maar is daar ook koloniale samelewings gevorm waarin daar ‘n mindere of meerdere mate van integrasie - polities, ekonomies, sosiaal en kultureel – tussen inboorlinge en koloniseerders plaasgevind het.1 Daar het ongelukkig min studies verskyn waarin koloniale integrasieprosesse in verskillende wêrelddele deeglik met mekaar vergelyk word. ‘n Oppervlakkige vergelyking, op grond van algemene oorsigwerke, toon belangrike verskille tussen integrasieprosesse in Noord- en Suid-Amerika in die periode voor 1800. Aan die ooskus van Noord-Amerika het samelewings tot stand gekom waarin feitlik geen inboorlinge opgeneem is nie en baie min sosiale integrasie tussen die afstammelinge van slawe en die koloniste plaasgevind het. In die meeste dele van Suid-Amerika, daarenteen, het samelewings ontwikkel waarin koloniste, inboorlinge, slawe en mense van gemengde afkoms almal ‘n bepaalde plek gehad het en waarbinne daar dikwels nie skerp grense tussen koloniste en inboorlinge getrek kon word nie. Dit bring die vraag na vore met watter prosesse in die Nuwe Wêreld die patroon wat in die Kaapkolonie gedurende die Kompanjiestyd ontwikkel het die meeste ooreenstem. Verskeie historici wat aandag gee aan verhoudinge tussen bevolkingsgroepe in die vroeë Kaapkolonie, beskou hierdie periode as deel van die ontwikkelinge wat uitgeloop het op die stelsel van apartheid en is veral daarin geïnteresseerd

1 Dit blyk uit oorsigwerke oor die vroeg moderne periode in die wêreldgeskiedenis. ‘n Belangrike oorsigwerk, veral omdat daarin ‘n vergelykende perspektief gebied word, is DK Fieldhouse, The colonial empires; A comparative survey from the eighteenth century (London, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1965). L Hartz (ed), The founding of new societies (New York, Harcourt & Brace, 1969) verskaf ook ‘n vergelykende perspektief, maar die boek gaan uit van die teorie dat in elk van die “nuwe samelewings” wat in Noord-Amerika, Suid-Amerika, Suid-Afrika en Australië gestig is, ‘n besondere tydvak of stroming in die ontwikkeling van die Europese samelewing vasgevang is en vergelykings word hoofsaaklik gedoen met die doel om hierdie teorie te bevestig.

2 Integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie om die oorsprong van die idee van blanke rassemeerderwaardigheid2 vas te stel. Die gevaar van so ‘n benadering is dat beskouinge oor Suid-Afrika se rasseverhoudinge na 1800 op die vroeëre periode geprojekteer word.3 In sowel Suid-Afrika, die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) en Latyns-Amerika het integrasieprosesse wat voor 1800 begin het oor die algemeen in latere eeue voortgegaan, maar soms ‘n nuwe wending geneem of selfs tot ‘n einde gekom. Wanneer vergelykings tussen Suid-Afrika en ander lande gedoen word, word dit selde net ten opsigte van die tydperk voor 1800 gedoen. Navorsing waarin Suid-Afrika vergelykend met ander koloniale gebiede in hierdie periode behandel word, is egter noodsaaklik om die integrasieprossesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie binne die groter konteks van ontwikkelinge in die vroeë Europese koloniale ryke te interpreteer. In hierdie artikel word net gepoog om bestaande studies krities te bekyk en op grond daarvan voorlopige gevolgtrekkinge te maak. ‘n Meer omvattende vergelykende studie is nodig om hierdie voorlopige bevindinge te bevestig of te weerlê. In vroeë geskiedwerke oor die Kaapkolonie in die Kompanjiestydperk is gefokus op die geskiedenis van die koloniste en is veral politieke gebeure, en in mindere mate ook ekonomiese ontwikkelinge, behandel. Vanaf die 1970’s is daar egter heelwat navorsing gedoen oor die Kaapse samewing in die periode 1652-1795 en die verhoudinge wat in hierdie tydperk tussen die verskillende bevolkingsgroepe bestaan het. Soos verder in die artikel aangetoon word, is daar in enkele studies ook vergelykinge - hoewel meesal nie baie diepaande nie - met ander lande gedoen. In hierdie artikel word hoofsaaklik studies wat vanaf die tagtigerjare verskyn het, bespreek, veral met die oog daarop om hul bydrae tot die kennis van integrasieprosesse te bepaal, interpretasieverskille

2 Die begrip ras het in die afgelope eeue betekenisverandering ondergaan en ook tans word dit deur wetenskaplikes verskillend gedefinieer. Vergelyk P Maylam, South Africa’s racial past; the history and historiography of racism, segregation and apartheid (Ashgate, Aldershot, 2001), pp. 6-9. Soos Maylom aandui, word daar tans sterk emosionele konnotasies oor die wêreld heen aan die begrip geheg. Daarom sal die woord ras sover moontlik vermy word, en waar na mense wat betref hul velkleur, vorm van oë, tekstuur van hare, ensovoorts, verwys word, die term somatiese kenmerke gebruik word. Die terme blankes en swartes is ook nie sonder probleme nie, maar die woorde kom al in die sewentiende eeu voor. Die term vryswartes is in daardie periode byvoorbeeld in die Kaapkolonie gebruik om ‘n groep mense aan te dui waarvan sommiges van Afrika-herkoms, maar die meeste van Asiatiese herkoms was. 3 Dit blyk byvoorbeeld uit die oorspronklike titel van RH Elphick se studie oor die Khoikhoi in die vroeë Kaapkolonie, “The Cape Khoi and the first phase of South African race relations” (Ph.D., Yale, 1972). Vergelyk ook A Biewenga, De Kaap de Goede Hoop; Een Nederlandse vestigingskolonie, 1680 (Amsterdam, Prometheus, 1999), pp. 273-274; S Newton-King, Masters and servants on the Cape eastern frontier, 1760-1803 (Cambridge, University Press, 1999), p. 232.

3 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) tussen skrywers aan te te dui en hul waarde vir vergelykende ondersoek na te gaan.4 Ter oriëntering word kortliks enkele algemene opmerkings oor die Kaapkolonie, as deel van een van die koloniale ryke van die sewentiende en agtiende eeue, en oor koloniale integrasieprosesse gemaak.

Die Kaapkolonie, koloniale ryke en koloniale integrasieprosesse – enkele opmerkings Die begrippe kolonie, kolonisasie en kolonialisme is almal afgelei van die Latynse woord colere, wat kultiveer, bewerk, bewoon of ook beskerm beteken. In die geskiedskrywing het dit gebruiklik geword om na die nedersettings wat deur Griekse stede in Suid-Italië en ander Middellandse Seegebiede tot stand gebring is as kolonies te verwys.5 Ook die latere vestiginge van Portugal, Spanje, Nederland, Engeland en Frankryk in Asië, Afrika en Amerika staan in geskiedwerke meesal as kolonies bekend. Hierdie kolonies het deel gevorm van die vyf groot koloniale ryke wat in die sestiende en sewentiende eeue gevestig is. Die hoofmotief van al vyf Europese state was om handel te dryf, en in die geval van Nederland, Engeland en Frankryk, het nie die regerings self nie, maar handelsmaatskappye wat in hierdie lande opgerig is, kolonies in ander wêrelddele gestig.6 Baie van hierdie kolonies het dan ook die karakter van handelsposte gehad, maar elk van hierdie lande (insluitende maatskappye wat onder toesig van die regerings van die lande opgetree het) het ook groter gebiede onder hul beheer gebring waar immigrante uit die moederland, en soms ander Europese lande, hul gevestig het. Na hierdie kolonies word

4 Historiografiese studies wat aspekte van die onderwerp aanraak, is PL Scholtz, HC Bredekamp & HF Heese, ‘n Historiografiese beeld van volkeverhoudinge aan die Kaap tydens die Kompanjiesbestuur, 1652-1795(Bellville, Universiteit van Wes-Kaapland, 1976); G Cuthbertson, “Cape slave historiography and the question of intellectual dependence”, Suid-Afrikaanse Historiese Joernaal, 27, 1992, pp. 26-49; N Southey, “From periphery to core; The treatment of Cape slavery in South Africa”, Historia, 37, 2, 1992, pp. 13-25; P Maylam, South Africa’s racial past…; PH Kapp, “Die VOC-tydperk en die ontwikkeling van identiteitsbewussyne aan die Kaap”, Historia, 47, 2, 2002, pp. 679-708; JS Bergh, “White supremacy twenty years on: Opportunities for comparative historical research”, Historia, 48, 1, 2003, pp. 355-372; P de Klerk, “Die akkulturasie van die Khoikhoi en die slawe in die Kaapkolonie (1652-1910) - ‘n historiografiese ondersoek”, Suid-Afrikaanse Tydskrif vir Kultuurgeskiedenis, 21, 1, 2007, pp. 1-21; N Worden, “New approaches to VOC history in South Africa”, South African Historical Journal, 59, 2007, pp. 3-18. 5 Die oorsprong van die terme kolonie, kolonisasie en kolonialisme word onder meer bespreek in P de Klerk, Blywende kolonisasie? ‘n Vergelyking van ‘n aantal kolonisasies in die geskiedenis (Potchefstroom, Potchefstroomse Universiteit vir CHO, 1975), pp. 3-6. 6 Die rol van handelsmaatskappye word goed na vore gebring in GV Scammell, The world encompassed; The first European maritime empires, c. 800-1650 (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1981).

4 Integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie gewoonlik as setlaarkolonies of vestigingskolonies verwys.7 Die Kaapkolonie het begin as ‘n verversingspos op die seeroete na die Ooste, maar binne enkele dekades ‘n landboukolonie geword waar Europeërs hul permanent gevestig het. Elk van die vyf koloniale moondhede het slawe, veral uit Afrika, maar ook uit Asië, na die meeste van hul kolonies ingevoer.8 Terwyl die slawe van die kolonies op die Amerikaanse vasteland hoofsaaklik uit Afrika gekom het, was dié wat in die Ooste gebruik is veral Asiërs. Die Kaapkolonie was in die unieke posisie dat, bereken oor die hele tydperk 1652-1795, ongeveer die helfte van die slawe uit Asië (hoofsaaklik uit die huidige Indië, Bangladesj en Indonesië) en die helfte uit Afrika (veral Madagaskar en Mosambiek) afkomstig was.9 Soos die geval was met ander setlaarkolonies, het die gebied van die Kaapkolonie algaande uitgebrei en nog in 1780, kort voor die einde van die Kompanjiesbewind, is die grens verder ooswaarts, tot by die Visrivier, verskuif.10 Die hele periode waarin die Kaapkolonie onder die gesag van die Verenigde Oos-Indiese Kompanjie (VOC) gestaan het, was dus ‘n tydperk waar die koloniale owerheid nuwe gebiede met hul inwoners onder sy beheer gebring het. Dit impliseer dat die Kaapse koloniale samelewing van, byvoorbeeld, 1700 nie dieselfde gebiede en dieselfde inboorlinggroepe ingesluit het as die koloniale samelewing van 1795 nie. Met die stigting van die verversingspos in 1652 is die inheemse Khoikhoistamme aanvanklik as onafhanklik beskou en is daar nie gepoog om hulle onder koloniale bestuur te plaas nie, maar met die uitbreiding van die kolonie het al meer Khoikhoigroepe onder die jurisdiksie van die koloniale owerheid geval. Ook die Sangroepe wat nie oor die koloniale grense getrek het nie, het uiteindelik deel van die Kaapse koloniale samelewing geword. Gedurende die Kompanjiestyd het die Xhosa en ander Bantusprekende groepe buite die grense van die Kaapkolonie gebly.

7 Vergelyk P de Klerk, 2002. 1652 – die beginpunt van kolonialisme in Suid-Afrika? Historia, 47, 2, p. 746. 8 Soos in die inleiding hierbo aangedui, het ook Rusland in die periode voor 1800 ‘n groot gebied in Asië, naamlik Siberië, onder sy beheer gebring en het immigrante uit Rusland hulle daar gevestig. Anders as in die geval van die ander vyf Europese lande het Rusland se koloniale gebied aan die moederland gegrens en het oorsese handel nie die grondslag van sy koloniale ryk gevorm nie. Verder het die Russe geen slawe uit ander wêrelddele na Siberië gebring nie. In DK Fieldhouse, The colonial empires…, asook in verskeie ander werke oor die vroeë koloniale ryke, word die Russiese Ryk wat die tydperk voor 1800 betref nie as ‘n koloniale ryk beskou nie. Fieldhouse sien wel die Rusiese uitbreiding in Sentraal-Asië in die negentiende eeu as deel van die vestiging van latere Europese koloniale ryke. Hoewel die Russiese uitbreiding in Noord-Asië deel van die Europese ekspansieproses gedurende die periode 1500-1800 vorm, is die verskille met die vyf (ander) koloniale ryke baie groot en word die Russiese Ryk buite beskouing gelaat by die bespreking van die wyer konteks waarbinne die integrasieprosesse in die Kaapkolonie geïnterpreteer moet word. 9 Vergelyk RCH Shell, Children of bondage; A social history of the slave society at the Cape of Good Hope, 1652-1838 (Johannesburg, Witwatersrand University Press, 1994), p. 41. 10 HJ van Aswegen, Geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika tot 1854 (Pretoria, Academica, 1989), p. 100.

5 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Uit ‘n vergelyking van veral setlaarkolonies op die Amerikaanse vasteland gedurende die periode voor 1800 kom enkele algemene kenmerke na vore wat hieronder kortliks aangestip word met die oog daarop om ‘n beeld te vorm van die raamwerk waarbinne koloniale integrasieprosesse verloop het. Soos eintlik reeds in die begrippe kolonie en kolonisasie vervat is, is met die kolonisasie van ‘n gebied, byvoorbeeld Brasilië of Peru, ’n bepaalde politieke, ekonomiese, sosiale en kulturele struktuur tot stand gebring, waarbinne koloniste (wat hoofsaaklik immigrante uit Europa was), slawe en inboorlinge geakkommodeer is. Soos in die Spaanse koloniale ryk het die koloniste in die Kaapkolonie baie min inspraak in die bestuur van die kolonie gehad. Anders as in sommige ander Nederlandse kolonies, is inboorlinge ook nie by die bestuur van die Kaapkolonie betrek nie.11 Binne die kolonie het die gesag by amptenare van die VOC berus, wat gewoonlik net tydelik in die kolonie gewoon het en dus nie as deel van die kolonistegroep beskou kan word nie. Terwyl die koloniale amptenare en die koloniste albei ‘n aandeel gehad het in die vestiging en instandhouding van die koloniale struktuur, wat die ekonomiese, sosiale en kulturele aspekte betref, was daar ten opsigte van die politieke gesag steeds ‘n duidelike skeidslyn tussen die koloniale owerheid aan die een kant en die koloniste, slawe en inboorlinge aan die ander kant.12 In die koloniale samelewings wat in die Nuwe Wêreld en in Suid-Afrika tot stand gekom het, het die koloniste, waarby in die Kaapkolonie volgens die VOC-beleid ook vrygestelde slawe en hul afstammelinge ingesluit is, ‘n kerngroep gevorm en het die inboorlinge wat glad nie of net in geringe mate by die koloniale ekonomie betrek is, ‘n randposisie ingeneem, terwyl die slawe op ‘n laer vlak as die koloniste in die ekonomiese stelsel gestaan het.13 Wat die kulturele omstandighede betref, was die taal en kultuur van die moederland in die Amerikaanse kolonies en ook aan die Kaap die taal en kultuur waarmee die owerheid en ‘n groot deel van die koloniste hul vereenselwig het. Inboorlinge wat in noue aanraking met die koloniste gekom het, asook die slawe, het in mindere of meerdere mate die taal en kultuur van die koloniseerders oorgeneem.14

11 Vergelyk A Biewenga, De Kaap de Goede Hoop…, p. 23. 12 Vergelyk HJ van Aswegen, Geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika…, pp. 102-114. Vergelyk ook JH Parry, The age of reconnaisance; Discovery, exploration and settlement, 1450-1650 (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1981), pp. 290-302, vir ‘n algemene beskouing van koloniale burokrasieë in die sewentiende eeu. 13 Vergelyk DK Fieldhouse, The colonial empires…,pp. 11-99; J Osterhammel, Colonialism; A theoretical overview (Princeton, Wiener, 1999), veral pp. 69-80. 14 Vergelyk P de Klerk, “Die akkulturasie van die Khoikhoi…”, Suid-Afrikaanse Tydskrif vir Kultuurgeskiedenis, 21, 1, 2007, pp. 1-21

6 Integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie

Die regeerders van Spanje en Portugal het dit as hul plig beskou om die Westerse Beskawing en die Christendom onder die gekoloniseerde bevolking te versprei.15 Rooms-Katolieke priesters se aktiwiteite in die kolonies het dan ook kultuuroorname in die hand gewerk. In die Kaapkolonie is daar maar min sendingwerk onder die Khoikhoi en die San gedoen voor 1795 en die VOC-owerheid het, behalwe vir enkele pogings in die heel vroeë jare, dit geensins bevorder nie.16 In baie kolonies, veral in Latyns-Amerika, het die proses van kultuuroorname daartoe gelei dat die inboorlinge heeltemal of gedeeltelik hul eie kultuur verloor het. Tog het sommige Indianegroepe in verskillende dele van Amerika hul taal en kultuur, tot vandag toe, behou.17 Inboorlinge en vrygestelde slawe wat die taal en ander kulturele eienskappe van die koloniste oorgeneem het, is soms deur koloniste as deel van hul groep beskou. Huwelike, vriendskappe en sakevennootskappe het tussen koloniste, inboorlinge en vrygestelde slawe tot stand gekom. Dit het meegebring dat grense tussen die koloniste en die ander bevolkingsgroepe vervaag het. In geen van die kolonies het hierdie grense voor 1800 heeltemal verdwyn nie. Ongeag die algemene kenmerke van integrasieprosesse, soos hierbo geskets, is die integrasieproses in elke kolonie uniek. Om ‘n duidelike beeld van die integrasieprosesse in die Kaapkolonie te vorm, en enkele vergelykings met ander kolonies te doen, word kortliks nagegaan hoe volledig die prosesse van integrasie ten opsigte van die Khoikhoi (eers in die Wes-Kaap en daarna in die res van die Kaapkolonie), die San en die slawe en hul afstammelinge,18 deur historici nagevors is. Daar word ook gelet op interpretasieverskille en op vergelykings wat met ander kolonies gemaak word. Daarna word interpretasies

15 Vergelyk DK Fieldhouse, The colonial empires…,p. 22. 16 Die redes hiervoor word bespreek in R Elphick & R Shell, “Intergroup relations; Khoikhoi, settlers, slaves and free blacks, 1652-1795”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840(Cape Town, Maskew Miller Longman, 1989), pp. 185-194. 17 Dit blyk uit verskeie hoofstukke in PJ Lyon (ed), Native South Americans; Ethnology of the least known continent (Boston, Little & Brown, 1974). 18 By gebrek aan ‘n beter term word na die koloniste, die Khoikhoi, die San en die slawe as bevolkingsgroepe verwys. Nie een van die terme rassegroepe, etniese groepe en kultuurgroepe sou gepas wees nie. Om die bogenoemde groepe net as groepe aan te dui, kan verwarrend wees omdat daar ook baie ander groepe in die Kaapkolonie voorgekom het, byvoorbeeld godsdienstige groepe (Calviniste, Lutherane, Moslems), beroepsgroepe (landbouers, veeboere, handelaars, ensovoorts) en geografiese groepe (inwoners van Kaapstad, Stellenbosch, die Langkloof, ensovoorts). Soos in enige samelewing was die inwoners van die Kaapkolonie lid van meer as een groep, maar, in die reël, net van een van bogenoemde bevolkingsgroepe. N Worden, in sy “Introduction”, N Worden (ed), Contingent lives; Social identity and material culture in the VOC world (Cape Town, University of Cape Town, 2007), p. x, merk tereg op dat die bestaan van die verskillende bevolkingsgroepe, as kategorieë in die Kaapse samelewing, deur historici oorbeklemtoon is. Die komplekse aard van die samelewingsverhoudinge in die Kaapkolonie het sodoende nie altyd goed na vore gekom in hul geskrifte nie. Vir die doeleindes van hierdie studie is dit egter noodsaaklik om die bevolkingsgroepe as uitgangspunt te neem by die bepaling van die aard en omvang van koloniale integrasieprosesse.

7 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) ten opsigte van die algemene samelewingspatroon in die Kaapkolonie en die rol van integrasieprosesse daarin bespreek.

Die Khoikhoi in die suidwestelike Kaapkolonie R Elphick, wie se proefskrif, The Cape Khoi and the first phase of South African race relations, in 1972 voltooi is en in verwerkte vorm in 1977 gepubliseer is,19 word nog steeds as die vernaamste outoriteit oor ontwikkelinge rakende die Khoikhoi in die suidwestelike deel van die Kaapkolonie tot in die vroeë agtiende eeu beskou.20 Hy toon onder meer aan dat, hoewel die Kompanjiesowerheid se beleid aanvanklik was om die Khokhoi as onafhanklike stamme te erken, die koloniale stelsel ‘n vraag na grond, vee en arbeid meegebring het. Hierdeur is die voortbestaan van die Khoikhoistamme al hoe meer bedreig. Die pokke- epidemie van 1713 het die verbrokkeling van die stamme verhaas. Van die 100,000 Khoikhoi wat daar waarskynlik teen 1660 in die Wes-Kaap gewoon het, was sestig jaar later heelwat minder as die helfte oor.21 In hierdie stadium was die meeste Khoikhoi van die suidwestelike Kaap reeds arbeiders op plase van koloniste en het hulle elemente van hul tradisionele kultuur verloor en aspekte van die Westerse kultuur oorgeneem.22 Bloedvermenging tussen die Khoikhoi en ander groepe het plaasgevind. Elphick en Giliomee wys daarop dat somatiese eienskappe ‘n rol gespeel het in bloedvermenging en dat koloniste en besoekers uit Europa ‘n seksuele voorkeur vir slawe, veral dié van Asiatiese herkoms, gehad het.23 Aangesien daar baie slawe in die Suidwes- Kaap was, het in hierdie gebied waarskynlik relatief min bloedvermenging tussen koloniste en Khoikhoi plaasgevind. In die Overbergomgewing het dit

19 R Elphick, Kraal and castle: Khoikhoi and the founding of white South Africa (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1977). Elphick het beperkte hersiening gedoen vir die tweede uitgawe wat met ‘n gewysigde titel verskyn het: R Elphick, Khoikhoi and the founding of white South Africa (Johannesburg, Ravan, 1985). 20 Dit blyk onder andere daaruit dat hy ‘n afdeling oor die Khoikhoi geskryf het vir ‘n resente sintesewerk oor die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis, naamlik H Giliomee & B Mbenga (reds.), Nuwe geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika (Kaapstad, Tafelberg, 2007). 21 Vergelyk R Elphick, “Die Khoikhoi en die Nederlanders”, H. Giliomee & B Mbenga (reds.), Nuwe Geskiedenis…, pp. 52-53. Elphick dui aan dat VOC-amptenare in 1713 bereken het dat net 10% van die Khoikhoi na die pokke-epidemie oorgebly het, maar dat dit moontlik ‘n oordrywing is. 22 HC Bredekamp, Van veeverskaffers tot veewagters; ‘n Historiese ondersoek na die betrekkinge tussen die Khoikhoi en die Europeërs, 1662-1679 (Bellville, Universiteit van Wes-Kaapland, 1982), pp. 77-89 gee ‘n duidelike beeld van die invloed van die Nederlandse kultuur op die Skiereilandse Khoikhoi in die vroegste periode van VOC-bestuur. R Viljoen, Jan Paerl, A Khoikhoi in Cape colonial society (Leiden, Brill, 2006) verskaf heelwat inligting oor die mate van verwestering wat die Khoikhoi in die suidwestelike Kaapkolonie teen die einde van die agtiende eeu ondergaan het. 23 R Elphick & H Giliomee, “The origins and entrenchment of European dominance at the Cape, 1652-c.1840”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, p. 526.

8 Integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie tog op groot skaal voorgekom, soos blyk uit studies oor die geskiedenis van die streek.24 GM Fredrickson wy twintig bladsye van sy vergelykende studie van die VSA en Suid-Afrika aan ‘n vergelyking van wat hy noem “the dispossession of the coastal Indians and the Cape Khoikhoi”.25 Hy wys daarop dat, anders as die Khoikhoi, die Indiane in die oostelike kusgebiede van Noord-Amerika hoofsaaklik landbouers was en dat elke stam se gebied duidelik afgebaken was. Die Indiane het egter nie al hul grond bewerk nie en dit meesal verloor deur kooptransaksies en konflikte met koloniste. Soos in die geval van die Khoikhoi, is die Indiane se getalle sterk verminder deur siektes wat met die Europeërs die land binne gekom het en as gevolg van botsings met koloniste. Sommige Indiane is gedwing om na die gebiede ten weste van die kolonies te verhuis. Die enkele inboorlinge wat in die Amerikaanse kolonies agtergebly het, is hoofsaaklik geassimileer met die slawebevolking. Anders as in die geval van die Khoikhoi, het daar dus geen beduidende groepe Indiane oorgebly wat as werkers in die koloniale ekonomie opgeneem is nie.

Die Khoikhoi van die noordelike en oostelike Kaapkolonie In die laat twintigste eeu is heelwat navorsing gedoen oor die oostelike grensgebied van die vroeë Kaapkolonie, veral deur H Giliomee en S Newton- King.26 Die resente studie van N Penn bied ‘n deeglike oorsig van verhoudinge tussen bevolkingsgroepe in die noordelike en noordoostelike Kaapkolonie in die agtiende eeu.27 Giliomee verskaf ‘n samevatting van die nuutste navorsing en sy eie interpretasie daarvan in ‘n onlangse oorsigwerk waarvan hy die grootste deel self geskryf het. Hy dui aan dat, toe koloniste wat ‘n bestaan uit veeboerdery probeer maak het in die binneland van die Kaapkolonie in

24 Vergelyk I Balie, Die geskiedenis van Genadendal, 1738-1988 (Kaapstad, Perskor, 1988), p. 40; R Viljoen, Jan Paerl…, p. 16. 25 GM Fredrickson, White supremacy; A comparative study in American and South African history (New York, Oxford University Press, 1981), pp. 21-40. 26 H Giliomee, “The eastern frontier, 1770-1812”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, pp. 421-471; S Newton-King, Masters and servants… 27 N Penn, The forgotten frontier; Colonists and Khoisan on the Cape’s northern frontier in the 18th century (Athens, Ohio, Ohio University Press, 2005). Die studies van PJ van der Merwe, naamlik Die noordwaartse beweging van die Boere voor die Groot Trek, 1770-1842 (Den Haag, Van Stockum, 1937) en Die trekboer in die geskiedenis van die Kaapkolonie, 1657-1842 (Kaapstad, Nasionale Pers, 1938), gee baie min aandag aan verhoudinge tussen die trekboere en die Khoikhoi.

9 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) beweeg het, ‘n verhouding van wedersydse afhanklikheid tussen die koloniste en die Khoikhoi ontwikkel het. Die boere het die Khoikhoi nodig gehad as bondgenote in die botsings met die San en boere het soms aan Khoikhoi beskerming verleen wat dan werk op die veeplase verrig het maar ook hul eie vee behou het.28 Van die boere in Namakwaland het volgens Penn Khoivroue gehad. Kinders uit hierdie verbintenisse het boere geword wat (altans in die vroeë jare) in trekboergemeenskappe opgeneem is. Tog is daar deur ander boere na hulle as as Basters verwys.29 Die aantal Basters in die noordwestelike dele van die kolonie het al meer toegeneem en hulle is deur die koloniste as ‘n bedreiging gesien. 30 Hulle is uit gebiede waar koloniste die meerderheid was, verdryf en baie van hulle het hul buite die grense van die kolonie gevestig.31 Volgens Elphick en Shell het bloedvermenging tussen koloniste en Khoikhoi veral in die noordwestelike gebiede voorgekom en volgens Newton-King ook in ander dele van die Karoo.32 Swiegers, wat die geskiedenis van die Langkloof in die agtiende eeu nagevors het, meen dat in hierdie landstreek feitlik geen bloedvermenging tussen Khoikhoi en koloniste plaasgevind het nie.33 Geen historikus het tot op hede die totale persentasie bloedvermenging tussen koloniste en Khoikhoi probeer bepaal nie. Uit die beskikbare navorsing kan afgelei word dat dit oordrewe sou wees om van grootskaalse bloedvermenging te praat, maar aan die ander kant blyk dit dat die persentasie nie baie klein was nie.34 Dit is ook moeilik bepaalbaar hoeveel mense wat gedeeltelik van Khoikhoi-afkoms was deel van die kolonistegroep geword het. Heese dui aan dat enkele gevalle bekend is van Basters wat in die “blanke samelewing” opgeneem is, maar dat hulle getalle so beperk was “dat dit geen noemenswaardige rol in die onstaansgeskiedenis van die latere

28 H Giliomee &. B Mbenga (reds.), Nuwe geskiedenis…, pp. 72-73. 29 N Penn, The forgotten frontier…,p. 201; A Manson, “Die Basters”, H Giliomee &. B Mbenga (reds.), Nuwe geskiedenis…, p. 68. Vergelyk L Guelke, “Freehold farmers and frontier settlers, 1657-1780”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, pp. 99-100; R Elphick & R Shell, “Intergroup relations…”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, p. 201. Sommige Basters was nie afstammelinge van trekboere nie, maar van gedroste Kompanjiesoldate en matrose. 30 N Penn, The forgotten frontier…,p. 202; LJ Mitchell, Belongings; Property, family and identity in colonial South Africa (an exploration of frontiers, 1725-c.1830) (New York, Columbia University Press, 2009), p. 44. 31 A Manson, “Die Basters”, H Giliomee &. B Mbenga (reds.), Nuwe geskiedenis…,p. 69. 32 R Elphick & R Shell, “Intergroup relations…”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, p. 201; S Newton-King, Masters and servants…, p. 206, Vergelyk K Schoeman, Die wêreld van die digter; ‘n Boek oor Sutherland en die Roggeveld ter ere van NP van Wyk Louw (Kaapstad, Human & Rousseau, 1986), p. 55. 33 JJ Swiegers, “Die geskiedenis van die Langkloof tot 1795” (M.A., US, 1994). 34 Die Franse wetenskaplike en reisiger F le Vaillant het in 1781-1782 bereken dat ongeveer ‘n sesde van die Khoikhoibevolking van die kolonie van gemengde herkoms was, insluitend dus groepe met Europese en met slawevoorouers. R Elphick & R Shell, “Intergroup relations”…, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, p. 202.

10 Integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie

Afrikaner sou kon speel nie”.35 Die afleiding kan dus gemaak word dat die oorgrote meerderheid mense wat net ten dele van die Khoikhoi afgestam het, soos die “suiwer” Khoikhoi, in die destydse Kaapkolonie werkers op koloniste se plase geword. Uit bogenoemde geskrifte blyk dit dat teen 1795 baie Khoikhoi in die oostelike en noordelike dele van die kolonie nog die meeste aspekte van hul tradisionele kultuur behou het, maar dat daar ook Khoikhoi was wat veral die taal maar ook ander gebruike van die koloniste aanvaar het.36 Koloniste het ook aspekte van die Khoikhoi se kultuur oorgeneem, maar ten opsigte van taal en godsdiens hoofsaaklik hul Europese kultuureienskappe behou.37 Elphick en Shell is van mening dat daar in die agtiende eeu ‘n saamgestelde kultuur in die binneland van die kolonie tot stand gekom het met ‘n mengsel van Europese en Khoi-elemente. Hulle dui tog aan dat die dokumentêre gegewens waarop hulle hul gevolgtrekking grond hoofsaaklik na materiële kultuur verwys.38 Giliomee, Newton-King en Penn toon aan dat baie Khoikhoi in die Noord- en Oos-Kaap in die loop van die agtiende eeu werkers op veeplase van koloniste geword en in ‘n ondergeskikte posisie teenoor die koloniste geraak het. Khoikhoi wat aanvanklik vrywillig in diens van boere getree het, is soms gedwing om op plase te bly en indien hulle sou probeer vlug, is hulle agtervolg. Hulle is volgens Giliomee, Newton-King en Crais feitlik soos slawe behandel.39 Penn dui aan dat daar verskillende vorme van verpligte arbeid op plase bestaan het. Hoewel die stelsel van slawerny aan die Kaap wel daartoe gelei het dat boere soms hul Khoikhoiwerkers soos slawe behandel het, het boere tog die Kompanjiesowerheid se verbod om Khoikhoi in ‘n toestand van slawerny te plaas gehoorsaam. Hy meen daarom dat dit onjuis is om na gedwonge arbeid op veeplase as slawerny te verwys.40 Ross stel die

35 HF Heese, Groep sonder grense; Die rol en status van die gemengde bevolking aan die Kaap, 1652-1795 (Bellville, Universiteit van Wes-Kaapland, 1984), p. 37. 36 Vergelyk S Newton-King, Masters and servants…, p. 207. 37 Vergelyk L Guelke, “Freehold farmers…”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, p. 102. Dit blyk ook uit die beskrywing van die leefwyse van boere in die Sederbergomgewing in LJ Mitchell, Belongings…, veral pp. 126-164. 38 R Elphick & R Shell, “Intergroup relations…”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, p. 228. 39 H Giliomee & B Mbenga (reds.), Nuwe geskiedenis…, pp. 74-75; S Newton-King, Masters and servants…, p. 207; CC Crais, White supremacy and black resistance in pre-industrial South Africa; The making of the colonial order in the Eastern Cape, 1770-1865 (Cambridge, University Press, 1992), pp. 40-47. 40 N Penn, The forgotten frontier…, p. 141. Vergelyk ook M Legassick, “The state, racism and the rise of capitalism in the nineteenth-century Cape Colony”, Suid-Afrikaanse Historiese Joernaal, 28, 1993, pp. 340-341, en LJ Mitchell, Belongings…, pp. 53-55.

11 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) hipotese (soos hy self na sy stelling verwys) dat daar, wat die agtiende eeu betref, tussen twee groepe Khoikhoi onderskei moet word, diegene wat hul ekonomiese selfstandigheid behou het en soms vrywillig vir boere gewerk het en diegene wat in armoede verval het en gedwing is om op plase te werk.41 Die gevolgtrekking kan dus gemaak word dat teen 1795 nie alle Khoikhoi in die Kaapkolonie nie, maar waarskynlik tog ‘n groot aantal, in die ekonomiese stelsel van die Kaapkolonie geïntegreer is as werkers op koloniste se plase en ‘n onderhorige posisie ten opsigte van die koloniste beklee het. Fredrickson se vergelyking van ontwikkelinge in die grensgebiede van die VSA en die Kaapkolonie handel hoofsaaklik oor die negentiende eeu. Dit geld ook vir die werk van Lamar & Thompson.42 ‘n Vergelyking van integrasieprosesse ten opsigte van die Khoikhoi in die agtiende eeu en die Indiane in die bineland van die Amerikaanse vasteland gedurende die negentiende eeu sou nie baie sinvol wees nie, aangesien die omstandighede in Amerika gedurende die negentiende anders was as in die tydperk daarvoor. Verder het in Suid-Afrika toenemende kontak tussen koloniste en Bantusprekende groepe vanaf die laat agtiende eeu die patroon van verhoudinge tussen die bevolkingsgroepe drasties verander. Sover vasgestel kan word, is daar feitlik nog geen vergelykende studie gedoen rakende die Indiane en die Khoikhoi in die binneland van die verskillende kolonies en hul verhouding met die koloniste en ander bevolkingsgroepe gedurende die agtiende eeu nie.

Die San Die werke van Penn en Newton-King is die vernaamste studies wat handel oor die verhoudinge tussen die San en die koloniste in die Kaapkolonie. Die San was ‘n groot bedreiging vir die veeboere en verskeie kommando’s is op die been gebring om hulle aan te val en te verdryf. In hierdie kommando’s is San dikwels gedood. Volwasse San sou nie as plaaswerkers gebruik kon word nie omdat hulle leefwyse as jagters en versamelaars moeilik verander kon word en hulle buitendien maklik kon vlug en dan weer ‘n bedreiging vir die boere word. Kinders is soms wel na plase geneem waar hulle soos die Khoikhoi en die sogenaamde Baster-Hottentotte ingeboek kon word tot hulle

41 R Ross, Beyond the pale; Essays on the history of colonial South Africa (Johannesburg, Witwatersrand University Press, 1993), p. 89. 42 H Lamar & L Thompson, The frontier in history; North America and Southern Africa compared(New Haven, Yale University Press, 1981).

12 Integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie volwassenheid bereik het.43 Van Aswegen meen dat daar wel sprake was van bloedvermenging tussen koloniste en San, maar dat afstammelinge uit sulke verbintenisse nie in die kolonistegroep opgeneem is nie.44 Volgens Davenport & Saunders was daar nooit meer as 20 000 San in die Kaapkolonie nie.45 Gevolglik kan aanvaar word dat die aantal San wat as werkers op koloniste se plase aspekte van die Westerse kultuur oorgeneem het, maar baie klein was.

Die slawe en die vryswartes46 Die vernaamste werke wat in die afgelope drie dekades oor slawerny in die vroeë Kaapkolonie geskryf is, is dié van Ross, Worden en Shell.47 Oor die vryswart bevolking het veral Heese, Elphick & Shell en Worden, Van Heyningen & Bickford-Smith belangrike bydraes gelewer.48

43 S Newton-King, Masters and servants…, pp. 118-121; N Penn, The forgotten frontier…, pp. 117-122. PJ van der Merwe, Die noordwaartse beweging…, veral pp. 136-175, bespreek die verhoudinge tussen die trekboere en die San. Van der Merwe meen dat die koloniste Sankinders uit “menseliefde” na hul plase geneem het omdat hulle anders van honger sou omkom en dat hulle deur die boere nie as slawe nie maar feitlik as ‘n deel van die familie behandel is. Soos uit die bronverwysings in sy werk blyk, grond Van der Merwe hierdie beskouing veral op ‘n opmerking van kommissaris JA Uitenhage de Mist wat aan die begin van die negentiende eeu ‘n uitgebreide reis in die Kaapkolonie onderneem het. 44 HJ van Aswegen, Geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika…, p. 126. 45 R Davenport & C Saunders, South Africa; a modern history (Macmillan, London, 2000), p. 6. 46 Soos verduidelik in HF Heese, “Challenging certain aspects of intergroup relations in The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840 – a review article”, Kronos, 17, 1990, pp. 72-74, is die term vryswartes in die Kompanjiestyd vir vrygestelde slawe gebruik, maar hul kinders, wat in vryheid gebore is, is vrygeborenes genoem. Persone wat as bandiete uit die Ooste na die Kaap gebring is (en ook Chinese ingesluit het) word nie in dokumente van daardie tydperk vryswartes genoem nie. In die werk van R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, en ander resente geskrifte word nie ‘n onderskeid tussen vryswartes en vrygeborenes gemaak nie en slegs die term vryswartes gebruik. Verder skryf K Ward in haar uitgebreide studie oor bandiete en bannelinge in die vroeë Kaapkolonie dat hulle in die vryswart-gemeenskap opgeneem is. K Ward, Networks of empire; Forced migration in the Dutch East India Company (Cambridge, University Press, 2009), pp. 151, 242. In die artikel word die term vryswartes in die ruimer sin gebruik. 47 R Ross, Cape of torments; Slavery and resistance in South Africa (London, Routledge & Keegan Paul, 1983); N Worden, Slavery in Dutch South Africa (Cambridge, University Press, 1985); RCH Shell, Children of bondage…. K Schoeman het ook uitgebreid oor slawerny in die vroeë Kaapkolonie geskryf in sy werke Armosyn van die Kaap; Die wêreld van ‘n slavin, 1652-1733 (Kaapstad, Human & Rouseau, 2001) en Early slavery at the Cape of Good Hope, 1652-1717 (Pretoria, Protea Book House, 2007), maar hy aanvaar die werke van Ross, Worden en Shell as gesaghebbende studies. Sy eie interpretasies is sterk daarop gebaseer. Die waarde van sy boeke is hoofsaaklik daarin geleë dat hulle ‘n vollediger beeld, met meer aandag aan besonderhede, van vroeë slawerny aan die Kaap verskaf. 48 HF Heese, Groep sonder grense…; R Elphick & R Shell, “Intergroup relations…”, R Elphick & H Giliomee, The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840,pp 184-239; N Worden, E van Heyningen & V Bickford- Smith, Cape Town: The making of a city,(Cape Town, Philip, 1998). AJ Böeseken, Slaves and free blacks at the Cape, 1658-1700 (Cape Town, Tafelberg, 1977); GC de Wet, Die vryliede en vryswartes in die Kaapse nedersetting, 1657-1707 (Kaapstad, Historiese Publikasievereniging, 1981) en JL Hattingh, Die eerste vryswartes van Stellenbosch, 1679-1720 (Bellville, Universiteit van Wes-Kaapland, 1981) bevat ook belangrike inligting waarop latere skrywers voortgebou het.

13 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Die slawe in die Kaapkolonie het uiteraard van die begin af deel van die ekonomiese struktuur van die Kaapkolonie gevorm. Die Kompanjiesowerheid en die boere het aanvanklik ook werkers van Europese herkoms gebruik, maar veral die landbougemeenskap van die Wes-Kaap het toenemend afhanklik van slawe-arbeid geword.49 Die slawe was uit ‘n groot verskeidenheid gebiede afkomstig en dit het dus selde voorgekom dat meer as ‘n klein aantal slawe van dieselfde etniese of taalgroep naby aan mekaar gebly en met mekaar kontak gemaak het. Die slawe wat in diens van die owerheid was, was aanvanklik in die meerderheid, maar, met die voortdurende toename van die aantal koloniste aan die Kaap en van die aantal slawe wat hulle in diens geneem het, het die Kompanjieslawe teen die einde van die agtiende eeu net ‘n klein deel van die totale aantal slawe in die kolonie uitgemaak. 50 Die grootste deel van die slawe was dus in privaatbesit en het in noue kontak met hul eienaars geleef. In hierdie omstandighede was dit onvermydelik dat hulle baie van hul oorspronklike kulturele eienskappe vinnig sou verloor en aspekte van die koloniste se kultuur aanneem.51 Slawe in privaatbesit het selde onderrig ontvang. Dit was waarskynlik ‘n belangrike rede waarom min van hulle die Christendom aanvaar het.52 Heelwat bloedvermenging van slawe met koloniste en ook met Khoikhoi het plaasgevind. Die Kompanjie se slawelosie het as ‘n bordeel vir die plaaslike garnisoen gedien.53 Kinders van slawevroue het egter nie hul status as slawe verloor nie. Dit het meegebring dat daar waarskynlik, veral in Kaapstad en omgewing, heelwat slawe met ‘n ligte gelaatskleur was, soms selfs ligter as dié van hul eienaars.54 Kinders van manlike slawe by Khoikhoivroue (in die laat agtiende eeu meesal “Baster-Hottentotte” genoem) is nie as slawe beskou nie. Na klagtes van boere dat hulle hierdie kinders moet onderhou

49 A Biewenga, De Kaap de Goede Hoop…, p. 30. 50 JC Armstrong & N Worden, “The slaves, 1652-1834”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, pp. 123-124.. 51 R Elphick & R Shell, “Intergroup relations…”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, p. 226. 52 RCH Shell, Children of bondage…, pp. 349-350, skryf dat koloniste (wat self dikwels half geletterd was) soms gedink het dat slawe wat kan lees en skryf vir hulle ‘n bedreiging inhou omdat hulle dan onder meer hul meesters makliker kan bedrieg en dat hulle ook nie moeite gedoen het om slawe in die Christendom te onderrig nie. A Biewenga, De Kaap de Goede Hoop…, p. 289, meen dat die gebrekkige verspreiding van die Christendom onder die slawe veral daaraan toegeskryf moet word dat daar min kinders van slawe was wat self ook die status van slawe gehad het en dat telkens nuwe volwasse slawe in diens geneem moes word wat reeds gevestigde godsdienstige oortuigings gehad het. 53 RCH Shell, Children of bondage…, pp. 172-205. Vergelyk ook G Groenewald, “ ‘A mother makes no bastard’: Family law, sexual relations and illegitimacy in Dutch colonial Cape Town, c. 1652-1795”, African Historical Review, 39, 2, 2007, p. 68. 54 N Worden, E van Heyningen & V Bickford-Smith, Cape Town…, p. 70; vergelyk R Elphick & H Giliomee, “ The origin and entrenchment…”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652- 1840, p. 537.

14 Integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie sonder kompensasie, is vanaf 1775 die inboekstel, aanvanklik net in die distrik Stellenbosch, ingestel, waarvolgens hierdie kinders tot die ouderdom van 25 verplig sou wees om vir die plaaseienaar te werk. Hierdie stelsel het meegebring dat baie mense wat net gedeeltelik van slawe-afkoms was in ‘n onderhorige posisie teenoor die koloniste geraak het. 55 Vrygestelde slawe en hul afstammelinge, die sogenaamde vryswartes, is soos reeds vroeër aangedui, in die regstelsel wat die VOC aan die Kaap geïmplementeer het as vryburgers (of vryliede), dus koloniste, beskou.56 Die Kompanjiesowerheid het gedurende die hele tydperk tot 1795 gereeld slawe vrygestel, en die meeste van hierdie vrygestelde slawe het in die periode voor 1800 in Kaapstad en omgewing gewoon.57 Aanvanklik het etlike vryswartes as boere in die distrik Stellenbosch gewoon. Na 1750 was daar min van hulle oor58 en was feitlik al die vryswartes in die Kaapse distrik woonagtig waar hulle dikwels vakmanne en kleinhandelaars was.59 Vryswartes was hoofsaaklik van Asiatiese afkoms en het nie noodwendig ‘n “swart” gelaatskleur gehad het soos die term vryswarte sou laat vermoed nie.60 Baie van hulle het die Islamgeloof aanvaar, wat tot verdere sosiale en kulturele skeiding tussen hierdie groep en die ander koloniste gelei het.61 Tog was daar voor 1750 min sprake van residensiële skeiding tussen vryswartes en ander koloniste in Kaapstad en het hulle soms saam in sake-ondernemings gewerk. Sommige vryswartes het heelwat eiendom (insluitende slawe) besit, terwyl daar aan die ander kant koloniste van ‘n hoofsaaklik Europese agtergrond was wat baie arm was.62 Heese se studie lei tot gevolgtrekkinge wat grotendeels ooreenkom met dié wat Worden en sy medeskrywers ten opsigte van Kaapstad maak. Hy het ook veral navorsing oor die Kaapse distrik gedoen en is van mening dat meer as die helfte van die vryswartes Christene was. Sommige vroue uit die vryswart

55 A Biewenga, De Kaap de Goede Hoop…, p. 108; N Penn, The forgotten frontier…,p. 139; H Giliomee & B Mbenga (reds.), Nuwe geskiedenis…, p. 74. 56 AJ Böeseken, Slaves and free blacks…, pp. 77-97; GC de Wet, Die vryliede en vryswartes…, pp. 2, 204. 57 R Elphick & R Shell, “Intergroup relations…”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, p. 211. 58 JL Hattingh, Die eerste vryswartes…, pp. 72-75, wys daarop dat, hoewel sommige van die vryswartes en ook koloniste van Europese oorsprong in die vroeë agtiende eeu van Stellenbosch na Kaapstad verhuis het omdat hulle nie ‘n goeie bestaan as boere kon maak nie, die kinders van ander vryswartes van Stellenbosch met koloniste van Europese herkoms getrou het en hulle (en hul kinders) dan nie meer as vryswartes (of vrygeborenes) beskou is nie. 59 R Elphick & R Shell, “Intergroup relations…”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, p. 224. 60 R Ross, Beyond the pale…, pp. 72-73. 61 R Elphick & R Shell, “Intergroup relations…”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, p. 225. 62 N Worden, E van Heyningen & V Bickford-Smith, Cape Town…, pp. 64-69.

15 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) bevolking het waarskynlik juis Christene geword omdat dit hul kanse op ‘n huwelik met ‘n kolonis van hoofsaaklik Europese afkoms sou verhoog.63 Baie huwelike tussen lede van laasgenoemde groep en vryswartes (en veral diegene wat self reeds in vryheid gebore was) het dan ook plaasgevind.64 Volgens Heese is ‘n groot aantal vryswartes deur koloniste van Europese herkoms as deel van hul groep beskou. Naas aanvaarding van die Islamgeloof en geboorte in slawerny was ‘n donker gelaatskleur een van die faktore wat ‘n opname in die groep kon belemmer. Tog is persone met ‘n donker velkleur wel in die groep opgeneem, terwyl aan die ander kant persone met ‘n ligte velkleur soms nie as deel van die groep aanvaar is nie en later deel geword het van die groep wat as bruin mense of Kleurlinge bekend sou staan.65 Biewenga skryf dat, wat die distrik Stellenbosch in die periode oor 1730 betref, somatiese verskille nie ‘n rol gespeel het in verhoudinge tussen koloniste, insluitende sogenaamde vryswartes, nie.66 Na 1750 was daar egter min vryswartes te vinde op die platteland van die Kaapkolonie en was die integrasieprosesse wat hierbo bespreek is dus nie van toepassing nie. Binne die Kaapkolonie as geheel was die vryswartes ‘n klein groep, wat waarskynlik gedurende die agtiende eeu 5 tot 12% van die totale kolonistebevolking uitegemaak het.67 In ‘n vergelykende hoofstuk oor bloedvermenging tussen koloniste aan die een kant en slawe en slawe-afstammelinge aan die ander kant onderskei Fredrickson tussen ‘n “restriktiewe” Amerikaanse patroon en ‘n “permissiewe” Suid-Afrikaanse patroon. In die Nederlandse kolonies in die Ooste asook aan die Kaap is ‘n groot deel van die bevolking wat as gevolg van bloedvermenging ontstaan het in die dominerende groep opgeneem, maar in Noord-Amerika het feitlik alle mense van gemengde afkoms deel van die onderhorige groep geword.68 Teen die middel van die agtiende eeu was daar in ses van die 13 Amerikaanse kolonies wetgewing wat “inter-racial” huwelike verbied het.69 Hy skryf die verskille tussen die twee koloniale samelewings onder meer daaraan toe dat in die Kaapkolonie steeds heelwat minder vroue as mans van Europese afkoms was, maar dat dit nie in Noord-Amerika die geval was nie.70

63 HF Heese, Groep sonder grense…, p. 33. 64 HF Heese, Groep sonder grense…, p. 11.. 65 HF Heese, Groep sonder grense…, p. 39. 66 A Biewenga, De Kaap de Goede Hoop…, p. 273. 67 Vergelyk HJ van Aswegen, Geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika…, p. 139. 68 GM Fredrickson, White supremacy…, p. 97. 69 GM Fredrickson, White supremacy…, p. 101. 70 GM Fredrickson, White supremacy…, pp. 102-104.

16 Integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie

Worden, daarenteen, sien belangrike verskille tussen die Kaapkolonie en die Nederlandse kolonies in die Ooste, veral in dié opsig dat in die Kaapkolonie minder slawe vrygestel is as in Oos-Indië en die vryswartgroep baie klein gebly het. Hy meen dat die redes daarvoor veral daarin geleë is dat die Kaapkolonie, anders as die kolonies in die Ooste, hoofsaaklik ‘n landboukolonie was. Boere was te afhanklik van slawe-arbeid om slawe vry te stel. Verder was dit moeilik vir vryswartes om hul sonder grond of kapitaal as boere te vestig. Daarom het die meeste vryswartes in Kaapstad en omgewing gewoon waar hulle veral handwerkers en kleinhandelaars was.71 Elphick en Shell toon aan dat die persentasie slawe wat in die Kaapkolonie vrygestel is baie kleiner was as dié in Latyns-Amerika en meen dat dit in die Kaapkolonie veel moeiliker was vir ‘n vrygestelde slavin as in Brasilië om ‘n huwelik met ‘n kolonis van Europese afkoms aan te gaan en so as deel van die kolonistegroep aanvaar te word.72 Laasgenoemde stelling word deur Heese betwyfel. Hy wys daarop dat ook ‘n huwelik met ‘n vryswarte of vrygeborene die weg na opname in die ”hoofstroom” van die kolonistegemeenskap kon baan.73 In ‘n vergelykende studie van rasseverhoudinge in die VSA, Brasilië en Suid-Afrika lewer AW Marx kritiek op die siening van Degler en andere dat slawerny in Brasilië meer “humanitêr” was as in baie ander lande en wys hy daarop dat, hoewel daar in Brasilië meer slawevrystellings as in Noord-Amerika plaasgevind het, dikwels siek en ou slawe vrygestel is en dat die vrygesteldes binne die hierargiese struktuur van die Brasiliaanse samelewing meesal slegter daaraan toe was as die slawe. Ook al was die deur vir Brasiliaanse mulatte (dit wil sê mense wat deels van slawe afgestam het) wel gedeeltelik oop vir opname in die dominerende koloniste-gemeenskap, soos Degler beweer, was die deur beslis nie heeltemal oop nie en het die meeste mulatte nie in die voorregte van die elitegroep gedeel nie. 74

71 N Worden, Slavery in Dutch South Africa, pp. 144-146. 72 R Elphick & R Shell, “Intergroup Relations…”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, pp. 203, 208. Hulle grond hul vergelykinge met Brasilië op die studie van CN Degler, Neither black nor white; Slavery and race relations in Brazil and the United States (New York, Macmillan, 1971). 73 HF Heese, “Challenging certain aspects…”, Kronos, 17, 1990, pp. 74-75. 74 AW Marx, Making race and nation; A comparison of the United States, South Africa and Brazil (Cambridge, University Press, 1998), pp. 48-56, 65-70. Hy gee ongelukkig baie min aandag aan ontwikkelinge voor 1800 en doen, wat slawerny en bloedvermenging in die vroeë periode betref, min direkte vergelyking tussen Brasilië en die Kaapkolonie.

17 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Algemene samelewingspatrone Die eerste werk waarin ‘n oorsig gebied word van die ontwikkeling van die samelewing in die vroeë Kaapkolonie, wat alle bevolkingsgroepe betref, is in 1937 gelewer deur die psigoloog ID MacCrone.75 Soos die titel van sy werk aandui, was hy veral daarin geïnteresseerd om die ontstaan van rasseskeidslyne na te gaan. Hy dui aan dat daar heelwat bloedvermenging tussen die verskillende groepe tydens die Kompanjiesbewind plaasgevind het, en beklemtoon dit dat die verskil tussen Christen en “heiden” vir die koloniste belangriker was as verskille ten opsigte van velkleur. In die oostelike grensgebied van die kolonie het die verskil tussen Christen en nie-Christen egter al meer sinoniem geword met die verskil tussen blank en swart. Aspekte van die boere se Calvinistiese godsdiens, soos die uitverkiesingsleer, het tot hierdie ontwikkelinge bygedra. Kleurvooroordeel was volgens hom reeds goed gevestig teen die einde van die agtiende eeu.76 Hierdie beskouing is aanvanklik feitlik algemeen deur geskiedkundiges, insluitende Afrikaanse geskiedskrywers, aanvaar,77 maar sedert die laat twintigste eeu deur baie historici verwerp.78 Uit die argumente van resente historici blyk dit dat MacCrone ‘n enkele faktor wat wel ‘n rol in die ontstaan van rasseskeidslyne gespeel het ten onregte as die vernaamste faktor geïdentifiseer het. Elphick en Giliomee se The shaping of South African society is gegrond is op veel meer navorsing as wat deur MacCrone gedoen is en bied ‘n omvattender geheelbeeld van die vroeë Kaapse samelewing .79 Een van die oogmerke van die skrywers was om ‘n nuwe teorie oor die ontstaan van kleurvooroordeel en rassemeerderwaardigheid na vore te bring. Dit is veral gedoen in die laaste hoofstuk wat handel oor die algemene samelewingspatroon wat in die laat agtiende eeu gevestig was en die faktore wat tot die ontstaan van die besondere patroon gelei het.80 Soos die titel van die hoofstuk aandui, toon hulle aan dat Europese beheer in die loop van die Kompanjiesperiode in die Kaapkolonie

75 ID MacCrone, Race attitudes in South Africa; Historical, experimental and psychological studies (Johannesburg, Witwatersrand University Press, 1937). 76 ID MacCrone, Race attitudes…, p. 131. 77 Vergelyk PJ van der Merwe, Die trekboer…, pp. 186, 256-257; FA. van Jaarsveld, Van Van Riebeeck tot P.W. Botha; ‘n Inleiding tot die geskiedenis van die Republiek van Suid-Afrika (Johannesburg, Perskor, 1982), pp. 29- 30, 43-45. 78 Vergelyk P Maylam, South Africa’s racial past…, pp. 64-65. 79 Die eerste uitgawe, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1820(Cape Town, Longman Penguin) het in 1979 verskyn. ‘n Hersiene en uitgebreide uitgawe, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840,waarna reeds dikwels in die artikel verwys is, is gepubliseer in 1989. 80 R Elphick & H Giliomee, “The origin and entrenchment…”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, pp. 521-566.

18 Integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie gevestig is. Die koms van meer immigrante uit Europa en die ontwikkeling van die Kaapkolonie se ekonomie, wat gerig was op landbou en veeteelt, het hierin ‘n belangrike rol gespeel.81 Die vraag na grond en arbeid het volgens die twee historici daartoe gelei dat die oorgrote meerderheid inboorlinge binne die grense van die Kaapkolonie teen 1795 hul grond, of weivelde, verloor het en in die koloniale ekonomie opgeneem is, hoofsaaklik as plaaswerkers, waar hulle ‘n onderhorige posisie teenoor die koloniste ingeneem het.82 Die twee outeurs beskryf in groot mate die tipiese patroon wat kolonisering in die setlaarkolonies aangeneem het, soos kortliks in die tweede afdeling hierbo bespreek is. Uit die werke van historici oor die Kaapkolonie in die VOC- tydperk, beginnende by die geskrifte van vroeë geskiedskrywers soos GMcC Theal, blyk dit dat gedurende die hele Kompanjiesperiode die koloniseerders hul dominerende posisie in die westelike dele van Suid-Afrika gevestig en gekonsolideer het. Elphick en Giliomee sien die vestiging van die koloniale orde ook as die vestiging van ‘n rasse-orde. Hulle skryf dat die vestiging van, wat hulle noem, blanke beheer uiteindelik terugherlei word na die Kompanjie se regstelsel, waarvolgens die slawe en die Khoikhoi nie in alle opsigte dieselfde regte gehad het as die koloniste nie en waar mense van Europese afkoms dus ‘n bevoorregte posisie teenoor groepe van nie–Europese afkoms ingeneem het.83 Hoewel die Khoikhoi aanvanklik as vrye persone beskou is, het wette wat hul vryheid ingeperk het, veral die bepalings rakende die inboekstelsel, beteken dat hulle nie gelyke regte met die koloniste gehad het nie.84 Die klein groep vryswartes in Kaapstad het aanvanklik formeel dieselfde regte as die ander koloniste gehad, maar daar is volgens die twee outeurs, vanaf die helfte van die agtiende eeu in regsake teen hierdie groep gediskrimineer.85 Hulle erken

81 R Elphick & H Giliomee, “The origin and entrenchment…”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, pp.532-535. 82 R Elphick & H Giliomee, “The origin and entrenchment…”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, pp.545. 83 R Elphick & H Giliomee, “The origin and entrenchment…”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, pp. 529-530. A Biewenga, De Kaap de Goede Hoop…, pp. 274-275, wys daarop dat hierdie juridiese kategorieë ook in ander VOC-kolonies bestaan het. Hy meen dat dit onjuis is om die kategorieë met rasseverskille te verbind en ‘n verklaring vir die ontstaan van rasseskeidslyne daarop te baseer. 84 R Elphick & H Giliomee, “The origin and entrenchment…”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, pp. 529, 550, 559. Die posisie van die Khoikhoi in die Kaapkolonie verskil in hierdie opsig nie van dié van inboorlinge in die meeste Europese setlaarkolonies in dieselfde tydperk nie. In die Spaanse koloniale ryk in Amerika, byvoorbeeld, is die Indiane formeel as mense met dieselfde regte as die koloniste beskou, maar is daar ook maatreëls ingestel wat hulle verplig het tot arbeid op landgoedere wat in die hande was van koloniste. Vergelyk DK Fieldhouse, The colonial empires…,pp. 22-23. 85 R Elphick & H Giliomee, “The origin and entrenchment…”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, pp. 541, 554.

19 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) wel dat sommige Kompanjiesamptenare en grondeienaars in die beginjare nie van suiwer Europese herkoms was nie en dat daar heelwat bloedvermenging in die Kompanjiestyd plaasgevind het, maar dit was meesal buite-egtelik van aard en “the Europeans maintained a clear group identity, admitting only a few black women to the group and regarding themselves as distinct even from those who, though not pure Europeans, were partially European in ancestry and Christian in religion”.86 In die agtiende eeu, toe daar nie meer ‘n tekort aan vroue van Europese herkoms was nie, het ryk koloniste eerder met arm koloniste van Europese oorsprong getrou as met mense van (hoofsaaklik) nie-Europese herkoms. Volgens Elphick en Giliomee het daar in hierdie periode onder die koloniste vooroordele voorgekom teenoor die slawe, vryswartes en Khoikhoi, wat nie net met somatiese verskille te doen gehad het nie, maar ook met ‘n afkeer van “heidense” godsdienste en inheemse kultuurelemente. Hierdie vooroordele kom volgens hulle op rassisme neer.87 Hieruit blyk dit dat Elphick en Giliomee ‘n beskouing van ras en rassisme het waarin somatiese kenmerke en kulturele aspekte albei ‘n rol speel. Hulle gebruik dus twintigste-eeuse beskouinge oor ras en rassisme om die aard van die agtiende-eeuse Kaapse koloniale samelewing te probeer verstaan. Fredrickson se beskouing van die algemene kenmerke van die agtiende- eeuse samelewing in die Kaapkolonie, en die rol van integrasieprosesse daarin, verskil in verskeie opsigte van dié van Elphick en Giliomee. Hy sien hierdie samelewing as “a class society in which race mattered in the determination of status but was not all-important”.88 Hy meen dat daar tussen die “white upperclass” van Kompanjiesamptenare en welvarende wyn- en graanboere en die “servile class” van slawe en Khoikhoi ‘n tussengroep was van mense wat hoofsaaklik van Europese afkoms was maar wat ook sommige “free people of color” ingesluit het.89 Fredrickson beklemtoon vervolgens dat die koloniale samelewing aan die Kaap nie goed verstaan kan word deur dit net met die Noord-Amerikaanse of die Latyns-Amerikaanse patroon te vergelyk nie. Eerder moet die omstandighede in Nederlands-Oos-Indië in gedagte gehou word waar baie mense van gemengde bloed amptelik as Europeërs geklassifiseer is.

86 R Elphick & H Giliomee, “The origin and entrenchment …”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, pp. 559-560. 87 R Elphick & H Giliomee, “The origin and entrenchment…” R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, pp. 549-550. 88 GM Fredrickson, White supremacy…, p. 88. 89 GM Fredrickson, White supremacy…, p. 88.

20 Integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie

Aan die Kaap is daar gepoog om dieselfde roete te volg, maar dit is teengewerk deur ‘n tendens om ‘n kleurskeidslyn, soos in die VSA, te vestig.90 In die Kaapkolonie onder die Kompanjiesbewind was “gemengde” huwelike baie meer aanvaarbaar as in Noord-Amerika, en hy meen dat in die periode van 1688 tot 1807 sowat 24% van die huwelike waarby koloniste betrokke was as “gemeng” geklassifiseer kan word.91 Heelwat meer “inter-racial mobility” het in die Kaapkolonie as in Noord-Amerika bestaan.92 Selektiewe opname van persone van gemengde herkoms in die hoër klasse het steeds gedurende die Kompanjiesperiode plaasgevind, maar in die laat agtiende eeu was daar onder die koloniste tog ‘n kleursnobisme waarneembaar. Die beskouing dat bloedvermenging met mense van nie-Europese herkoms die blanke bevolking sou kontamineer, het, volgens Fredrickson, eers diep in die negentiende eeu ontwikkel.93 Elphick en Giliomee het albei kritiek op Fredrickson se interpretasie gelewer. Hulle meen dat Fedrickson die invloed van die patroon in Nederlands-Oos- Indië oorskat en dat sy beskouing van die bestaan van ‘n “tussengroep” in die Kompanjiestyd hoofsaaklik op die omstandighede in Kaapstad gebaseer. Veral op die Wes-Kaapse platteland was daar waarskynlik baie skerper rasseskeidslyne.94 Verder verwerp Giliomee Fredrickson se gevolgtrekking dat daar in die agtiende eeu ‘n noemenswaardige aantal mense van nie-Europese herkoms in die kolonistegroep opgeneem is.95 Soos in die volgende paragrawe na vore kom, bestaan daar verskille tussen historici oor bogenoemde sake en is daar latere skrywers wie se siening meer ooreenkom met dié van Fredrickson as dié van Elphick en Giliomee. Heese verwys na die Kaapkolonie in die Kompanjiestyd as ‘n smeltpot wat moeilik geëwenaar kan word. Indien rasseklassifikasie soos in Noord-Amerika aan die Kaap toegepas sou wees, sou die blanke bevolking vandag veel kleiner en die “kleurlinggroep” veel groter gewees het.96 Die beoefening van veeboerdery in die afgeleë binneland het dit makliker gemaak vir mense wat deels van

90 GM Fredrickson, White supremacy…, pp. 97-98. 91 GM Fredrickson, White supremacy…, p. 115. Hierdie persentasie is waarskynlik verkeerd bereken. Vgl. H Giliomee, “White supremacy; a comparative perspective”, Standpunte, 36, 4, 1983, p 18, en HF Heese, Groep sonder grense…, p. 5. Heese meen dat dit eerder ses tot sewe persent behoort te wees. 92 GM Fredrickson, White supremacy…, p. 120. 93 GM Fredrickson, White supremacy…, pp. 120-123. 94 R Elphick, “A comparative history of white supremacy”, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 13, 3, 1983, pp. 503-513; H Giliomee, “White Supremacy; A comparative perspective”, Standpunte, 36, 4, 1983, veral pp. 15, 20. 95 Giliomee, “White Supremacy; A comparative perspective”, Standpunte, 36, 4, 1983, pp. 19-22. 96 HF Heese, Groep sonder grense…, p. 14.

21 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Afrika- of Asiatiese afkoms was om, tot aan die einde van die agtiende eeu, as deel van die kolonistegroep aanvaar te word.97 Tot laat in die agtiende eeu was die indeling in groepe volgens afkoms nog nie duidelik afgebaken nie, hoewel verskille in status tog verband gehou met somatiese eienskappe maar ook met die kulturele agtergrond van veral die moeder. In Kaapstad en omgewing was die velkleur en ander somatiese eienskappe van ‘n in vryheid gebore persoon voor 1795 nie ‘n wetlike struikelblok tot materiële en sosiale vooruitgang nie. Lidmaatskap van ‘n Christelike kerk het assimilasie in die kolonistegroep ‘n groter moontlikheid gemaak.98 Soos Fredrickson meen Heese dus dat in die Kompanjiestyd somatiese eienskappe slegs een van ‘n aantal faktore was wat sosiale status en opname in die kolonistegroep bepaal het. Van Aswegen bied slegs ‘n samevatting van die werk van ander historici, maar die geheelbeeld wat hy skets bevat ook elemente van ‘n eie interpretasie. Hy beklemtoon dit dat die verhoudinge tussen die verskillende bevolkingsgroepe in die Kompanjiestyd ontwikkel en verander het. Teen 1795 het hierdie verhoudinge nog nie ‘n finale vorm aangeneem het nie en was dus nog baie vloeibaar. Volgens Van Aswegen was daar teenstrydighede in die aard van die verhoudinge: In die laat agtiende eeu was “rassegevoelens” onder die koloniste reeds taamlik sterk, maar terselfdertyd het huwelike en buite-egtelike verbintenisse van koloniste met Khoikhoi en slawe nog voorgekom.99 In die agtiende eeu was daar ook statusverskille in die Nederlandse samelewing wat in die Kaap ‘n invloed gehad het en meegebring dat welvarende koloniste ‘n sosiale afstand tot koloniste, insluitende vryswartes, wat minder welvarend was gehandhaaf het. Verskille tussen besitters en werkers het veral die basis gevorm vir status- en klasseverskille waarin velkleur ‘n belangrike rol begin speel het. Op die platteland het hierdie verskille teen 1795 reeds ‘n vaster vorm aangeneem as in Kaapstad.100 Ross se beskouing van die Kaapse samelewing in die Kompanjiestyd, wat berus op ‘n deeglike bestudering van oorspronklike bronne, verskil ook in belangrike opsigte van dié van Elphick en Giliomee. Anders as hulle meen Ross dat tot diep in die agtiende eeu daar geen ideologie van rassisme ontwikkel het nie en dat sosiale status nie aan rassekriteria gekoppel is nie; “partial non-European ancestry in no way precluded the reaching of the highest

97 HF Heese, Groep sonder grense…, p. 20. 98 HF Heese, Groep sonder grense…, p. 35. 99 HJ van Aswegen, Geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika…, pp. 159-161. 100 HJ van Aswegen, Geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika ..., p. 161.

22 Integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie positions in society open to those who had been born at the Cape”.101 Dit hang volgens hom daarmee saam dat die politieke mag in die hande van die VOC-amptenare was en dat hulle dus die eintlike elite gevorm het, en verder dat die stelsel van slawerny meegebring het dat iemand wat nie ‘n slaaf was nie die status van ‘n vrye persoon gehad het. Mense wat vir meer as ‘n geslag vry was, het die stigma wat daaraan verbonde was om ‘n slaaf te wees verloor, en was potensieel die gelyke van ander vry inwoners van die kolonie.102 Op grond van sy bestudering van regsake in hierdie periode meen hy, anders as Elphick en Giliomee meen dat die regstelsel nie noodwendig die koloniste bo die ander groepe bevoordeel het nie.103 Eers in die vroeë negentiende eeu het die toestand verander toe groot groepe inboorlinge in die koloniale ekonomie opgeneem is en die slawe vrygestel is. Om beheer oor voormalige slawe en die Khoikhoi te behou, het die koloniste die kriterium van ras begin aanwend. 104 Ross beklemtoon dan ook die rol van ekonomiese faktore in die ontwikkeling van die idee van rassemeerderwaardigheid. Volgens hom is dit onjuis om rassekategorieë op die agtiende-eeuse samelewing af te dwing, omdat hierdie kategorieë eers later ontstaan het.105 Giliomee en Elphick oordeel dus dat integrasieprosesse nie daartoe gelei het dat ‘n noemenswaardige aantal mense van inboorling- en slaweherkoms in die kolonistegroep opgeneem is nie en dat reeds in die laat Kompanjiesperiode koloniste se beskouinge oor die meerderwaardigheid van hul eie kultuur en van hul eie somatiese kenmerke gelei het tot ‘n skerp grens tussen koloniste en ander inwoners van die kolonie wat sosiale integrasie tussen koloniste, inboorlinge en mense van slaweherkoms byna onmoontlik gemaak het. Daarenteen glo ander historici, in besonder Fredrickson, Heese en Ross, dat die rassegrens eers later tot stand gekom het en dat heelwat mense van nie- Europese herkoms voor 1795 in die kolonistegroep opgeneem is. Heese meen selfs dat die latere groep blanke Afrikaners veel kleiner en die aantal bruin mense veel groter sou gewees het as geen sosiale integrasie plaasgevind het nie.

101 R Ross, Beyond the pale…, p. 5. 102 R Ross, Beyond the pale…, p. 5; vergelyk R Ross, Status and respectability in the Cape Colony, 1750-1870 ; A tragedy of manners (Cambridge, University Press, 1999), p. 33. 103 R Ross, Beyond the pale…, p. 7. 104 R Ross, Beyond the pale…, pp. 5-6. T Keegan, Colonial South Africa and the origins of the racial order (Cape Town, Philip, 1996), argumenteer ook dat die wortels van rasseskeiding in Suid-Afrika veral in die vroeë negentiende eeu te vinde is en LJ Mitchell voer in haar resente studie Belongings…, veral op p. 180, aan dat tot in die vroeë negentiende eeu die grense tussen die kolonistegroep en die ander inwoners in gebiede soos die Sederberg nog nie skerp getrek was nie. 105 R Ross, Beyond the pale…, p. 74.

23 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Gevolgtrekkings Daar is reeds heelwat navorsing gedoen wat betrekking het op integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie. Oor baie aspekte, soos presies hoeveel bloedvermenging tussen verskillende bevolkingsgroepe plaasgevind het, is die gegewens te beperk om meer spesifieke gevolgtrekkings te maak. Daar is beslis ruimte vir nog meer indringende navorsing wat moontlik in die toekoms ‘n einde sal maak aan interpretasieverskille tussen historici. Hierdie verskille hou, soos Giliomee tereg opmerk, verband met verskillende denkskole binne die geskiedwetenskap. Marxistiese of materialisiese skrywers beklemtoon die rol van ekonomiese faktore en die klassestryd in die ontwikkeling van rasseverhoudinge in Suid-Afrika en sien daarom, onder andere, klasseverskille in die vroeë Kaapkolonie as belangriker as rasseverskille. Tog gee hy toe dat die verskille tussen sy en Fredrickson se interpretasies nie tot verskille in denkskole herlei kan word nie.106 Pogings om die oorsprong van beskouinge, praktyke en regeringsmaatreëls wat verband hou met die rassekonsep na te gaan het ‘n kardinale rol gespeel in die studies van veral Elphick, Giliomee en Fredrickson. Dit het tot gevolg dat in die navorsing oor integrasieprosesse tot dusver verhoudinge tussen mense wat van mekaar verskil ten opsigte van somatiese eienskappe besondere aandag geniet. Die belang van velkleur en ander aspekte van fisiese voorkoms vir die mense van die sewentiende en agtiende eeue is hierdeur moontlik oorskat.107 Ongetwyfeld is die aanvaarding van mense met ander somatiese kenmerke as deel van ‘n kolonistegroep ‘n kernelelement in koloniale integrasieprosesse. Baie belangrik is ook die oorname van aspekte van die kultuur van die koloniseerders, wat, soos uit studies oor koloniale samelewings op verskillende tye en plekke blyk, feitlik deurgaans ‘n voorvereiste is vir opname in die kolonistegroep. Aan kulturele integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie is nie besonder baie aandag gegee in die studies wat tans beskikbaar is nie.108 Die aanvaarding van Westerse en veral Nederlandse kultuurelemente deur inboorlinge en slawe is desnieteenstaande ‘n belangrike aspek van integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie. Die ontwikkeling van ‘n kleurskeidslyn het blanke en bruin Afrikaanssprekendes vir byna twee eeue apart gehou, maar die aftakeling van apartheid het meegebring dat hierdie kleurskeidslyn vervaag het. Die kulturele integrasie wat reeds tydens die Kompanjiesperiode plaasgevind het, maak dit

106 H Giliomee, “White Supremacy: A comparative perspective”, Standpunte, 36, 4, 1983, pp. 23-27. 107 Vergelyk A Biewenga, De Kaap de Goede Hoop…, p. 288. 108 Die werk van A Biewenga, De Kaap de Goede Hoop…, is in hierdie opsig ‘n uitsondering.

24 Integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie tans moontlik dat verdere integrasie tussen die twee groepe op basis van die gemeenskaplike kultuur plaasvind. Die Amerikaanse geskiedskrywing het ‘n groot invloed op die Suid- Afrikaanse geskiedskrywing gehad, onder meer wat betref studies oor slawerny.109 Die opvallende ooreenkomste tussen rasseskeidingsmaatreëls in die Amerikaanse Suide en die Suid-Afrikaanse beleid van apartheid in die twintigste eeu het ook ‘n rol daarin gespeel dat veral gepoog is om parallelle tussen die Suid-Afrikaanse en die Amerikaanse geskiedenis te trek.110 Die voorafgaande bespreking lei egter tot die gevolgtrekking dat integrasieprosesse in die Kaapkolonie voor 1800 meer gemeen het met dié in Suid- en Sentraal- Amerika as dié in Noord-Amerika (veral die latere VSA). Die vraag kom nou na vore met watter gebied in die Nuwe Wêreld die Kaapkolonie voor 1800 die meeste ooreenkomste toon. Besondere kenmerke van die samelewing in die Kaapkolonie wat hierby in gedagte gehou moet word, is dat elk van die drie bevolkingsgroepe, koloniste, slawe en inboorlinge, ‘n substansiële deel van die bevolking uitgemaak het. Teen 1795 was daar ongeveer 22 000 koloniste en vryswartes en 26 000 slawe in die kolonie Die aantal Khoikhoi en San was onbekend maar waarskynlik nie groter as 25 000 nie.111 Verder is die slawe en ‘n groot deel van die Khoikhoi by die koloniale ekonomie ingeskakel, hoofsaaklik as plaaswerkers, en hierdie groepe het ook verskeie aspekte van die Westerse en in besonder die Nederlandse kultuur aanvaar. Soos vroeër bespreek, is ‘n beduidende aantal persone van slaweherkoms in die loop van die sewentiende en agtiende eeue in die kolonistegroep opgeneem. Groot verskille bestaan tussen die Kaapkolonie en die Engelse (later Britse) kolonies in Noord-Amerika, waar byna geen inboorlinge in die koloniale stelsel opgeneem is nie. Verder het daar in die Kaapkolonie heelwat meer boedvermenging tussen koloniste, slawe en inboorlinge voorgekom en het ‘n heelwat groter persentasie afstammelinge van slawe deel van die kolonistegroep geword.112

109 Vergelyk G Cuthbertson, “Cape slave historiography…”, Suid-Afrikaanse Historiese Joernaal, 27, 1992, pp. 26- 49. 110 Vergelyk JS Bergh, “White Supremacy twenty years on…”, Historia, 48, 1, 2003, pp. 355-372. 111 R Elphick & H Giliomee, “The origin and entrenchment…”, R Elphick & H Giliomee (eds), The shaping of South African society, 1652-1840, p. 524. 112 Soos hierbo aangedui, meen Elphick en Giliomee dat die aantal mense van nie-Europese herkoms wat in die kolonistegroep opgeneem is nie as beduidend beskou kan word nie. Hulle aanvaar egter wel die berekeninge dat die voorouers van “blanke” Afrikaners teen 1800 vir ten minste vyf persent van nie-Europese afkoms was, wat na alle waarskynlikheid veel meer is as in die geval van “blanke” inwoners van die V.S.A. tweehonderd jaar gelede. Vgl H Giliomee, “White Supremacy; A comparative perspective”, Standpunte, 36, 4, 1983, p. 19.

25 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Op die Karibiese eilande, waar die Spanjaarde, Britte, Franse en Nederlanders almal kolonies gehad het, is feitlik al die inheemse bewoners uitgeroei en op die meeste van die eilande is daar maar min koloniste gevestig.113 Aan die noordkus van Suid-Amerika het die Nederlandse kolonie Suriname steeds ‘n groot inheemse bevolking gehad en heelwat slawe uit Afrika is daarheen gebring. Daar was ‘n klein groep koloniste, wat veral plantasie-eienaars en -bestuurders asook handelaars en vakmanne ingesluit het. In die loop van die agtiende en negentiende eeue het die meeste koloniste uit Suriname verdwyn. Heelwat bloedvermenging het plaasgevind en ‘n belangrike groep vrygestelde slawe en ander mense van gemengde herkoms het tot stand gekom. Anders as aan die Kaap is die vrygesteldes deur die owerheid verbied om met slawe te trou. Dit is waarskynlik veral gedoen met die oogmerk om die sosiale afstand tussen die vrygestelde slawe, asook hul afstammelinge, en die koloniste van Europese herkoms te verklein en tegelykertyd die gaping tussen die vrygesteldes en die slawe te vergroot.114 Die koloniste in Suriname het ‘n veel kleiner persentasie van die bevolking uitgemaak as in die Kaapkolonie.115 Verder het Suriname se ekonomie hoofsaaklik berus op suiker-, koffie- en katoenplantasies, terwyl die inheemse bevolking merendeels ‘n tradisionele bestaansekonomie in die reënwoude van die binneland beoefen het. Daar was dus heelwat verskille tussen die omstandighede in die Kaapkolonie en in Suriname. In die Spaanse kolonies op die Amerikaanse vasteland het slawe, wat uit Afrika ingevoer is, oor die algemeen net ‘n klein deel van die bevolking uitgemaak. In die Portugese kolonie Brasilië, daarenteen, het Europese koloniste, slawe en inboorlinge elk ‘n belangrike deel van die bevolking gevorm en daar het heelwat bloedvermenging tussen die groepe plaasgevind. In die agtiende eeu het daar verskillende groepe van gemengde herkoms bestaan. Die koloniale elite was grotendeels van Europese herkoms, maar het ook mense wat gedeeltelik van slawe- en inboorlingoorsprong was ingesluit.116 Belangrike

113 H Hoetink, The two variants in Caribbean race relations; A contribution to the sociology of segmented societies (London, Oxford University Press, 1967; vertaal uit Nederlands), onderskei tussen twee patrone van rasseverhoudinge in die lande in en rondom die Karibiese See, naamlik ‘n Noordwes-Europese patroon, in die (hoofsaaklik vroeëere) Britse, Franse en Nederlandse kolonies (insluitende die suidelike VSA), en ‘n Iberiese patroon in die vroeëre Spaanse en Portugese kolonies. Sy studie is egter sterk op die huidige situasie gefokus. 114 Vergelyk JL Hattingh, “Mens – maar van ‘n ander kleur; vrygestelde slawe in Nederlandse Kolonies anders as die Kaap die Goeie Hoop, 1600-1800” (Ongepubliseerde Navorsingsverslag, Universiteit van Wes-Kaapland, Bellvile, 1990), pp. 137-144, 219-223. 115 Volgens H Hoetink, “Surinam and Curacao”, DW Cohen & JP Greene (eds), Neither slave nor free; The freedmen of African descent in the slave societies of the New World (Baltimore, John Hopkins University Press, 1972), p. 61, het die aantal Europese koloniste nooit meer as sewe persent van die aantal slawe uitgemaak nie. 116 Vergelyk DK Fieldhouse, The colonial empires…,p. 30; CR Boxer, The Portuguese seaborne empire, 1415-1825 (London, Hutchinson, 1969), pp. 172-173; EB Burns, A history of Brazil (New York, Columbia University Press, 1970), pp. 33-43.

26 Integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie ooreenkomste bestaan dus tussen die Kaapkolonie en Brasilië gedurende dieselfde tydperk, maar daarbenewens ook groot verskille. Brasilië het ‘n veel groter gebied beslaan as die Kaapkolonie en teen 1800 tussen drie en vier miljoen inwoners getel. Daarbenewens het mynbou in die agtiende eeu ‘n belangrike deel van die ekonomie uitgemaak. Anders as aan die Kaap het die kerk reeds in die vroeë koloniale fase ‘n belangrike rol gespeel om die Indiane tot die Christendom te bekeer en die Portugese taal en kultuur onder hulle te versprei. Hierdie opmerkings oor Suriname en Brasilië toon dat die vroeë Kaapkolonie wel meer ooreenkomste toon met Suid-Amerika as met Noord-Amerika, maar dat dit as, onder meer, die enigste Nederlandse kolonie met ‘n groot aantal koloniste en die enigste setlaarkolonie in Afrika gedurende hierdie periode, in baie opsigte ‘n unieke plek tussen die sewentiende- en agtiende- eeuse Europese setlaarkolonies beklee het. Soos in die vorige afdelings aangetoon is, is daar maar min vergelykende navorsing gedoen wat betref die Kaapkolonie en ander setlaarkolonies gedurende die sewentiende en agtiende eeue. Fredrickson het met sy vergelykende studie van die VSA en Suid-Afrika die belangrikste bydrae gelewer, maar heelwat minder as die helfte van sy boek handel oor die periode voor 1800. Hy gee ook weinig aandag aan die verhouding tussen inboorlinge en koloniste in die sogenaamde grensgebiede gedurende die agtiende eeu. Nog geen studie het verskyn waarin die Kaapkolonie en kolonies in Latyns-Amerika voor 1800 meer as kursories met mekaar vergelyk word nie. Vergelykende navorsing oor die Kaapkolonie en Brasilië of ‘n ander Latyns-Amerikaanse gebied en moontlik ook ‘n omvattende vergelykende studie waarin al die setlaarskolonies in die periode 1500-1800 behandel word, sal waarskynlik van groot waarde wees om integrasieprosesse in die vroeë Kaapkolonie binne ‘n wyer konteks te interpreteer. ‘n Wyer konteks kan die verskille tussen historici soos Giliomee, Elphick, Heese en Ross oor die kenmerke van die Kaapse samelewing in duideliker perspektief plaas en uiteindelik ons begrip van die vroeë Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis verruim.

27 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

28 Women and gender relations in the Afrikaner community

“Allowed such a state of freedom”: Women and gender relations in the Afrikaner community before enfranchisement in 1930

Hermann Giliomee1 University of Stellenbosch

Samevatting

Hierdie artikel argumenteer dat Afrikanervroue gedurende die eerste twee eeue van die nedersetting aansienlik meer regte geniet het onder die Romeins- Hollandse reg as wat die geval was met vroue wat onder die Engelse regte sorteer het. Hul posisie is verder onderskraag deur die stelsel van ras-gebaseerde slawerny, toenemende segregasie in die kerk, en die belangrike funksies wat die boervrou op die plaas gespeel het. Afrikaanse vroue kon nie stem nie en ook nie ampte in die politieke stelsel of kerk beklee nie, maar hulle het hul stempel op die samelewing afgedruk. Hulle het ‘n leidende rol gespeel in die besluit van talle grensboere om die kolonie te verlaat. Onder die vroue wat die Groot Trek meegemaak het, het vurige anti-imperialistiese sentimente ontwikkel, wat uiting gevind het in sterk ondersteuning vir die Transvaalse opstand in 1880- 81 en die Bittereinder-fase van die Suid-Afrikaanse Oorlog. Van die laaste kwart van die negentiende eeu is die sterk posisie van die Afrikaanse vrou ondergrawe deur verreikende veranderings in die erfreg, verstedeliking, wat haar rol dikwels tot die huis beperk het, en die toenemende invloed van sowel Viktoriaanse as nasionalistiese opvattinge oor die ondergeskikte rol wat die vrou behoort te speel. Afrikaanse vroue het eers laat op die stemreg aangedring omdat hulle dit as hul prioriteit beskou het om die eerste gesin en die gemeenskap se belange te bevorder. In die eerste 250 jaar van blanke vestiging aan die Kaap het hulle `n deurslaggewende rol gespeel in die ontwikkeling van daardie eienskappe wat vandag as kenmerkend van die Afrikaner-identiteit beskou word: godsdienstigheid, `n bepaalde vorm van huislike lewe en die kultuur van die plaas- en landelike lewe.

Keywords: Afrikaners; Women; Gender; Suffragettes; Roman-Dutch law; Slavery; Cape Colony; Great Trek; South African War.

1 Hermann Giliomee is Research Associate, University of Stellenbosch. He wishes to thank the following for valuable comments and suggestions: Sarah Duff, Eve Fairbanks, Albert Grundlingh, Margaret Lenta, Louis Harms, Sandra Swart, Elize van Eeden and Andreas van Wyk.

29 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Introduction Despite a significant advance in gender studies the history of women before the extension of the vote to white women in 1930 remains a neglected field. This is particularly true of Afrikaner women.2 The main reason for the lack of attention to women is the absence of diaries, letters and other written records at a time when rates of literacy were low generally and extremely low for women.3 Historians have not deliberately suppressed the role of women in the history of the Afrikaners, but because of the absence of documentation they have missed a lot. Significantly it was not a trained historian but Karel Schoeman, a novelist, who, in a series of biographies of extraordinary woman, highlighted the important role of women in pre-industrial South Africa.4 This article analyses the status of Afrikaner women with particular reference to institutional factors such as the law of inheritance, slavery, and church membership. It also discusses the role Afrikaner women played in the rise of racial domination and anti-imperialism in pre-industrial South Africa. It ends with a brief discussion of the responses of Afrikaner women to the campaign for the vote for women in South Africa. The article sketches only the broad picture. For a full picture new primary research on themes such as divorce and manumission is needed.

English and Roman-Dutch law An investigation should start with a brief comparison between the English law of inheritance and family law, and Roman-Dutch law.

2 From the late eighteenth century the term Afrikaners was widely used for colonists of Dutch, German and French descent. During the nineteenth century the term was sometimes restricted to white Dutch or Afrikaans- speaking people living in towns, while the farming population was called Boers. To simplify matters, I refer to all white colonists that spoke Dutch or a form of Dutch as Afrikaners. See “Dagboek van Oskar Hintrager”, Christiaan de Wet Annale, 2, 1973, p. 28. 3 For an analysis of the extant documents written by women in the Cape Archives see EH Raidt, Historiese Taalkunde: Studies oor die geskiedenis van Afrikaans (Johannesburg, University of Witwatersrand Press, 1994), pp. 1750-216. It finds that women, compared to men, wrote in a much more ‘natural’, unforced and chatty style (geselserig). 4 K Schoeman’s biographies include: Olive Schreiner: `n Lewe in Suid-Afrika, 1855 – 1881 (1989); Die wêreld van Susanna Smit, 1799-1863 (1995); Dogter van Sion: Machtelt Smit en die 18de-eeuse samelewing aan die Kaap, 1749-1799 (1997) and Armosyn van die Kaap: Die wêreld van `n slavin, 1652-1733 (Cape Town, Human and Rousseau, 2001).

30 Women and gender relations in the Afrikaner community

English law Marriage in English law was all about property, with the husband becoming the owner of the wife’s moveable property. The wife lost all claims to it even if she survived him. A recent study states bluntly that English women enjoyed a status only a little higher than slaves. A husband could beat her as long as the stick was not thicker than his thumb.5 The historian Edmund Morgan formulated the position of women in the American colonies as follows6: Women were excluded from any share in formal public power and even in the privacy of the family. A woman’s very identity was subsumed in her husband’s; any property she brought into the marriage was his, any debt she owed was his, almost any tort she committed was his. Under the rule of primogeniture, applied in England and her colonies, the eldest son inherited everything. People in England did, however, have testamentary freedom, and they could leave money and estates to daughters if they so wished, provided that there was no entail. But there was a strong tendency to favour males. What Jane Austen refers to as “a daughter’s share” was characteristically a small proportion of the total estate.7

Roman Dutch law The Roman Dutch Law, applied in the Netherlands and also at the Cape, went further than other legal codes in recognising that all free people –- men and women -- had rights. In the words of the great jurist Voetius, it preserved equality and bound the citizens equally. This “legalized egalitarianism” had profound social and political consequences. Among its expressions were a lack of respect for the aristocracy and officialdom; a weakness of ecclesiastical authority; and the absence of clearly demarcated hierarchies.8

5 M Waller, The English Marriage(London, John Murray, 2010) back cover. 6 E Morgan, “Subject women”, New York Review of Books, 31 October1996, 67. Morgan discusses here the following books: C Berkin, First generation: Women in colonial America (New York, Hill and Wang, 1996) and MB Norton, Founding mothers and fathers: Gendered power and the forming of American society (New York, Knopf, 1996). 7 I wish to thank M Lenta for some of the points in this paragraph. A recent biography of J Austen (1775- 1815), author of Pride and prejudice and other novels, is by D Nokes, Jane Austen: A life (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1998). 8 J Israel, “A Great, Neglected Victory”, New York Review of Books, 8 April 2010, p. 44. See also S Schama, An embarrassment of riches: An interpretation of Dutch culture in the golden age (London, Fontana, 1987), pp. 405- 06.

31 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Although Britain became master of the Cape Colony early in the nineteenth century, it did not abolish Roman Dutch law, except for some amendments to the criminal law. Roman Dutch Law was virtually the only legal system in Europe that retained universal community as the basis of matrimonial property, with each partner’s portion merging into the common property. The rule of partible inheritance, applied when one of the partners died, stood in stark contrast to the primogeniture rule. Under partible inheritance, the surviving partner retained half the estate and each child, regardless of sex, inherited an equal portion of the rest. These inheritance portions could be changed in a will but this rarely happened, and no spouse or child could be disinherited of more than half his or her “legitimate portion”. The British authorities disliked it but because the Dutch colonists at the Cape considered partible inheritance as an intimate part of their culture, they were reluctant to change it.9 No farm could be subdivided under the loan farm system that held sway under the Dutch East Indian Company, but the surviving spouse and the children received their share of the property, including the slaves. Afrikaner women normally outlived their partner and many widows gained control over substantial amounts of property consisting of both land and slaves.10 It gave rise to what has been called a “widowarchy”. A widow who had been left half the estate of a farmer could consider the options for a subsequent marriage just as an astute modern investment manager today would. Many widowed Cape women remarried several times, accumulating a small fortune.11 The Roman-Dutch law of inheritance also had another important effect. Since each child, regardless of sex, had to receive his “legitimate portion” parents were compelled to divide the farms among them. The subdivision of farms into uneconomical units was widespread. Many families ended up in chronic debt as a result of mortgaging of land in order to pay out the younger sons and daughters. Often entire farms were sold and the proceeds divided, forcing sons to seek new land elsewhere or become bywoners.

9 L Guelke, “Freehold farmers and frontier settlers”, R Elphick and H Giliomee eds., The shaping of South African Society (Middletown, Wesleyan University Press, 1988), p. 81. 10 W Dooling, Slavery, emancipation, and colonial rule in South Africa (Pietermaritzburg, University of KwaZulu- Natal Press, 2007), pp. 31-41. 11 Tannie Sannie, a crass character in Olive Schreiner’s Story of an African farm, had inherited a farm from her deceased husband, and was planning to marry a young man in a loveless match. See also R Shell, Children of bondage: A social history of the slave society at the Cape of Good Hope (Johannesburg, University of Witwatersrand Press, 1994), pp. 289-292.

32 Women and gender relations in the Afrikaner community

The divorce law that was applied in most of the Netherlands and also at the Cape strengthened the position of women. It provided for several legitimate reasons for divorce or a separation of table and bed, which effectively annulled the marriage. Among the reasons were adultery, malicious desertion and gross physical cruelty. In the case of divorce, the wife received half of the estate. The wife could also recover the moveable assets donated by a husband to a concubine.12 The status of women under Roman Dutch law should not be exaggerated, as is revealed by the indignant reaction of Petronella van Heerden, perhaps the first Afrikaner feminist, who came of age just after the South African War. She wrote: “She is classified among children and idiots, when she marries she becomes a minor; she has no control over her things and children, and she could do nothing without the permission of her husband.”13 While hyperbolic, it is not devoid of some truth. A woman who married within community of property in most respects acquired the status of a minor and was subject to the authority of her husband. A father had the final say over the children. There were indeed few legal limits on a husband to dispose of common assets or to discharge debts out of the common assets during the existence of the marriage.

First generation women The married European women of the first generation were primarily drawn from the Netherlands and their numbers were later supplement by Huguenot refugees from France. In addition, manumitted slave women made up a sizeable proportion of married women during the seventeenth century.

Dutch women Women in the Netherlands could sign commercial contracts and notarised documents and could carry on a trade, business, or profession without the express consent of their husbands. They were closely involved with their

12 AH van Wyk, “The power to dispose of assets of the universal matrimonial community of property: A study in South African law with excursions on the laws of Brazil and the Netherlands” (PhD., Leiden University, 1976), pp. 110, 195-213, 262. 13 P van Heerden, Die sestiende koppie (Cape Town, Tafelberg, 1965), p. 7.

33 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) husbands’ jobs, particularly if he was in business or commerce, often enjoying full recognition for their role.14 Many of the first Dutch women at the Cape were from orphanages, but they were not unaware of the relatively strong position of women in the Netherlands. Women could not hold what was called a burgher office, like that of heemraad, or an ecclesiastical office, like that of a minister or elder, but when they married burghers they shared the general status of burghers. Their children were considered burghers as well under the Roman Dutch law, which decreed that women enjoyed the status of their husband. European women at the Cape quickly became active in the hectic trade that characterised the port city. Women received licenses to keep guesthouses or taverns or to engage in any other business. C.P. Thunberg, who visited the Cape during the 1770s, wrote: “If the father does not trade, but carries on some handicraft business, his wife, daughter or son must.”15Some European travellers to the Cape were shocked by the rough methods lower class women used to escape from poverty. One wrote: “Many of the evil burghers and burgher women (who had come out in male attire as stowaways) milk the poor sailors not only of every penny they own, but when cash runs short seize on anything else they possess.”16

French women There is no evidence of a distinctive influence exerted by French Huguenot women but they had behind them a traumatic history of religious persecution and political struggle. It was likely to make them more fiercely determined to resist an unjust authority. Without a fatherland to which to return, the Huguenots had to take root or go under. Simon van der Stel, governor at the Cape, soon became disenchanted with the French immigrants, describing them as insolent and inclined to plotting.17 The Huguenots greatly strengthened the pattern of white endogamy that was becoming established. When the first party arrived at the Cape in 1688 there was still a severe shortage of European women in the settlement, prompting

14 K Schoeman, Armosyn van die Kaap: Voorspel tot Vestiging, 1415-1651 (Cape Town, Human & Rousseau, 1999), pp. 251- 254. 15 CP Thunberg, Travels at the Cape of Good Hope, 1772 -1775 (Cape Town, Van Riebeeck Society, 1986), p. 36. 16 F Valentyn, Description of the Cape of Good Hope, 1726 (Cape Town, Van Riebeeck Society, 1971), p. 209. 17 P Coertzen, Die Hugenote van Suid-Afrika (Cape Town, Tafelberg, 1988), p. 94.

34 Women and gender relations in the Afrikaner community many men to take half-caste slaves as brides or a stable partner outside of wedlock. The Huguenots, by contrast, were generally already married when they arrived, and their daughters young and fecund. A cursory glance would show that a surprisingly large proportion of the established Afrikaner families had a Huguenot as stammoeder.18 Between 1705 and 1707 women were prominent in the struggle of the farming burghers against the governor, Willem Adriaan van der Stel, and other high officials. In violation of the firm Company policy some officials farmed for the market, increasingly squeezing the burghers out. Discontent and rebelliousness became rife in the Cape district and Stellenbosch district. The landdrost Johannes Starrenburg, a well-read and well-travelled man who knew his Cicero, Cassius and Grotius, was deeply disturbed by what he saw as the open contempt the burghers displayed towards the government. He was most upset by a demonstration in 1706 in the town where some burghers danced around him, vowing that they would not abandon the struggle. He took refuge in his house, where he wrote to Van der Stel: “[The] women are as dangerous as the men and do not keep quiet.”19 The stiff resistance persuaded the Company directors in the Netherlands to recall Van der Stel and other officials.

Slave-born women Although there was a correspondence between legal status, colour and religious identity, there was no rigid racial division, particularly during the first seventy-five years of Company rule. People of mixed racial origins were prominent both as burghers and free blacks and did not appear to suffer any racial discrimination. The frequent racial mixing was due in the first place to the huge gender imbalance in the white population. By 1700 there were in the Cape district twice as many men as women in the adult burgher population, and, in the interior, the ratio was three to one. Marriages between white men and fair-skinned non-white women were common during the first seventy- five years. Many stable mixed liaisons occurred outside wedlock, and there was also large-scale sex miscegenation in the form of casual sex, especially

18 E-mail communication of author with HC Viljoen, Chairman of the Huguenot Society of South Africa, 5 August 2010. A fairly comprehensive list of South African stamvaders and stammoeders (available at: http.www. stamouers.com/). 19 GD Scholtz, Die ontwikkeling van die politieke denke van die Afrikaner (Johannesburg, Voortrekkerpers, 1967), vol. 1, p. 241.

35 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) in the slave lodge frequented by local European men as well as sailors and soldiers. JA Heese, a genealogical researcher, has estimated that seven per cent of Afrikaner families have a non-European stammoeder or progenitress.20 During the early years the situation was fluid enough for some children born from unions of non-Europeans parents to be accepted into the European community. There were two particularly striking cases. The slave Armosyn Claasz was born in 1661 at the Cape. Her mother was presumably a slave from the west coast of Africa, the identity of her father unknown. She gave birth to the children of four different fathers in the Company’s slave lodge, some described as halfslag (half-caste), which means that the father was white. Many of these children and their descendants were absorbed in what became prominent Afrikaner families, like the Volschenk, Coorts, Du Plessis, Pretorius, Horn, Myburgh and Esterhuyzen families. The other case relates to the liaison between Louis of Bengal and Lysbeth van de Caab, both considered non-European. Three daughters were born out of this liaison, and Lysbeth had two daughters from another relationship with a European. All the children entered into relationships, either marital or extramarital, with Europeans, and most of their descendants were absorbed into the Afrikaner community of today. The families most directly involved were the Brits, Van Deventer, Slabbert, Fischer, and Carstens families.21 Genealogies include a few instances of European women marrying non- Europeans. The most striking case was that of Marguerite de Savoye, the daughter of Huguenot parents, who in 1690 married Christoffel Snyman, who, according to oral tradition, made a living from pruning vineyards. He was the son of Anthony of Bengal and a similarly non-white mother. The well-known Snyman family is descended from them. Another case was that of Maria Roos, who, in 1794 married David Simon Hoon, the son of a slave from Madagascar and his wife, Rachael, of Indian descent. Other “coloured” males entered “white” society, including the progenitors of the Antonissen, Jonker, Jacobs and Serfontein families.22

20 JA Heese, Die herkoms van die Afrikaner (Cape Town, Balkema, 1971). 21 HF Heese, Groep sonder grense: die rol en status van die gemengde bevolking aan die Kaap, 1652-1795 (Bellville, University of the Western Cape Institute for Historical Research, 1984); JL Hattingh, ‘Die blanke nageslag van Louis van Bengale en Lijsbeth van de Kaap’, Kronos, 3 (1980), pp. 5-51. 22 HF Heese, Groep sonder grense, pp. 6, 20-1, 41, 45, 53-54.

36 Women and gender relations in the Afrikaner community

Confident women From an early stage the European women at the Cape displayed a considerable degree of social self-confidence. Girls not only shared equally with their brothers in the estates of their parents, but also received the same primitive education. Women did not show undue respect to people in political or clerical office. Some of the visitors to the Cape expressed the view that they were more intelligent than the male burghers and better informed.23 The pattern of women acting as a strong force in the family became firmly established in the agrarian Western Cape rather than the port city. Slave owners on farms or small settlements allowed very little manumission and slave baptism in order to enhance their control over their slaves. Consequently the numbers of slave women that could compete with European women as stable partners of European men remained extremely small. OF Mentzel, an astute German who lived at the Cape for most of the 1730s, considered the Cape Town women too glib and status-conscious. By contrast, the women in the patriarchal community of the rural Western Cape impressed him. He wrote that a girl was not pampered but often put to work in both the house and in the fields. She “looked everybody straight in the eye … and [was] unabashed.” As married women they “understand more about their husband’s business than the latter do themselves; when this is not the case the affairs are seldom well conducted.”24

He passed this general judgement:25 In general, farmwomen surpass the men in nature and intelligence, good behaviour and ability to understand anything, wherefore they are almost always held in higher esteem by the Europeans than the women of Cape Town. They are unusually industrious, good housekeepers, and excellent mothers. They are not so ambitious as the townswomen; they do not quarrel over precedence, and it is immaterial to them whether they are seated at the table to the left or the right, or whether they were served first or last.

23 K Schoeman, Dogter van Sion: Machtelt Smit en die 18de-eeuse samelewing aan die Kaap, 1749 – 1799 (Cape Town, Human and Rousseau, 1997), pp. 51-56. 24 OF Mentzel, Description of the Cape of Good Hope (Cape Town, Van Riebeeck Society, 1944) vol. 3, pp. 58, 103, 112-13, 120. 25 OF Mentzel, Description of the Cape, vol. 3, p. 120.

37 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

By contrast, Robert Semple, the son of a British merchant who visited the Cape in the early nineteenth century, expressed a favourable impression of the women of the town. He wrote26: There exists not at all at the Cape that marked difference in the manners of the two sexes that we find in Europe. In conversation the women are free and unreserved, and very often listened to, but make use of expressions by no means to be reconciled with English ideas of decency and propriety. They are not the disciples, they might be the models of, the school of Mrs Mary Wollstonecraft, they call everything by its right name, and seem in general to think that actions which men might perform with impunity ought equally to be allowed to themselves. Often called the first British feminist, Wollstonecraft argued that women were naturally equal to men but only appeared to be unequal due to a lack of education. In her Thoughts on the education of daughtersshe argued that the mind was not tied down or dictated by gender, and that the pace of learning had to be adapted to each pupil, regardless of sex.27 Some of the Afrikaner women in Cape Town enjoyed considerable free time because they left the task of suckling and rearing a child to a slave woman.28 A visitor wrote: “They [the Afrikaner women] seldom suckle their children, the most prevailing practice is to consign them over in a manner to a faithful female slave who suckles them, overlooks them, brings them up, and in a word becomes a second mother” 29 The practice made it possible for the biological mother to ovulate sooner and have children at shorter intervals. Thus wet- nurses and nannies shared the burden of the prodigious growth of the burgher population at the Cape. Wet-nursing was controversial and it was certainly frowned upon in Holland. Some historians argue that it was widespread at the Cape.30 Analyses of the pattern of manumission show that it was European women rather than men who manumitted slave women who had been wet- nurses or “foster mothers.”31

26 R Semple, Walks and sketches, pp. 31-32. 27 F MacCarthy, “The first femininst”, New York Review of Books, 1 December 2005, p. 56. Wollstonecraft lived from 1759 to 1797. 28 R Shell, Children of bondage, pp. 289-329. 29 R Semple, Walks and sketches, p. 30. 30 A Bank argues that Shell exaggerates the incidence of wet-nursing. See his “Slavery without slaves”, South African Historical Journal, 33, 1995, pp. 190-191. 31 R Shell, “‘Tender ties’: The Women of the Cape Slave Society”,Societies of Southern Africa, papers presented at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London, vol .17 (1992), p. 14.

38 Women and gender relations in the Afrikaner community

Slavery was not widespread on the frontier and life here was much tougher for women. A traveller offered a glimpse of what settling in the deep interior entailed32: A soldier living in a tent during a campaign is not so badly off as a young couple who settle in such a distant wilderness isolated from all human society … Imagine the situation when such a wife should in time become pregnant, and have no assistance other than that of a Hottentot woman, without being able to understand one another. But except for the poorest households women could rely on servants to perform most of the mundane tasks of the household.

Marriage and divorce Parties who wanted to marry had to appear before the Matrimonial Court. The court, consisting of four commissioners (two officials and two burghers), sat in Cape Town. The court enquired the following of them: (i) if they appeared voluntarily (ii) whether they were perfectly free to marry (iii) if their parents were alive and had given their consent in the case of men under 21 years and women under 18, and (iv) if they were related to each other. If the Commissioners were satisfied the banns were published and the celebration of the marriage took the form of a religious ceremony in the church.33 The right under Roman Dutch law for a woman to file for divorce under certain circumstances protected women against an abusive husband. In the Netherlands both the state and the Reformed Church viewed marriage and the family as the bedrock of ordered society and neither was in favour of divorce, except in extreme cases. In the eighteenth century, however, there was an explosion of separation suits in the Netherlands.34 It is not known what the divorce rate was, but a visitor to the Cape declared: “Most domestic quarrels have their set and fixed remedies provided by the law. If a husband and a wife disagree, it is easy [for them] to separate.”35 At the Cape there were always married European men prepared to risk divorce by having sexual relations with slaves. There was the case of Willem

32 OF Mentzel, Description, vol. 3, p. 120. 33 G Botha, Social life in the Cape colony (Cape Town, Struik, 1973), pp. 50-51. 34 S Schama, Embarrassment of riches, p. 406. 35 R Semple, Walks and sketches, p. 28.

39 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Messink, a brewer, who early in the eighteenth century carried on affairs with slaves in the household. His wife was unable to get a divorce settlement.36 However, this happened before endogamous marriages between Europeans had become the social bedrock of society, particularly outside Cape Town. A little more than a century later there was a quite different outcome in the case of Carel Greyling. His slave, Clara, gave birth to a child, believed by his wife to be Carel’s. He tried to shift the blame to his son, but his wife left him immediately. She asked for, and received, an order for the dissolution of her marriage and a property settlement.37 A woman living on an isolated farm who did not enjoy active support from her parents or siblings would find it difficult to take on a husband who had sexual relations with slave women. Pamela, the wife of Galant, a slave who led a rebellion in the Koue Bokkeveld in 1825, had to sleep in the bedroom of Willem van der Merwe, his master. No mention was made in the court record of how Pamela or Van der Merwe’s wife reacted to this. The rebel slaves killed Van der Merwe and a few other white men but did no harm to the white women.38

The Cape and Brazil compared To highlight the place of white women in Cape society it can for example be compared to another slave society, namely Brazil. The Portuguese law, applied in Brazil, recognized universal property as the basis of matrimonial property, but in the Catholic Church no divorce was possible. A European woman could do little if her husband wanted to bring the offspring of a liaison with a slave into the household and have them baptised in the church. In the words of the great scholar Gilberto Freyre, the family of settlers in Brazil was enlarged by great numbers of “bastards and dependants, gathered around the patriarchs, who were more given to women and possibly a little more loose in their social code than the North Americans were.” 39 One has to allow for the fact that Freyre was engaged in the ideological project of making Brazilians

36 N Penn, Rogues, rebels and runaways: Eighteenth-century Cape characters (Cape Town, David Philip, 1999), pp. 9 -72. 37 J Mason, “‘Fit for freedom’: The Slaves, slavery and emancipation in the Cape Colony, South Africa”, (Doctoral diss., Yale University, 1992), p. 215. 38 P van der Spuy, ‘“Making Himself Master’: Galant’s Rebellion Revisited”, South African Historical Journal, 34 (May 1996), pp. 20-21. 39 G Freyre, The Masters and slaves: A study in the development of Brazilian civilization(New York, Knopf, 1956), p. 349.

40 Women and gender relations in the Afrikaner community

proud of the heritage of racial mixture, but for at least some parts of Brazil, like Pernambuco, his description appears to be accurate. During the first seventy years of the Cape settlement many European men married slave women who had been freed. As noted before, this had declined sharply by 1730, but sex outside the marriage between European boys or men and slave women was rife. Writing about the Cape, Mentzel reported that European boys more often than not got entangled with a slave belonging to the household without incurring the wrath of their parents.40 For a child born outside wedlock to be legitimised both child and father had to be present at the celebration of the marriage and the father publicly had to acknowledge that he had procreated the child. This rarely happened if the mother was a slave or a free black. After 1730 there was fear among the top officials in and around Cape Town that the trekboers spread out over the deep interior would become dissolute. Mentzel observed that the frontier colonists had accustomed themselves to such an extent with “the carefree life, the indifference, the lazy days and the association with slaves and Hottentots that not much difference may be discerned between the former and the latter.”41 The more affluent fellow burghers in Stellenbosch and Cape Town also expressed the fear that morals on the frontier could become “bastardised”, leading to a “completely degenerate nation”.42 These fears were unfounded. Between the 1720 and 1790s the settler population was transformed from one that had no firm racial boundaries and was far from strict in religious observance to one in which endogamous marriages were the norm throughout the colony and which put a premium on membership of a church that had become increasingly racially exclusive.43

Women and endogamous marriages What role did European women play in this? Before this question is addressed

40 OF Mentzel, A geographical and topographical description, vol. 2, pp. 109-110. 41 OF Mentzel, A geographical and topographical description, vol. 3, p. 115. 42 H Giliomee, The Afrikaners: Biography of a people (Cape Town, Tafelberg, 2009), pp. 33-34. 43 R Elphick and H Giliomee, “The origins and entrenchment of European dominance at the Cape”, R Elphick and H Giliomee, eds., The shaping of South African society,pp. 521-566.

41 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) one must also look at some other factors at work. The first factor that was at play was the cultural influences. Like all colonizing peoples of the period, the Dutch were convinced of the superiority of their culture and religion. Cultural chauvinism was an important component of social attitudes. Even before 1652 the Dutch had shown a strong cultural aversion to Africans, attributing to them sexual licence, savagery and a diabolical religion.44 Secondly there was the legal factor. There was a high incidence of sexual intercourse outside wedlock between Europeans and slaves but, as we have seen, children born from such liaisons were not taken into the burgher’s family, but were incorporated in the slave population. Another legal obstacle to the advance of women or children of mixed origins was the regulations covering marriages. It is a supreme irony that slave women, with their extremely low social status, were in fact very expensive to marry. The prospective husband first had to buy her from the owner. As part of the manumission regulations he also had to post a sum with the authorities as a guarantee that she would not become a burden on society. From the remarks of a traveller one can deduce that many a poor European male would have manumitted a slave and married her but for the price of 800 to 1 000 rixdollars that some fetched. 45 For instance, in 1810 the burgher Willem Klomphaan was charged 950 rixdollars for his slave mistress and their twins –the price of some farms in Graaff-Reinet. He died after having paid 600 rixdollars.46 By contrast, eligible European girls or women, thanks to the rule of partible inheritance rule, often had dowries. Thirdly demographic forces were at play. The ratio between European men and European women stood at 260 to 100 early in the eighteenth century and declined to 140 to 100 by 1770. Mixed marriages began to decrease from the 1730s and men who could not find a European wife tended not to marry. A study of the 1731 census showed that 59% of Cape Town’s European men and 51% in the rural western Cape never married.47 In 1807 only five per cent of a sample of 1 063 children baptised in that year in the Reformed and Lutheran churches had a grandparent classified by genealogists as ‘Non- European’ (invariably a female). At this time the proportion of marriages

44 R Elphick and H Giliomee, “Origins and entrenchment of European dominance”, R Elphick and H Giliomee, eds., Shaping of SA Society, p. 525. 45 R Percival, An account of the Cape of Good Hope (London, 1804), pp. 286-292. 46 H Giliomee and R Elphick, “The structure of European domination at the Cape, 1652 – 1820”, R Elphick and H Giliomee, eds., The Shaping of South African Society, 1652 – 1820 (Cape Town, Longman, 1979), p. 374. 47 L Guelke, “The Anatomy of a Colonial Settler Population, 1657-1750”, The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 21, 3 (1988), pp. 462-463.

42 Women and gender relations in the Afrikaner community that were obviously racially mixed in the Tulbagh and Graaff-Reinet districts was one and three per cent.48 A rigid pattern of racial endogamy had been established in the course of the eighteenth century. The offspring of European men who had engaged in illicit liaisons almost all passed into the ranks of the slave or free-black community. The church was indispensable in the rise of endogamous marriages and the strong position women acquired. The role of religion in the first century of the settlement is overstated, with Van Riebeeck’s official prayer often cited as the evidence of the Europeans’ piety. The fact is that for most of the period of Company rule the burgher community was not seen as devout. In 1726, only in the case of one-fifth of burgher couples in Stellenbosch were both partners confirmed members of the Reformed Church. In 1743, after touring the colony, the Dutch official G.W. van Imhoff noted “with astonishment and regret how little work is done with respect to the public religion.” He added that the “indifference and ignorance in the frontier districts is such that they have the appearance more of an assembly of blind heathen than a colony of European Christians.”49 It was women who took the lead in becoming confirmed members of the church. In the first fifty years of the Stellenbosch district three times more European women than men were confirmed. By 1770, 90% of the adult European women in the very large Stellenbosch congregation were confirmed members of the church against only one third of the male burghers50 By the end of the century the men had stepped into line. Observers now generally considered the burghers of the outlying districts to be devout. Couples travelled enormous distances, sometimes a journey of five to six weeks, to have children baptised in Stellenbosch and to partake of the Holy Communion. Henry Lichtenstein, one of the best-informed travellers, testified to this51:

[We] never heard from the mouth of a colonist an unseemly word, an overstrained expression, a curse, or an imprecation of any kind …The universal

48 For a further five per cent of the sample, one of the grandparents was of unknown (and possibly European) descent. See GFC de Bruyn, “Die samestelling van die Afrikaner”, Tydskrif vir Geesteswetenskappe, xvi, 1 (1976) and personal communication; Heese, Die herkoms van die Afrikaner, and personal communications. 49 GC de Wet, (ed.), Resolusies van die Politieke Raad vol 10: 1740-43 (Pretoria, Staatsdrukker, 1984), p. 226; De Gereformeerde Kerkbode 1854, pp. 11, 169. 50 AW Biewenga, De Kaap de Goede Hoop, een Nederlandse vestigingskolonie, 1680-1730 (PhD, Vrije Universiteit, 1998), pp. 174-182. 51 H Lichtenstein, Travels in South Africa, 1803-1805 (Cape Town, VRS, 1928), vol. 1, p. 116.

43 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

religious turn of the colonists, amounting almost to bigotry, is, perhaps, a principal cause to which this command of themselves is to be ascribed. It had become the norm that a European man who wanted to marry had to find a European woman. Eligible European women or their mothers probably demanded that a suitor be confirmed in the church before giving their consent. Married couples accepted that it was their duty to baptise their children. A historian who closely analysed the data for Stellenbosch district remarked: “It is quite possible that pious people mainly sought a partner through the church, but we must seriously consider the possibility that marriage and family were important factors in finding the way to belief.”52 Why did women stress membership of the church so much? Two reasons suggest themselves. Church membership was virtually the only thing that set people in the dominant white community apart from those who served them and that connected them to the wider European world beyond the colony’s shores. The pattern of endogamous marriages limited membership of the family and the church to Europeans. A church that was racially exclusive was a major step towards a racially exclusive community that upheld and even idealised the status of white women.

Mistresses and slaves With her central place in the household assured by the end of the eighteenth century, a woman became the equal partner of her husband in the running of the household. According to PB Borcherds’ account of Stellenbosch life the internal arrangements of the household were considered the wife’s department exclusively. Members of her household and several servants were “generally well employed” in needlework and other necessary tasks. He added: “The rest of the house, such as the bedrooms, nurseries, pantry, kitchen etcetera, was of course the exclusive domain of the mamma.”53 The dominant present image of life in the eighteenth century is that of the spacious and elegant Cape Dutch homes of the Afrikaner gentry in the western Cape, but in the newly settled regions conditions could be quite rough. Hendrik Swellengrebel wrote at the end of the 1770s that the houses

52 AW Biewenga, De Kaap de Goede Hoop, p. 180. 53 PB Borcherds, An autobiographical memoir (Cape Town, African Connoisseurs Press, 1861, 1963), pp. 196-197.

44 Women and gender relations in the Afrikaner community in the area of Camdeboo (Graaff-Reinet) were sheds 40 feet long and 15 feet wide. Here “chickens, ducks and young pigs swirled around” and two or three families shared the house. An account of the same period of life in Sneeuberg declared that houses “nearly all comprised a single low-walled room without any privacy.”54 In the ideology of paternalism the myth was propagated that slaves and servants were members of the household and even part of the extended family, consisting of the patriarch’s immediate family, some brothers or sisters and their families, one or more bywoners (white tenant farmer) families, Khoikhoi servants, and slaves. The master saw a slave and or a servant as part of his volk (people) or as “a sort of child of the family”.55 The concept of a bonded extended “family” was emphasised by huisgodsdiens (family devotions). By the end of the eighteenth century it had become common practice for masters to admit their most trusted slaves and servants, usually squatting or standing against a wall, to the family prayers held every day. In the master’s mind the action of inviting the slave briefly into the inner sanctum of his family demonstrated his benign, paternal intent. This “benevolence” was a counterpoint to the violence inflicted on erring servants, and it boosted the burghers’ self-image of Christian colonisers of the land.56 Invariably, the most stable forms of paternalism were not to be found in the relationship between a master and a male slave but between a mistress and a female slave, particularly one born into the household. Slave women seldom did hard manual labour in the fields, as happened in many other slave societies. They had duties within the home, as wet-nurse, nanny, cook, cleaner and confidante of the mistress. A high official depicted African-born female slaves as “the favourite slaves of the mistress, arranging and keeping everything in order.” They were “entrusted with all that is valuable – more like companions than slaves; but the mistress rarely, and the slave never, forget their relative situations, and however familiar in private, in the presence of another due form prevails.”57

54 PJ van der Merwe, The migrant farmer in the history of the Cape colony,1657-1842 (Athens, Ohio University Press, 1995), p. 166. 55 R Shell, “The family and slavery at the Cape, 1680-1808”, J Wilmot and M Simons (eds), The angry divide: Social and economic history of the Western Cape (Cape Town, David Philip, 1989), p. 24. 56 S Trapido, “Household prayers, paternalism and the fostering of a settler identity”, (LSE, London, 8 December 2000). 57 Anonymous [WW Bird], State of the Cape of Good Hope in 1822 (London, John Murray, 1823), p. 74. The complex intimacy and tensions in the paternalistic relationship between a white woman and her servant during the apartheid years is sensitively portrayed in Marlene van Niekerk’s novel Agaat (2006).

45 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

No slave system was ever humane and it would be a mistake to consider Cape slavery as anything but brutal. While slave women, especially, developed bonds of allegiance and trust with their “family”, they remained perpetual minors who had to sacrifice an independent family life of their own. Slave women, moreover, had to endure the sexual advances of the master class. For them the suffering was most acute, exposed as they were to both the intimate and the harshest side of Cape slavery.58 It was probably slave women who most often felt betrayed by the paternalistic relationship.

Paternalism challenged Except for the criminal records, we do not know much about what happened when things went wrong in the paternalistic relationship. The documentation is much richer in the case of the American South. Eugene Genovese, author of a masterly account of paternalist slavery in the American South, makes a plausible distinction between the responses of house slaves and field slaves. If a master and a field slave fell out the latter could, as Genovese puts it, “lower his eyes, shuffle and keep control of himself”. By contrast, the house slave lived cheek by jowl in daily close contact with the mistress and the master. The mistress knew them well enough “to read insubordination into a glance, a shift in tone, or in a quick motion of the shoulders.”59 Genovese is firm that no evidence suggests that house slaves more readily accepted slavery than the field slaves, while much evidence exists to suggest the reverse. Psychologically and physically the house slaves were much more dependent on the master and the mistress, but they were also much more aware of their weaknesses and flaws than the field slaves. Their masters’ dependence on their black slaves went hand in hand “with gnawing intimations of the blacks’ hostility, resentment and suppressed anger.”60 At the Cape slavery was much more widespread than in most of the other slaveholding societies. Half the colonists owned slaves. By 1770 approximately 70% of the burghers in Cape Town and of the farmers in Stellenbosch owned at least one slave. There were few very large farms with supervisors, and control was mostly very personal and direct. While there was no mass slave uprising

58 See particularly the studies of R Shell, Children of bondage and P Scully, “Liberating the Family?: Gender, labour and sexuality in the Western Cape, South Africa” (PhD, University of Wisconsin, 1993). 59 E Genovese, Roll, Jordan. Roll: The world the slaves made (London, Andre Deutsch, 1974), p. 364. 60 E Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll, p. 363.

46 Women and gender relations in the Afrikaner community at the Cape, apart from one in 1808, there were several cases of docile slaves suddenly erupting in a murderous rage. 61 The British, acquired the Cape early in the nineteenth century reformed slavery, first by ending slave imports and then by giving government far more power to protect slaves. In 1823 the government laid down minimum standards for food, clothing, hours of work and maximum punishments and in 1826 it made the recording of punishments compulsory and introduced a further limitation on punishment. Slave women submitted many of the complaints to a newly appointed guardian of the slaves. On the eastern frontier some slaves took their mistresses to court. These developments represented a body blow to the whole paternalist order. Owners craved nothing so much as the gratitude of a slave or a servant. For a master or mistress a servant’s withdrawal from a relationship presumed to be benevolent, let alone being accused in court of maltreatment, was almost impossible to comprehend, except in terms of instigation by malignant forces. Developments on the eastern frontier produced a fury among frontier women against British rule that would not go away for many decades. For them there could be no compromise with the British, no willing subjugation to British rule. The trekker women had not left the colony as mere adjuncts of their husbands; the decision was one they had helped to make. In some cases it had been precipitated by what had happened to them personally. The Voortrekker leader Piet Uys did not become politically disaffected until after the arrest of his wife on charges that he considered malicious, brought by an indentured slave.62 At least fifteen widows headed a family that participated as a group in the different trek parties.63 The government also intervened in ecclesiastical matters. As part of its attempt to do away with all status distinctions to achieve equality before the law the British government in 1829 abolished the widespread practice of Communion being served separately to people who were white and not white. Significantly, it was a woman, Anna Steenkamp, a niece of Piet Retief, who lodged the strongest protest. She complained that slaves were placed on an “equal footing with Christians, contrary to the laws of God, and the

61 R Shell, Children of bondage, p. 53. 62 CFJ Muller, Die oorsprong van die Groot Trek (Cape Town, Tafelberg), pp. 371-73; JC Visagie, “Die Katriviernedersetting, 1829-1839”, PhD., Unisa, 1978, p. 323; JC Visagie, Die trek uit Oos-Rietrivier (Stellenbosch, Private publication, 1989), p. 55. 63 JC Visagie, Voortrekkerstamouers (Pretoria, Unisa, 2000); Interview: JC Visagie, 7 August 2010.

47 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) natural distinction of race and religion … wherefore we rather withdraw in order to preserve our doctrines in purity.” 64 It was a woman, Olive Schreiner, who later would become one of the major feminists in England, who realised that the expression of racial superiority by British officials towards the Afrikaners on the frontier fundamentally alienated them from the government. As a governess on farms in the districts of Colesberg and Cradock three decades after the Great Trek she heard stories of how the trekkers had been estranged form government by overbearing government officials. She wrote65:

[What] most embittered the hearts of the colonists was the cold indifference with which they were treated, and the consciousness that they were regarded as a subject and inferior race by their rulers ...[The] feeling of bitterness became so intense that about the year 1836 large numbers of individuals determined for ever to leave the colony and the homes they created and raise an independent state. The feeling of being scorned as inferior or ignorant incensed women in particular. They appeared to have had a leading hand in the radical decision of the Voortrekkers to sell up at a cheap price and take the huge risk of settling in the deep interior. A British settler on the frontier wrote while the trek was getting underway: “They fancy they are under a divine impulse’, adding that ‘the women seem more bent on it than the men.”66 The resentment of a section of Afrikaners women towards the British would cast a long shadow on history.

Republican women The women on the Great Trek made their presence felt in 1838 when a British force briefly annexed Port Natal (later Durban), where a section of the Voortrekkers had settled. The British commander, Major Samuel Charters, wrote that among them there were families who had been living in ‘ease and comfort’ but were now reduced to squalid “poverty and wretchedness”. However, they “bore up against these calamities with wonderful firmness, and, with very few exceptions, showed no inclination to return. They considered

64 ’n Paar Samewerkers, Die dagboek van Anna Steenkamp (Pietermaritzburg, Natalse Pers, 1937), p. 47. 65 O Schreiner, Thoughts on South Africa(London, 1923, reprint: Johannesburg, Ad Donker, 1992), p. 235. 66 EA Walker, A history of Southern Africa (London, Longmans Green, 1957), p. 200.

48 Women and gender relations in the Afrikaner community themselves as unjustly and harshly treated by the Colonial Government while under its jurisdiction and all they now desired from it was to leave them to their own resources and not to molest them again.” The spirit of dislike to the English sway was particularly strong dominant among the women. Charters added: “If any of the men began to droop or lose courage, they urged them on to fresh exertions and kept alive the spirit of resistance within them.”67 In 1839 these trekkers proclaimed the Republic of Natalia under a Volksraad (Assembly), but in 1842 the Cape government sent a force of 250 men to Port Natal to annex the territory. In their ranks was Henry Cloete, an anglicised Cape Afrikaner, sent out as a commissioner with the task of reconciling the trekkers to the occupation. He announced that the Volksraad would be allowed to administer the interior districts until the British government had made a final decision about its status. In July 1842 the Volksraad invited Cloete to Pietermaritzburg, and, while a hostile crowd gathered outside the building, deliberated with him, eventually deciding to submit to British authority. After the meeting a delegation of women gave Cloete a baptism of fire, with the redoubtable Susanna Smit68 playing a leading role. She headed the delegation that confronted Cloete. He reported that the women expressed “their fixed determination” never to yield to British authority. Instead they “would walk out by the Draaksberg [Drakensberg] barefooted, to die in freedom, as death was dearer to them than the loss of liberty.” Angered by the men as well, they told Cloete that as a result of the battles they had fought alongside the men, “they had been promised a voice in all matters concerning the state of this country.” Yet the all-male Volksraad was now submitting to the British despite the women’s protests. The women’s fury dismayed Cloete; he considered it “a disgrace on their husbands to allow them such a state of freedom.”69 Clearly something exceptional had happened. A recent survey showed that during the nineteenth century, women on both sides of the Atlantic were denied the vote, either because they owned no property or were poorly educated, or because of a supposed natural inaptitude for public affairs. It was only in 1893, when New Zealand granted the vote to women, that a national

67 K Schoeman, Die wêreld van Susanna Smit, 1799-1863 (Cape Town, Human and Rousseau, 1995), p. 113. 68 Susanna was the sister of Gert Maritz and Stephanus Maritz, who at the time was chairman of the Volksraad, and the wife of Erasmus Smit. He was not an ordained minister but a missionary-cum-teacher and the couple was in a precarious financial and social position. 69 This section on the meeting in Pietermaritzburg is based on K Schoeman,Die wêreld van Susanna Smit..., pp. 112-159.

49 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) or colonial state enacted women’s suffrage in national elections.70 It is against this background that Henry Cloete’s bewilderment must be understood. Women were also at the heart of the early expressions of Afrikaner nationalism. The first was the uprising in 1880-81 of the Transvaal Afrikaners against the British occupation, leading to a crushing British defeat at Majuba and their withdrawal from the Highveld. Olive Schreiner wrote in the early 1890s that the war was largely a “woman’s war”. Women urged their men folk to resist the British authorities actively. “Even in the [Cape] Colony at the distance of many hundreds of miles, Afrikaner women implored sons and husbands to go to the aid of their northern kindred, while a martial ardour often far exceeding that of the males seemed to fill them.” 71 In 1890, Schreiner painted her famous picture of the “Boer woman”. She noted that the ‘Women’s Movement’, as she called feminism, always desired nothing more and nothing less than to stand beside the man as his full co- labourer, and hence as his equal. The Boer woman on the farm had already attained this. Referring to the Roman Dutch law, she stated: “The fiction of common possession of all material goods … is not a fiction but a reality among the Boers, and justly so, seeing that the female as often as the male contributes to the original household stock.”72On the farm all the domestic arrangements were her domain – slaughtering, cooking, making clothes, educating the children, and instructing them in the Christian faith and the Boer traditions. Schreiner concluded that the Boer woman “retained the full possession of one full half of the labour of her race.” She had no intention of becoming the “drone of society” like upper-class women in Europe, leading a parasitic life in which she is “fed, clothed and sustained by the labours of others for the mere performance of her animal sex function”, and got others to raise her children. There was no mental chasm between the Boer woman and her male comrade, Schreiner concluded. She enjoyed a position of “intellectual equality with her male companions, a condition which seems to constitute the highest ideal in the human sexual world.”73

70 J Markoff, “Origins, centers, and democracy: The paradigmatic history of women’s suffrage”, Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 29(1), 2003. 71 O Schreiner, Thoughts on South Africa, p. 176. 72 O Schreiner, Thoughts on South Africa, p. 175. 73 This is drawn from O Schreiner’s 1890 essay “The Boer Women and the Modern Woman’s Question”,Thoughts on South Africa, pp. 168-193.

50 Women and gender relations in the Afrikaner community

Thus the woman not only brought to the common household an equal share of material goods, but –- and Schreiner thought this infinitely more important –- “she [also] brought to the common life an equal culture.”74 In her view there were few societies in which “the duties and enjoyments of life are so equally divided between the sexes” as in Boer society. The Boer woman even stood side by side with the man, facing death in fighting enemies. She remarked that it was the Boer woman “who still today [the 1890s] has a determining influence on peace or war,” Ten years after she wrote these words Boer women, to use her phrase, did indeed play a major role in the bittereinder phase of the South African War. The republican forces had suffered some disastrous defeats in the first year of the war, and by June 1900 the Transvaal burghers were ready to surrender. Rejecting this option, President MT Steyn of the Republic of the Orange Free State propagated a war to the bitter end. So did many of the Boer women in the two republics. The great suffering and privation that women were prepared to endure baffled the men, both Boer and British. They hid in mountains, forests or reed-overgrown rivers, or wandered across the land in so-called vrouwen laagers, all to avoid capture and being sent to concentration camps. Most insisted that their husbands and sons had to continue fighting, even to the death. Setting their houses on fire did not cow them. Some candidly declared that they preferred their houses to burn down than to see their husbands surrender. A British officer noted after two months of farm burning that, without exception, the women said that they would not give in.75 As early as March 1900 the historian GM Theal, who had written extensively about South African history, warned that Eurocentric gender stereotypes did not apply: “The women are the fiercest advocates of war to the bitter end. For independence the Boer women will send husbands and son after son to fight to the last.”76 General Horatio Kitchener, Commander-in-Chief of the British forces, wrote just after assuming his post in November 1900: “There

74 O Schreiner, Thoughts on South Africa, p. 175. 75 H Bradford, “Gentlemen and Boers: Afrikaner nationalism and colonial warfare in South African War”, G Cuthbertson et al, eds, Writing a wider war: Rethinking gender, race and identity in the South African war (Cape Town, David Philip, 2002), pp. 44-55. 76 H Bradford, “Gentlemen and Boers...”, G Cuthbertson,et.al., Writing a wider war..., p. 47; A Grundlingh, “‘Hendsoppers’ en ‘Joiners’,” p. 142.

51 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) is no doubt the women are keeping up the war and are far more bitter than the men.”77 Women scorned men who had given up the fight. After the British had overrun the Orange Free State in mid-1900, a Boer woman noted: “[We] think the men should be on commando instead of meekly giving up their arms to, and getting passes from, the English.”78 In one camp the British authorities considered separating hendsoppers (Boers who had surrendered) and women. “The feelings between the families of men still on commando and those who have surrendered appears to be very bitter … and the men of the latter class have to put up with a great deal of abuse … from the women who call them slaves of the British and ‘handsoppers’.” In another camp a Hendsopper wrote of being “unmercifully persecuted by the anti-British sex”.79 JR MacDonald, a British visitor, concluded: “It was the vrouw who kept the war going on so long. It was in her heart that patriotism flamed into an all-consuming heat. She it is who returns, forgiving nothing and forgetting nothing.”80 For many women and children the camp was a searing experience that stayed with them for the rest of their lives. When an English woman exhorted Boer children at Maria Fischer’s camp to develop a spirit of forgiveness and love for one’s enemy, Fischer grimly commented: “To my mind it is not only impossible but also undesirable.”81 Defeat in war also made women cling tenaciously to their culture. Indignation about British war methods prompted a Bloemfontein woman to wonder aloud whether she should continue letting her children speak English. Reflecting on what separated her from the English, another Free State woman came up with an answer: republicanism, history, the taal (language) and “hatred of the [British] race.”82 In the early stages of the war Milner remarked that the Boers loved their property more than they hated the British and would never fight for a political system, but the bittereinder stage of the war changed the course of South African history. At stake were the character of the Boer people, their republican commitment, and their willingness to pay the highest price for their freedom.

77 SB Spies, “Women and the War”, P Warwick, ed The South African War, (London, Longman, 1980), p. 168. 78 M Marquard, Letters from a Boer parsonage (Cape Town, Purnell, 1967), p. 78. 79 A Grundlingh, “‘Hendsoppers’ en ‘Joiners’,” p. 142. 80 JR MacDonald, What i saw in South Africa (London, The Echo, 1902), p. 24. 81 MA Fischer, Tant Miem Fischer se kampdagboek, 1901-1902 (Cape Town, Tafelberg, 1964), pp. 32. 82 H Bradford, “Gendering Africander Nationalism”, unpublished paper, 10; M Marquard, Letters, p. 39.

52 Women and gender relations in the Afrikaner community

It was the valour of the bittereinders and above all the grim determination of the Afrikaner women to persevere until the bitter end that won the Boers universal respect as freedom fighters. Smuts and General Kitchener observed that this stand had made a vital difference. It meant, as Smuts pointed out, that “every child to be born in South Africa was to have a proud self-respect and a more erect carriage before the nations of the world.”83 The Women’s Monument erected outside Bloemfontein is virtually unique in paying tribute to the sacrifice of women in war, particularly the deaths in the concentration camps. It was the manifestation of a deep sense of indebtedness on the part of the Boer leaders, who had it erected after consultation with women like RI (Tibbie) Steyn, wife of former President Steyn.84 The women’s resistance during the bittereinder phase is such an extra-ordinary event that the search for an adequate explanation will continue.85 Here it is only noted that it cannot be understood without giving full weight to the extra-ordinary position an Afrikaner women enjoyed in the household as a result of the Roman-Dutch law, the partnership with her husband in running the farm, and the development of what Jan Smuts called “the Boers [as] an intensely domestic people.”86 The violation of their domestic space and the wilful destruction of the farms made it impossible for women to conceive of defeat and subordination to British rule. The women’s political activism did not subside after the peace treaty had been signed. When Union was formed in 1910 the nationalist leader, JBM (Barry) Hertzog, noticed the large number of Afrikaner women in his audiences. He concluded: They stood firm in “maintaining language, life, morals and traditions”. ‘They stood firm in “maintaining language, life, morals and traditions.” They “feel more than the men”, he remarked.87 After the Rebellion of 1914-15 Afrikaner women marched in protest against the jail sentence passed on General CR De Wet and other leaders of the Rebellion and the stiff fines that were imposed on many of their followers. Prominent Afrikaner women had initiated the protest, including Hendrina

83 GD Scholtz, Die ontwikkeling van die politieke denke van die Afrikaner (Johannesburg, Perskor, 1978), vol. 5, p. 101. 84 A Grundlingh, “The National Women’s Movement”, Writing a wider war..., pp. 22-25. 85 H Bradford, For a stimulating experience from a gender perspective; G Cuthbertson, et.al, eds., “Gentlemen and Boers”, Writing a wider war..., pp. 37-66. 86 WK Hancock and J van der Poel, Smuts Papers (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1966), vol. 1, p. 469. 87 Hertzog-toesprake, 1900-1942 (Johannesburg, Perskor, 1977), vol. 3, pp. 232, 246, 257.

53 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Joubert, wife of Commandant-general Piet Joubert, and FG (Nettie) Eloff, a grandchild of President Paul Kruger. They called on “mothers and sisters” to assemble in Church Square in Pretoria. Some four thousand women marched in rows of seven to the Union Building, where they presented a petition to

Lord Buxton, the Governor-general.88 After the rebellion Hertzog declared: “Perhaps they were the greatest rebels.” He concluded with a warning: “If one ignores the voice of Afrikaner women, one would land this country in a political hell.”89

Women and modernisation South Africa entered its period of industrialisation with the discovery of minerals in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. There was a rapid growth of towns and cities, an increase of newspapers, books and journals, an expansion of trade and industry, and the education system was modernised. By the early 1870s three distinct categories of Afrikaner women could be discerned. The first were girls and women in affluent families who were educated in English and were increasingly using English in their correspondence. The second category was poorly educated women in towns who were unable to read or write properly in either English or Dutch. Thirdly there were large majority of women, living mainly on subsistence farms, who had little schooling and spoke only Afrikaans. Afrikaner women were all profoundly affected by developments between the 1870s, when modernisation began to accelerate, and 1930, when white women received the vote. The most important was a change in the law of inheritance in order to promote stability of landowning and capital accumulation. In 1874 the Cape Colony government abolished partible inheritance, based on the rule of equal shares, and replaced it with primogeniture. Alfred Milner introduced primogeniture in the ex-republics after the Anglo-Boer War, despite considerable opposition.90Although the convention of equal shares persisted for some time, it was no longer obligatory to make the children equally share half the estate. Invariably the result was that the daughters received a smaller share than had been the case under the Roman Dutch law.

88 A Grundlingh and S Swart, Radelose rebellie: Dinamika in die 1914-15 Afrikanerrebellie (Pretoria, Protea Boekhuis, 2009), pp. 63-64. 89 A Grundlingh, “‘Hendsoppers’ en ‘Joiners’”, pp. 142. 90 W Dooling, Slavery, emancipation and colonial rule, p. 36.

54 Women and gender relations in the Afrikaner community

Increasingly they had to move to the towns and cities in search of a livelihood. Another development was the modernisation of education. Until the early 1870s the level of education provided to Afrikaner girls was very low, while that of boys, with the exception of two or three schools, was not much better. The leading figures in the Dutch Reformed Church interested in educational reform believed that an English-medium education was the only realistic option. Insisting that girls had a right to a proper education, NJ Hofmeyr, professor of the Theological School, in 1874 pleaded for government assistance in view of the fact that “the civilisation of a people depends more upon the culture of the women than the men.”91 The leading reformer of education was the British-born Andrew Murray, moderator of the DRC and minister of the Wellington congregation, who attracted excellent American teachers for private schools for Afrikaans girls belonging to his church. He also helped to found the Huguenot Seminary that opened in Wellington in 1874. This institution would later found Bloemhof High School in Stellenbosch and would also acquire a girls’ high school in Paarl, later called La Rochelle, as a branch institution. The Afrikaans journalist and writer MER, who was in high school in the early 1890s, argued that there was a clear difference between the British and the American female teachers sent out to teach in South Africa. American teachers would never break down a child’s self-respect or view by viewing with contempt the language he or she spoke. British teachers, by contrast, were inclined to be status conscious and were quick to disparage Afrikaans.92 From the 1890s education for Afrikaner girls made rapid strides. Growing numbers enrolled for secondary school, and by the end of the century some were going on to college where they received the B.A. degree. With men reluctant to become teachers, teaching was the one career open to women. In 1905 the top official of the Cape education department reported: “In truth it has become the proper thing among the fairly well-to-do farming class that the daughters of the family on completing their education should go out and teach for three or four years.”93

91 JJF Joubert, “Die Geskiedenis van Bloemhof” (M.Ed. dissertation, University of Stellenbosch, 1945), p. 10. 92 University of Stellenbosch library, Manuscripts collection, ME Rothman, Papers, Speech given to Women’s Enfranchisement League, 1926: MER, My beskeie deel, pp. 58-62. 93 IH Weder, “Die geskiedenis van die opvoeding van meisies in Suid-Afrika tot 1910” (M.Ed. diss., University of Stellenbosch, 1938), pp. 104-105.

55 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Yet another development was the rise of nationalist organisations and publications. It is instructive to conceive of nationalism as built on the ideas of a patriarchal family and a fraternity or brotherhood of men. In this scheme of thought the traditions of the “forefathers” were passed down through the generations to young men who are deemed to be the heroic protectors of the women and of the purity of the nation. The women were seen as the reproducers of the nation and the protectors of tradition and morality. Men had the obligation to shield them from public controversy and embarrassment, while women had to concentrate on the welfare of their husband and children.94 The architects of the first Afrikaner political movement were nationalists in this mould. In 1875 eight men, led by SJ du Toit, minister in the town of Paarl in the Western Cape, founded the Genootskap vir RegteAfrikaners (Association of True Afrikaners). The GRA published the Afrikaans paper Di Patriot, and several Afrikaans books, including a history and a volume of poems. From the outset Di Patriot refused to publish poems submitted in Afrikaans by women, which raises the question whether the decision was informed primarily by misogyny or the special circumstances in which the GRA operated. Misogyny characterised the thinking of Du Toit, who wrote the following, citing the Biblical book Nehemiah 13 verses 23-28 95: Seduction and degeneration usually slips in by means of the woman. Virtually every heresy counts women among its first adherents and most fiery disseminators. When they could not eradicate our nationality openly in our church and the state they directed their fire at our families. They took our daughters and educate them in American and other schools, in order to denationalise the future mothers of our generation and their children. Du Toit was influenced by conservative Protestant Dutch literature of the nineteenth century that was suffused with old-fashioned Biblical misogyny.96 However, his comments must also be seen against the background of the GRA’s objectives of elevating Afrikaans to the level of a literary language and of rehabilitating lower income white Afrikaans-speakers. Poems sent from Huguenot Seminary in the neighbouring town of Wellington were unlikely to serve any of these purposes. Almost all the girls came from upper class homes.

94 T Mayer, (Ed.), Gender ironies of nationalism: Sexing the nation (London, Routledge, 2000), pp. 1-24. 95 SJ du Toit, Nehemia as volkshervormer (Paarl, DF du Toit, 1985), p. 19. 96 E Britz and D Pienaar, “Die representatie van die vrou in die verse van die Eerste Afrikaanse Taalbeweging”, Stilet, xvi, 2, 2002, pp. 217-238.

56 Women and gender relations in the Afrikaner community

At best they considered Afrikaans as a medium for light hearted fun; at worst they saw it as an impure language fit only for working class or coloured people. The manifestation of an aggressive British imperialism in the Jameson Raid and the South African War shocked Cape Afrikaner girls who attended English-medium private schools. Among them were Petronella van Heerden, who would become a physician feminist, and M.E. Rothman, who would later write under the name MER. Later in their life they both gave an account of how they suddenly discovered that underlying these actions of imperialist politicians was a profound contempt for “Boers” or Afrikaners. Both of them turned to a variant of Afrikaner nationalism that rejected the misogyny of Du Toit and some of his allies. During the South African War some ten thousand Cape Afrikaners became rebels by joining the republican forces but Afrikaner men in general were quiescent. It was Afrikaner women who organised and attended the fourteen protest meetings that took place during the war at which imperialism was denounced. After the war the women regrouped first. Well before men founded the first cultural organisations they established welfare organizations to address the needs of the poor Afrikaners. They were the Afrikaanse Christelike Vrouevereniging in the Cape Colony, the Oranje Vrouevereniging in the Orange River Colony, and the Suid-Afrikaanse Vrouefederasie in the Transvaal Colony. Women ran these organizations entirely separately from the Dutch Reformed Church’s all-male hierarchy.97

Women and the vote Although Afrikaner women held a strong and secure place in the family, particularly on the farms, their public position was weakened by a long history of discrimination. From the beginning of European settlement at the Cape a gendered definition of political rights and offices applied, with access to office in the state and church open only to European men. This continued under British rule. Women were excluded from the vote in both the liberal Cape constitution of 1853 and the constitutions of the Boer republics.

97 M du Toit, “The Domesticity of Afrikaner nationalism: ‘Volksmoeders’ and the ACVV, 1904 –1929”, Journal of South African Studies, 29, 1 (2003), p. 175.

57 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

By the end of the century the opposition to women’s rights seemed to have grown. It was probably a response to growing assertiveness by women in other parts of the Empire. In 1898 laughter greeted a suggestion in the Cape Parliament that women be allowed to vote.98 Paul Kruger never contemplated enfranchising the Afrikaner women, thus creating a clear electoral majority, which would have been a masterstroke against the efforts of Alfred Milner to provoke war. John X Merriman, a leading liberal politician, made what a historian called the “characteristic assertion” that women were quite unfit to exercise the vote.99Of all the leading politicians President Steyn stood virtually alone as a strong and outspoken champion of the vote for white women.100 By the turn of the century Merriman made an intriguing statement: “Oddly enough in South Africa the [Afrikaner] women have always exercised a great influence. I say “oddly” because they are so utterly opposed to the modern view of ‘women’s rights’.”101 By the modern view he meant the views of suffragette movement that originated in Britain in the last decades of the nineteenth century. Frustrated by pervasive gender discrimination, the suffragettes formed a mass movement of predominantly urban, middle class women to win equal rights and opportunities for women. Very few Afrikaner women joined when English-speaking women in South Africa began campaign for the enfranchisement of women early in the twentieth century. For the start they suspected that that the suffragettes in South Africa were above all interested in projecting the extension of the vote to women as part and parcel of a programme of imperial reform that had to serve as a justification for the war. Afrikaner women only began pressing for the vote in the late 1920s Both Olive Schreiner and MER, who had become one the first full-time social workers, made revealing comments about the reason why women in some societies refrain from insisting on political rights for women. After telling the story of an illuminating conversation she had with a traditional African woman who stoically had endured polygamy and other disadvantages, Schreiner recorded this important observation: Women of no race or class would ever rise in a

98 JL McCracken, The Cape parliament, 1854-1910(Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1967), p. 29. 99 LM Thompson, The unification of South Africa(Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1960), p. 344. 100 K Schoeman, In liefde en trou; Die lewe van pres. en mev. MT Steyn (Cape Town, Tafelberg, 1983), p. 124. 101 SB Spies, “Women and the war”, P Warwick, ed., The South African War, p. 162.

58 Women and gender relations in the Afrikaner community revolt or attempt to bring about a revolutionary adjustment to their situation in their community while the community’s welfare requires their submission. That stance would only end when changing conditions in a society made women’s acquiescence in the discrimination against them “no longer necessary or desirable”.102 In 1922 MER wrote that Afrikaner women believed there were greater priorities than getting the vote. Of overriding importance were regaining the freedom of Afrikaners as a “conquered people”, the taalstryd and addressing the impoverishment, “neglect and degeneration of Afrikaner people.” The vote for women did not appear to be an important factor in addressing these grave crises. She added that the campaign to enfranchise women had been imported from Britain, and that in South Africa it had been propagated by English-speaking women who “cared little about the issues of vital concern to Afrikaners.”103 Afrikaner women refused to join the suffragette movement in great numbers but many gave enthusiastic support to associations for women’s rights founded within the framework of the Afrikaner nationalist movement. After the Vroue Nasionale Party had been formed its mouthpiece, Die Burgeres, remarked that the NP leadership did not anticipate the force it would unleash when it called on the women to organise their own political party.104 In 1930 white women were enfranchised, but this important step was soon eclipsed by Fusion in 1934 and the rise of a radical Afrikaner nationalist movement dominated by men. Men now led the struggle for the advancement of Afrikaans and the rehabilitation of the poor, leaving church membership, charity work and domestic chores to Afrikaner women. Between 1934 and 1994 fewer than ten Afrikaner women went to Parliament and Rina Venter, the first cabinet minister, was only appointed in1989, the same year that the men in her party decided to give up exclusive white power.

Conclusion Along with other women on both sides of the Atlantic, Afrikaner women were denied public office and the vote for more than two centuries after the

102 O Schreiner, Women and labour (London, T Fisher Unwin, 1911) pp. 13-14. 103 JC Steyn, Die honderd jaar van MER (Cape Town, Tafelberg, 2004), pp. 177-180; MER, My beskeie deel, p. 226. 104 L Vincent, “Afrikaner nationalist women’s parties”, South African Historical Journal, 40, 1999, p. 84.

59 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) founding of the settlement. Nevertheless their legal position was probably stronger than that of any women in Europe or the European colonies. They could claim a fixed part of the estate and played a major role as a partner of their husband in the running of a farm. Their role was crucial in the forging of a racially exclusive Afrikaner people and a predominantly white church. Women demanded a share of the decision-making on the Great Trek. The last two years of the South African War was above all characterised by the unbending refusal of the republican women to surrender, something unique in the history of European settlement. However, from the 1870s several developments, especially the introduction of primogeniture and urbanisation, undermined their position. Afrikaner women, however, refused to join in the suffragette movement as a separate cause, because they considered the taalstryd, and the rehabilitation of the Afrikaner poor as more important than pushing for women’s rights

60 Ordinary South African women in an extraordinary struggle

They also served: Ordinary South African women in an extraordinary struggle: The case of Erna de Villiers (Buber)

Pieter L Möller Vaal Triangle Campus North-West University

Samevatting

Met die ontplooiing en vestiging van die Apartheidsbeleid1 in Suid-Afrika na 1948 het by ‘n groot gedeelte van die Suid-Afrikaanse bevolking teenstand teen die beleid van afsonderlike ontwikkeling ontstaan.

Gedurende die tydperk 1948 tot 1960 is ‘n hele reeks wette aanvaar om die skeiding van rassegroepe in Suid-Afrika aan te moedig. Grootskaalse weerstand teen die reeks diskriminerende wette het onder die swartmense ontwikkel. Vroue uit alle kleurgroepe het tydens die “Apartheidsjare” (1960 tot 1990) aan versetaksies in Suid-Afrika deelgeneem om hulle misnoeë met inperkende wetgewing te kenne te gee. Ander het bydraes gelewer om ‘n verskil te maak in die lewens van mense wat onder rassisme gebuk gegaan het. Vroue se betrokkenheid op hierdie fronte was dikwels geminag. Hulle minderwaardige plek in die destydse samelewing was moontlik ‘n faktor. Desnieteenstaande het hierdie vroue se bydraes ‘n verskil help maak. Vir hierdie doel val die kollig op verskeie vroue se bydraes, waaronder enkele bekende asook minder bekende vroue. Erna de Villiers (Buber) is ‘n spesifieke voorbeeld om die rol van ‘n vrou wat tydens die Apartheidsjare ‘n prominente bydrae gelewer het, uit te wys. Haar rol onder swart skoolleerlinge word beklemtoon.

Keywords: Apartheid; African Education; Struggle; Segregation; Racial; Emancipation; Discrimination; Black Sash; Vaal Triangle; SACLA; Koinonia; Erna de Villiers (Buber).

1 The political columnist, L Louw, claimed that the word Apartheid was first used with reference to racial policy in a leading article in the Afrikaans daily, Die Burger, on 26 March 1943; A Guelke, Rethinking the rise and fall of Apartheid, South Africa and world politics (Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), p. 3.

61 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Introduction When the Union of South Africa was established in 1910, policies that were adopted were unfavourable to black people. A clear indication of this was the passing of the Native Land Act of 1913.2 According to this act, blacks, irrespective of their large population numbers, were confined to a mere 13 per cent of the country.3 Women’s involvement in protest actions can be traced back to as early as 1908, starting with ordinary issues.4 At the time, it was a heroic act for women as they were excluded from political institutions and lacked participation in politics.5 Women’s oppression and inequality spurred them on to become more vocal and active in campaigning for change.6 The Bantu Women’s League (BWL) was formed as a branch of the ANC in 1918. Members of the ANC founded the organisation as the South African Native National Congress (SANNC) in 1912 to protest injustices against the black South African population. The BWL became involved in passive resistance and fought against passes for black women.7 A petition bearing 5 000 signatures of women in the Orange Free State requesting Parliament to repeal the pass laws for women.8 In 1914, Government relaxed women’s pass laws. South Africa had watershed elections in 1924 and 1948 with regard to the racial policy in the country. The South African general election in 1924 was a realigning election in the Union of South Africa.9 JBM Hertzog, who also won the “swart gevaar” elections in 1929, promised to preserve a “white South Africa” for the minority whites in the country.10 His policies provided advantage and opportunity to whites in the workplace.

2 BJ Liebenberg & SB Spies, South Africa in the 20th century (Pretoria, JL van Schaik Publishers, 1994), p. 58. 3 N Worden, The making of modern South Africa, conquest, segregation and Apartheid, (Blackwell, Oxford, 1994), p. 49. 4 Y Muthien, State and resistance in South Africa,1939 – 1965 (Alderstad, Hants, Avebury, 1994), p. 128. 5 B Bozzoli, Woman of Phokeng, consciousness, life strategy and migrancy in South Africa, 1900 – 1983 (Clyson Printers, 1991), p. 167. 6 Available at: www.hurisa.org.za/, as accessed on 4 February 2004. 7 Available at: www.sahistory.org.za/pages/governence-projects/liberation-struggle/organisations.htm, as accessed on 8 February 2010. 8 Available at: /www.anc.org.za/wl/docs/50years.html, as accessed on 4 December 2009. 9 Realigning election or realignment are terms from political history and political science describing a dramatic change in politics. 10 CFJ Muller, 500 years, A history of South Africa (Cape Town, Academica, 1986), p. 414.

62 Ordinary South African women in an extraordinary struggle

In 1930, the government in South Africa granted franchise to white women on the same basis as white men. Black women did not qualify to vote, even though some black men did.11 With this, the African electorate was reduced from 3.1 percent to 1.4 percent of the total votes.12 Hertzog’s legislation in 1936 represented an ongoing assault on the already limited political rights of African people, and it became clear that the intention of these laws was to whittle the African franchise away even further.13 With the implementation of the Hertzog bills, a revival of organizational opposition took place and blacks made a new bid for unified action.14 Hertzog and Malan established the Reunified National Party in 1939, while Smuts’s popularity continued to slip.15 In 1948, Malan campaigned for strict enforcement of white job reservation, a ban on mixed marriages and the establishment of “native’” political bodies in African reservations in lieu of parliamentary representation. The ideal state of affairs for him and his party would have been the total territorial Apartheid or separation of whites and blacks. Unfortunately, it was not practicable in view of South Africa’s dependence on black labour.16 He also advocated the periodic forced return of African labourers to rural areas in an effort to discourage permanent urban residency while maintaining a cheap labour supply for Afrikaans farmers.17 Apartheid was a policy of separate development, preserving and safeguarding the racial identity of the white population in South Africa,18 which entailed the separation of races based on colour.19 Apartheid means separateness.20 This was a system of legal racial segregation enforced by the National Party government in South Africa between 1948 and 1994.21 Its underlying principle was the enforced separation, not just subordination, of blacks and

11 Available at: www.legalb.co.za/SA/SA-Nat-List-alpha-F-TAGGED.htm, as accessed on 3 May 2010. 12 TRH Davenport, South Africa: A modern history, 4th edition (London, MacMillan, 1991), p. 282. 13 BJ Liebenberg & SB Spies, South Africa in the 20th century, p. 298. 14 N Worden, The Making of Modern South Africa..., p. 85. 15 TRH Davenport, South Africa: A modern history, pp. 293-294, 301. 16 BJ Liebenberg & SB Spies, South Africa in the 20th century, p. 322. 17 Anon., “Malan”, Available at: www.pbs.org/cgiregistry/2wgbh/commandingheights/CRepLivepl?yearin=1924 &yearout=194, as accessed on 4 February 2010. 18 A Guelke, Rethinking the rise and fall of Apartheid..., p. 2. 19 BJ Liebenberg & SB Spies, South Africa in the 20th century, p. 323. 20 A Guelke, Rethinking the rise and fall of Apartheid..., pp. 2–3. 21 H Giliomee & B Mbenga, New history of South Africa, (Tafelberg, 2007), p. 259.

63 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) whites in the spheres of work, residence and government.22 The government segregated education, medical care and other public services, and provided black people with services greatly inferior to those of whites.23 This policy eventually affected every aspect of life in South Africa. Two major acts to prevent racial intermixing were the Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act (1949) and the Immorality Amendment Act (1950).24 The first one implied that all marriages between whites and any other racial group were illegal. The second one declared any sexual relationship across the colour line a serious offence. With the Population Registration Act of 1950, a national register was created. All Black people were classified according to race and had to carry an identification document at all times. This act caused particular hardship.25 The Group Areas Act of 1950 separated races in residential and business areas. Urban areas were especially affected. Many people were forced to close down their shops and homes and move to specific areas that were allocated to them by law. This act became the cornerstone of Apartheid.26 One of the most controversial acts introduced was the Bantu Education Act of 1953. This act gave the Minister of Native Affairs control over all black schools and provided blacks with separate education in their own schools.27 The introduction of passes for women in 1952 spurred the ANC Women’s’ League to form the Federation of South African Women. They gave the issue of passes a national dimension.28 The amalgamation of the African National Women’s League and the Federation of South African Women saw a strong sense of unity among women, including women of other races.29 The women’s anti-pass campaign brought women of all races together because the pass laws were among the most hated Apartheid laws. These passes meant that African women could live and work only in certain areas in the country.30 Women were not allowed to bring their children to urban areas where they worked, which separated mothers and children for long periods.31

22 N Worden, The making of modern South Africa..., p. 72. 23 TRH Davenport, South Africa: A modern history, p. 518. 24 BJ Liebenberg & SB Spies, South Africa in the 20th century, p. 322. 25 TRH Davenport, South Africa: A modern history, p. 328. 26 BJ Liebenberg & SB Spies, South Africa in the 20th century, p. 323. 27 BJ Liebenberg & SB Spies, South Africa in the 20th century, p. 325. 28 Anon., “ANC Woman’s Leaque”, Available at: www.overcomingapartheid.msu.ed/terms.php, as accessed on 4 February 2010. 29 Anon., “ANC Woman’s Leaque”, Available at: www.anc.org.za/woman’sleague/50 years of struggle, as accessed on 3 February 2010. 30 H Dhansay, Apartheid and resistance, p. 14. 31 Anon., “Dawn of Woman’s day”, City Press, 5 August 2007, p. 30.

64 Ordinary South African women in an extraordinary struggle

In 1955, a small group of predominantly English-speaking, white, middle- class women formed an organisation called The Women’s Defence of the Constitution League, which became known as the Black Sash because the women wore a black sash over one shoulder when they demonstrated against discriminatory legislation.32 The women’s march to the Union Buildings in Pretoria against the pass laws on 9 August 1956 was historically brave and left the impression that women were a force to be reckoned with.33 They indicated strongly that they totally opposed and rejected passes for African women.34 However, the struggle against the pass laws was not a matter for African women only. It formed part of the struggle for liberation.35 About twenty thousand women took part in the march. They arrived in ANC blouses, traditional dresses, colourful saris, business suits with fancy hats, and they came in the name of the women of South Africa to show their discontent with the pass system.36 Although the march was illegal, the women moved to the Union Buildings in pairs. Officials refused to have an audience with the women, but thousands of petitions were left on the steps of the building.37 The courage displayed by these women deserves honour and remembrance for generations to come:38 Women are not afraid of suffering for the sake of their children and their homes. Women would not face a future, imprisoned in the pass laws. Women would fight for the right to live and move freely as human beings.39 The Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) was an anti-Apartheid activist movement that emerged in South Africa in the mid-1960s. The central ideas of the movement were the encouragement of self-confidence among black people, the severing of all ties with whites and the grouping of all oppressed people of colour under the term “blacks”.40 The BCM did not place great emphasis on women, although it was acknowledged that equality of women was a necessary component of liberation.41 Women’s organisations have

32 Anon., “Black Sash”, Available at: www.sahistory.org.za/pages/governence-projects/liberation-struggle organisations.htm., as accessed on 9 February 2010. 33 Anon., “Old comrade revisits Pretoria in celebration of Women’s day”, Sunday Independent, 29 July 2006, p. 11. 34 J Schadeberg, Nelson Mandela and the rise of the ANC (Parklands, Jonathan Ball, Donker, 1990), p. 7. 35 Anon., “Women, work and the pass laws”, Leader, 30 August 2002, p. 6. 36 D Stewart, L Ngoyi, They fought for freedom (Cape Town, Maskew Miller Longman, 1996), p. 36. 37 EHD Russel, Lives of courage, women for a new South Africa, (Basic Books, Inc., Publishers, New York, 1989), p. 210. 38 Anon., “Girls urged to remember the struggle”, Daily Dispatch, 11 August 2003, p. 2. 39 Anon., “Black Consciousness Movement”, Available at: www.africanhistory.about.com/od/apartheid/a WomensAntiPass.htm, as accessed on 9 February 2010. 40 BJ Liebenberg & SB Spies, South Africa in the 20th century, p. 458. 41 Anon., “Debt to women who inspired”, Business Day, 18 July 2003, p. 9.

65 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) always operated within the framework of the political resistance movements, because of the women’s clear understanding that the reforms they needed were dependent upon the restructuring of the state itself.42

The contribution of South African women to the “struggle”: A walk through time Many women participated and contributed through resistance movements during the so-called “struggle” of the Apartheid years in South Africa. To identify women who participated in the resistance movements in South Africa is an extremely broad topic, because there were many women who contributed to the struggle. Many are well-known activists who played a significant role in resistance movements, but many of them are unknown and their participation unrecognised. There was also a myriad of “small people” who were much involved and without whose dedication to the struggle the result might have been different. In the study, it sometimes became a demanding task to gather information, as primary sources to serve as references are scarce. The ultimate focus is on the extraordinary experiences and role of Erna de Villiers (Buber), an ordinary white woman and teacher from the Vaal Triangle. The role of several well-known and less known women in the struggle against Apartheid is discussed to accentuate the difference they made in “unschackling” Apartheid. Therefore, reference is made to the role and contribution of women such as Charlotte Maxeke, Dorothy Nyembe, Lillian Ngoyi and Helen Zille who indeed played a significant role during the Apartheid years and made a considerable contribution to South African society. Women played a decisive role, not only in the emancipation of women, but also in the battle against injustice to and prejudice against their gender and race. Although Apartheid had a negative impact on women in general, their resistance created an effective combined effort, and many of them became real icons. Often their stories are woven into the narratives of anti-Apartheid male leaders.43 It could be said that, without their individual contributions, the struggle would have been deprived of catalysts.

42 Anon., “Women and the struggle”, Leader, 9 August 2002, p. 7. 43 Anon., “Forgotten heroes of the Struggle”, Cape Argus, 9 August 2007, p. 11.

66 Ordinary South African women in an extraordinary struggle

From 1960 to 1994, women in South Africa were divided into separate groups because of the Apartheid system. However, South African women of all races, like many other women around the world, took their positions in the family, politics, the economy and the broader society.44 African women suffered primarily because they were black. Their disabilities, whether due to social custom, cultural indoctrination or legal barriers, could not be separated from the overall system of Apartheid. However, women would continue to overlook discrimination against them and dedicate themselves to the liberation of their people. Most women were absent from the organs of decision making in politics, in the economy and in the armed forces.45 Women often made equal cash contributions to the household and at times even greater than men did, yet they were all too often ignored when it came to major issues.46 Charlotte Maxeke (born in the district of Ramokgopa near Fort Beaufort on 7 April 1874),47 was one of the first black women who made an effort to act against discriminatory measures against women in South Africa.48 She was a brave person who was prepared to fight for justice and the liberation of her own people. She grew up in the African Methodist Episcopal Church and became a good singer in their choir. Because of her extraordinary talents as a singer, she had an opportunity to travel to Europe. When she returned home, the political situation had greatly changed. The government was regulating and restricting the movement of blacks to urban areas, thus ensuring a continued supply of labour to white farmers in rural areas. Black men were attracted and drawn to urban areas to earn money for a better life. Many women, because they could not cope with the demands of taking charge of the family on their own, followed their husbands to urban areas, where they were arrested for staying in areas in which they were not permitted to reside. In a well-calculated effort to fight all this, Charlotte Maxeke engaged women across the country to oppose this entire legislative affront. She masterminded the formation of the Black Women’s League, which was referred to as the most tangible result of the 1913 campaigns.49 In 1918, she led a deputation of women to the office of the Prime Minister, Louis Botha, to question the extension of passes to

44 Anon., “The day the women spoke”, Sunday Tribune, 6 August 2006, p. 3. 45 H Bernstein, For their triumph and for their tears, women in apartheid South Africa (London, International Defence and Aid fund for South Africa, 1985), (available at: http:/www.anc.org.za/books/triumphs.html). 46 F Meer, Women in the apartheid society (available at: http:/www.org.za/ancdocs/history/misc/fatima.html). 47 Anon., “Charlotte Maxeke: A pioneer for women’s rights”, Pretoria News, 24 June 2005, p. 3. 48 Anon., “Forgotten heroes of the Struggle”, Cape Argus, 9 August 2007, p. 11. 49 C Walker, Women and resistance in South Africa, , (Cape Town, New York, Monthly Review Press, 1991, p. 32.

67 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) women. Her approach was holistic and not demonstrative only. She outlined the difficulties in the lives of women who found themselves trying to sustain family life and being driven to a life of destitution and criminality because of unfair laws made by the white government. She died in 1939, but her spirit became a great asset to the liberation struggle that would be fought in the country in the years that followed.50 Dorothy Nyembe was another leading activist who was tirelessly committed to the liberation of her people.51 She was born in the district of Dundee in KwaZulu-Natal on 31 December 1931. She was educated at missionary schools and passed grade eleven. She joined the ANC in 1952, a few years after the 1948 elections when the policy of Apartheid was implemented. The decision of the government in 1930 to pass legislation enfranchising white women came as a personal insult to her, and she experienced the environment as hostile and biased against black women like herself. Because of this law, protests were sparked all over the country, even among white women who, in solidarity with black women, were determined to protest. Some even campaigned from inside Parliament.52 Having just joined the ANC, she participated as a volunteer in the defiance campaign in Durban. She was imprisoned twice due to campaign-related activities. During the early 1950s, she not only took part but also occupied the front trenches of the resistance campaigns. The Defiance Campaign worked for the abolition of unjust Apartheid programmes. In June 1952, the movement broadened its support base and began with several actions against Apartheid regulations.53 Nyembe also participated in the establishment of the ANC Women’s League in Cato Manor. She became one of the leading figures in the rural areas during 1956. She refused to give up or surrender and therefore played a decisive role in KwaZulu-Natal. She was a leading figure during the so-called “beer hall boycotts”, leading a contingent of Natal women to the Union Buildings in Pretoria on 9 August 1956 to protest against the extension of passes to women.54 She was one of 156 activists who were arrested and charged with high treason. These charges were later withdrawn. Her rise to prominence

50 F Meli, South Africa belongs to us: A history of the ANC (Harare, Zimbabwe Publishing House, 1989), p. 93. 51 Anon., “Roll of honour: Women political prisoners”, Witness, 31 August 2009, p. 9. 52 C Walker, Women in resistance in South Africa, p. 143. 53 H Giliomee & B Mbenga, New history of South Africa, p. 327. 54 Anon., “Old comrade revisits Pretoria in celebration of Women’s day”, Sunday Independent, 29 July 2006, p. 11.

68 Ordinary South African women in an extraordinary struggle continued. In 1959, she was elected as the president of the ANC Women’s League in Natal. She played an active role in the potato boycott and voiced her dismay audibly against the use and treatment of prisoners as labourers on potato farms. When the ANC was outlawed in 1962, she joined Umkhonto we Sizwe, which was founded in 1961. She worked closely with people who later became well known in South African politics, namely Chief Luthuli, Moses Mabhida, Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu and Oliver Tambo. In 1963, she was arrested for promoting the aims of Umkhonto we Sizwe and was imprisoned for three years. When she was released in 1966, she was restricted to the magisterial district of Durban. She was not allowed to address any gathering or engage in any political activities. She continued serving the underground structures and was arrested again with ten others under the Suppression of Communism Act. She was found guilty of harbouring M Kumba, a political activist of the ANC.55 Mamma D, as Dorothy became popularly known, continued the struggle in prison. She went on a hunger strike a few times and tried to improve the lives of prisoners who were incarcerated because of their political views. After her release in 1984, she indicated that she had not been allowed to study while she had been in prison.56 She was denied access to any newspaper, and some of the letters she received were confiscated because they were written in a language that the authorities could not comprehend.57 On the day of her death, a day after the great heroines in the struggle movement had been honoured, people compared it to the heart of a lioness that had stopped beating. She was awarded the Soviet Union Friendship Award as well as the Luthuli Prize for commitment and dedication to the liberation struggle. During her life, she was prominent for motivating political prisoners and detainees incarcerated in South African jails and for being sentenced to the longest single term handed down to a woman for political activism. To her followers, her death left a deep void that would be difficult to fill. Dorothy Nyembe did not simply lament her position but sought to change the world around her.

55 T Karis & GM Carter, From protest to challenge: A documentary history of African politics in South Africa, 1882 – 1964 (Stanford, Calif, Hoover Institution Press, 1977), p. 275. 56 EHD Russel, Lives of courage..., p. 27. 57 H Bernstein, For their triumph and for their tears..., p. 101.

69 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Lillian Ngoyi was born in Pretoria on 25 September 1911.58 They were extremely poor, and she grew up with hardship and in poverty. They were true Christians and believed in the power of prayer and the providence of God. Her father was a sickly retrenched mineworker who died when she was still young. Her mother did odd jobs for white people around Pretoria to provide for her family of six. She was introduced to the cruelty of Apartheid at a young age. She had to deliver some washing to the home of her mother’s white employer. She took her younger brother with her, but the employer refused to allow him into her house. She could not understand why an African child was not allowed into the woman’s home. She noticed a dog being allowed in the house.59 Later, she explained that that experience affected the rest of her life. After completing grade seven, she had to start working to help feed her family. At first, she wanted to enrol for a teacher’s training course, but had to settle for a job as a trainee nurse at the City Deep Hospital in Johannesburg.60 While working there, she met her husband and soon afterwards gave birth to a daughter whom she called Edith. Her husband died five years after their marriage. Because of Apartheid laws, her family had to leave Pretoria and relocate to Orlando West in Soweto. The shelter in which she, her daughter and her parents lived was in one of the worst slums in Soweto. The small, one-room shack had a tin roof that was held down by large stones. There were neither windows, nor a chimney or lights in the shack. At the end of the row of shacks, they had one tap that served about thirty families.61 Life in Soweto was difficult. Lillian knew that, as a widow and a mother, she had to do something to improve her circumstances. Eventually, with the help of a friend, she got a job as a seamstress. In the late 1940s, a union was formed for workers in the field of her work, called the Garment Workers’ Union. Solly Sachs, the founder, was also the first general secretary. In 1952, Lillian became a member of the Garment Workers’ Union and was soon elected to its executive committee. The union offered workers protection from exploitation.62 Lillian made a great effort to recruit fellow workers to join the union. When Solly Sacks was arrested for communist-related actions, Lillian and her daughter, Edith, took part in a protest against the government. Edith was beaten during the protest.

58 D Stewart & L Ngoyi, They fought for freedom, p. 1. 59 H Bernstein, For their triumph and for their tears..., p. 65. 60 D Stewart & L Ngoyi, They fought for freedom, p. 1. 61 D Stewart & L Ngoyi, They fought for freedom, p. 6. 62 D Stewart & L Ngoyi, They fought for freedom, p. 8.

70 Ordinary South African women in an extraordinary struggle

Lillian started reading newspapers and was fascinated by the way in which people committed to the ANC and its activities. She was inspired by the spirit of volunteers and joined the ANC in 1950. Soon afterwards, she was arrested because she had used the facilities that were reserved for white people in a post office.63 She was then presented with the opportunity to pose a challenge to the heinousness of Apartheid. Her energy and her gift as a public speaker won her rapid recognition in the organisation.64 Within a year, she was elected to the national executive committee.65 When the Federation of South African Women was formed, she became the vice-president and later the president.66 Lillian was also involved in church-related organisations. She became more and more convinced that the government would be fully aware of the commitment of women to the struggle only if they adopted a more aggressive and militant approach. In 1954, she slipped out of the country to Switzerland to attend a world conference on women. She learned much at the conference and took the opportunity to visit several socialist countries.67 When the government announced its intentions to pass legislation to extend the pass laws to women, she saw it as a great challenge and launched a march with several women, among them Helen Joseph and Dorothy Sihlangu, to resist the legislation.68 More than 20 000 women took part in this march on 9 August 1956.69 This was to be one of the greatest marches ever staged.70 Women arrived in trains, in buses, by car and on foot to gather in the amphitheatre at the Union Buildings.71 Notwithstanding notices of no admission to the Prime Minister’s offices, the women marched into the building and left a pile of petition forms bearing more than a hundred thousand signatures.72 Lillian was effective in her work. She declared herself an enemy of the State and Apartheid. She had an extraordinary character. She was ambitious, intellectually brilliant and was a remarkable orator. Her many speeches were characterised by excellent rhetoric and accurate use of poetic language. She is still remembered today for the excellent speeches she made when she was the

63 Anon., “Lillian Ngoyi”, Available at: www.sahistory.org.za/ngoyi, as accessed on 20 January 2010. 64 EHD Russel, Lives of courage..., p. 101. 65 MJ Daymond, et al, Women writing Africa. The Southern region, (Feminist Press, New York, 2003), p. 240. 66 D Stewart & L Ngoyi, They fought for freedom, p. 12. 67 Anon., “Lillian Ngoyi”, Available at: www.durban.gov.za/durban/government/renaming/bios/lillian_bram, as accessed on 3 May 2010. 68 MJ Daymond, et al, Women writing Africa. The Southern region, p. 240. 69 Anon., “Women defy oppressive laws”, Sowetan, 10 August 2004, p. 19. 70 Anon., “Old comrade revisits Pretoria in celebration of Women’s day”, Sunday Independent, 29 July 2006, p. 11. 71 H Bernstein, For their triumph and for their tears..., p. 89. 72 F Meli, South Africa belongs to us:..., pp. 132, 133.

71 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) president of FSAW. Her exceptional frankness and down-to-earth approach made her a great asset to this organisation. She was one of the ANC leaders who were charged with treason against the State during the period 1956 to 1960. Although she was placed under house arrest on many occasions, Lillian never gave up. On one occasion, she spoke to a journalist after one set of restrictions had expired and a new set had not yet been imposed, saying that she would not be intimidated by the restrictions against her and that she was looking forward to the day when her children would share in the wealth of “our lovely South Africa”.73 She was not able to see this happen. Lillian died in 1980.74 Lillian’s funeral service was held in a packed hall of the Methodist Church in Orlando East, Soweto. People from all over the world came to pay homage to her. She was much against the discrimination, unfairness and exploitation of people, and her contribution lay in her disregard for her own needs and in safeguarding other people. Her weakness was that she was highly emotional, but her strength lay in the fact that she admitted it, that she could be disciplined and submitted to cold logic. Not only black but also white women such as Di Bishop, Paula Hathorn, Audrey Coleman, Anne Mayne, Sheena Duncan and Hettie V75 participated in resistance movements during the struggle against Apartheid. Helen Zille, a prominent journalist and anti-Apartheid activist, protested with other women against government atrocities during the Apartheid years. When she was a political correspondent for the Rand Daily Mail, she uncovered the true story behind the death of the Black Consciousness Movement leader, Steve Biko, in 1977. She proved that his death had been due to police brutality, and not due to natural causes as the government had claimed. In the 1980s, Zille became a member of several anti-Apartheid organisations such as the Black Sash, the Open Society Foundation and the Independent Media Diversity Trust.76 Zille was deeply involved in the Black Sash. The Black Sash was a non- violent, white women’s resistance organisation founded by six women in South Africa in 1955. They were Jean Sinclair, Ruth Foley, Jean Bosazza, Helen Newton Thompson, Tercia Pybus and Elizabeth Maclaren.77 Zille

73 H Bernstein, For their triumph and for their tears…, p. 113. 74 Anon., “Lillian Ngoyi”, (Available at: www.anchistory/50 years of struggle, as accessed on 6 April 2010). 75 EHD Russel, Lives of courage..., pp. 79-80; 153; 213; 227; 312. 76 Anon., “Helen Zille”, (Available at: www.sahistory.org.za/pages/people/bios/zille_h.htm, as accessed on 9 February 2010). 77 Anon., “The women who haunted apartheid’s masters”, Cape Argus, 17 May 2005, p. 14.

72 Ordinary South African women in an extraordinary struggle served on the regional and national executives of the Black Sash and was vice-chairperson of the End Conscription Campaign. This Campaign was an anti-Apartheid organisation allied to the United Democratic Front and composed of conscientious objectors and their supporters in the Western Cape and in South Africa.78 During this time, she was arrested for being in a “group area” without a permit, and received a suspended prison sentence. Zille and her husband later offered their home as a safe house for political activists during the state of emergency in 1986, and she was temporarily forced into hiding with their two-year-old son. Since childhood, Zille had also been actively involved in the South Africa Beyond Apartheid Project and the Cape Town Peace Committee. She later gathered evidence for the Goldstone Commission, which investigated attempts to destabilise the Western Cape before the elections. In the 1990s, Helen Zille joined the Democratic Party and served as the party’s technical advisor. She was elected as MEC for Education in 1999 and was invited by the Democratic Party to draw up a draft policy for education in the Western Cape. By 2010, she acted as the opposition leader in South Africa.79 All these prominent woman leaders in the struggle against Apartheid inspired other woman in South Africa to raise their voices in the communities they represented. In this regard Erna de Villiers (Buber) in the former Vaal Triangle industrial area, is a very typical example that deserves a closer look.

Erna de Villiers (Buber), a woman for freedom in the Vaal Triangle The Vaal Triangle is part of the industrial heartland of South Africa.80 Because of the large numbers of black people in the Vaal Triangle, an industrial environment, this area played a most important role in the struggle. In this regard, the Sharpeville massacre is well recorded in reports and publications. Three black townships, Sebokeng, Evaton and Small Farms, about 40 minutes southwest of Johannesburg, form the heart of the Vaal Triangle. In late 1984, the townships of Bophelong, Boipatong, Sharpeville, Sebokeng and

78 Anon., “Helen Zille”, (Available at: www.http://www.absoluteastronomy.com/topics/Helen_Zille, as accessed on 9 February 2010). 79 Anon., “Helen Zille”, (Available at: www.http://www.absoluteastronomy.com/topics/Helen_Zille, accessed on 9 February 2010). 80 P Noonan, They’re burning the churches (Bellevue, South Africa, Jacana Publishers, 2003), p. 14.

73 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Evaton imploded and exploded, with far-reaching consequences for South Africa.81 On 3 September 1984, the streets were crowded with protesters. Circumstances in the Vaal Triangle were marked by murder and mayhem. Crowds roamed the streets and stoned symbols of power and privilege. Police moved in and fired tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse the crowds. New skirmishes broke out. Angered by sharp rent increases and shut out of the new tricameral Parliament, residents of the Vaal Triangle held a general strike.82 In 1992, a massacre at Boipatong stalled the delicate negotiations for a new South Africa for at least six months.83 Erna de Villiers’s involvement can be attributed to many factors. The story of Erna de Villiers (Buber) serves as an example of the contributions of white women in the struggle. Their combined contribution and efforts made a considerable difference to the lives of the oppressed.

Photograph: Erna de Villiers (Buber)

Erna de Villiers (Buber) was an art teacher in Vereeniging, a medium-sized city in the Vaal Triangle, in the 1980s. At first, her contribution was modest, but eventually became so significant that it cannot be overlooked. She is typical of many hundreds of other women who played similar roles. Erna’s background and the way she became politically aware had a powerful influence on her impressions of black people. As she came into greater contact with black people and discovered through her experiences that her prejudices were not based on fact, she started contributing to the resistance movement.

81 P Noonan, They’re burning the churches, p. 11. 82 S Mufson, Fighting years, black resistance and the struggle for a new South Africa (Boston, Beacon Press, 1990), p. 7. 83 P Noonan, They’re burning the churches, p. 14.

74 Ordinary South African women in an extraordinary struggle

In the structures of the faith community in the Vaal Triangle, the churches played an important role. They had to sow seeds of transformation in society and perform day-to-day duties such as counselling, healing, hospital ministry, baptisms and marriages. However, this changed during the peak of Apartheid. Christian fellowship, solidarity and calling redefined itself at the time and adopted new forms of assistance. The churches suddenly leaped to the fore, organising and participating in political funerals, regular attendance at inter- church clergy meetings, community meetings, sermons aimed at progressive opinion makers and conservative Christians alike, private meetings with political strategists and community leaders, exasperating the State by secretly and publicly making church property available for anti-Apartheid meetings, protests, etc. This activity of the churches raised consciousness of the role of the church in the black community to a level hitherto unheard of. The churches, which were strategically located throughout the Vaal Triangle townships, became accepted centres of opposition politics.84 Organisations such as the South African Christian Leadership Assembly (SACLA)85 and Koinonia,86 a fellowship organisation with the integral aim of bringing people of different races together, are discussed further on. These organisations had an important influence on many people and “directed” them towards doing something active about the struggle; rather than sympathising with the “oppressed”, but without actively protesting against it. They also had a positive and formative influence on Erna. She contributed significantly to rectify the inferiority of black education, and at a meeting held for teachers in Vereeniging, she spoke to FW de Klerk on the position of blacks in schools.87

Erna de Villiers (Buber): A biography of memories Erna Buber was born in Pretoria and hailed from a middle-class Afrikaner background. Her parents were members of the Afrikaner National Party, which came to power in 1948. Her father became the first Afrikaner to be appointed in a diplomatic post overseas. He was sent to the South African

84 P Noonan, They’re burning the churches, p. 228. 85 Anon., “SACLA”, (Available at: www.google.co.za/sacla; www.sacla.za.net, as accessed on 18 December 2009). 86 Anon., “Koinonia”, (Available at: http://books.google.co.za/Koinonia+Nico+Smith&source=web, as accessed on 10 February 2010). 87 Personal interview, E de Villiers (Buber)/PL Möller (Researcher), Vereeniging, 8 April 2008. (The interview with Erna is not transcribed but is available on tape and deposited at the library of the Northwest University, Vaal Triangle Campus).

75 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Embassy in Washington, DC, in 1950. In the late 50s, her father became the Commercial Commissioner in Stockholm, Sweden, where she attended an international school from 1956 to 1959. She recalls that 153 children in the school represented about 90 different nationalities. She claims that she grew up in a milieu different from children in South Africa. One of her best friends came from the Belgian Congo. Erna was thirteen years old when they returned and first encountered the ideology of Apartheid. Her memories are important because they show that, although she was not quite politically aware, she was starting to evaluate situations from a young age. On their return from Europe, the family stayed at a hotel in Cape Town. She made friends with a waiter, whom she called “Oom (Uncle)”. She asked him where he lived. He said he could show her because he lived at the back of the hotel. As a young girl, Erna was puzzled about his quarters and experienced extreme feelings of guilt, as it was not proper for a white girl to be in the company of a black man, let alone be in his quarters. From this episode, Erna, a girl of five, realised that something strange was going on and that it had something to do with race. Another episode influenced Erna when her family was stationed in Stockholm. Erna went to a diplomatic school, where she made friends with the Ethiopian ambassador’s daughter. Erna invited her to her birthday party, but her friend did not come. Erna later found out that it was because her family represented the South African government and her friend’s family did not agree with its policies. Therefore, her friend could not come because the ambassador could not support South Africa’s politics and so could not let his daughter go to a South African’s party.88 Her father later took the time to tell her what he understood by Apartheid. He told her that South Africa had adopted a policy of separate development. This separate development was to prevent the exploitation of blacks by whites and gradually to educate the blacks to the same level as that of the whites. At art school in Johannesburg, Erna came into contact with the Progressive Party through people who supported it. The Progressive Party was a liberal South African party that opposed the ruling National Party’s policies of Apartheid. Between 1961 and 1974, at this time Eve Suzman was the only woman to be a Member of Parliament. Her party proposed a non-racial

88 Personal interview, E de Villiers (Buber)/PL Möller (Researcher), Vereeniging, 8 April 2008.

76 Ordinary South African women in an extraordinary struggle qualified vote and constitutional protection of minorities.89 In 1975, it was renamed the Progressive Reformed Party, and then became the Progressive Federal Party in 1977.90 One of the aims of the Progressive Party was to promote the growth of a black middle class. Erna thought the party was “communist” because it was pro-black, but when she came into contact with blacks, her attitude changed.91 An organisation that played a significant role in Erna’s participation in the struggle was the said SACLA.92 Erna’s personal thoughts and participation in resistance to the Apartheid system were influenced profoundly after attending the SACLA.

Other triggers the changing of minds

South African Christian Leadership Assembly (SACLA) In 1979, the first truly interracial nationwide gatherings of Christians ever in South Africa took place. Probably the most notable was SACLA, which saw 15 000 church leaders come together in Pretoria during the height of the Apartheid era.93 An evangelical organisation called African Enterprise had organised a huge meeting of South African Christian leaders of all ethnic backgrounds, an emotional occasion with blacks, whites and coloureds reaffirming their commitment to one another as Christians.94 SACLA was a major turning point in the lives of white and black people, because many whites started re-evaluating their impressions of black people. Through SACLA, people of different races could form friendships. They then started making an effort to bring people of different races together with the ultimate purpose of people changing their negative attitudes towards one another.95 Later, she explained that she could never be the same after that meeting. She met black graduate students who had obviously studied at universities. This

89 H Giliomee & B Mbenga, New History of South Africa, p. 259. 90 TRH Davenport, South Africa: A modern history, p. 388. 91 Personal interview, E de Villiers (Buber)/PL Möller (Researcher), Vereeniging, 8 April 2008. 92 Anon., “SACLA”, (Available at: www.sacla.za.net/public_html/2whatissacla.htm, as accessed on 9 February 2010). 93 Anon., “SACLA”, (Available at: www.urbana.org/wtoday.witnesses, as accessed on 21 December 2009). 94 R Saintonge, Outside the gate: The story of Nico Smith (Great Britain, Spire, 1989), p. 198. 95 RL Abel, 1995, Politics by other means: Law in the struggle against apartheid, 1980-1994 (Johannesburg, WITS Centre of Legal Studies, 1998), p. 89.

77 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) was a far cry from her former ideas that black people were not that intelligent and could only learn like parrots. They were not only well educated, but she could also probably speak to them like friends. Through SACLA, Erna formed friendships with people of different races. She discovered that she had been totally blind in her opinion of black people and would henceforth endeavour to create situations where whites could meet blacks with the ultimate purpose of changing their negative attitudes towards one another. Erna also joined organisations such as Koinonia to contribute in bringing people of different races together.96

Joining the Koinonia initiatives Nico Smith, a white minister of religion and academic from Pretoria, was in close contact with the young black people of Pretoria, Johannesburg and the Vaal Triangle. He was outspoken against Apartheid.97 In time, they grew to trust him. Nico Smith shocked many people when he, as a white man with an impeccable Afrikaner pedigree, with a prestigious university job and a comfortable home, moved with his wife, Ellen, to the deprived and despised South African township of Mamelodi.98 About 400 000 blacks lived in the 60 000 homes in Mamelodi. Few homes had electricity or telephones.99 In May 1987, Piet Mabuza, a long-time evangelist from Mamelodi, said the following about Smith, “Dr Smith is the white swallow and he has come to live with the black swallows beneath the Magaliesberg hills. He has built himself a swallow’s nest among the four rooms. He has come to be among us, and to help us to fly free.”100 Nico Smith was the leader of an organisation called Koinonia. The integral aim was to bring people of different races together.101 Koinonia (meaning fellowship) is a word used to express the spirit of generous sharing as opposed

96 Personal interview, E de Villiers (Buber)/PL Möller (Researcher), Vereeniging, 8 April 2008. 97 Anon., “Vaal Triangle”, (Available at: www.polity.org.za/polity/govdocs/commissions/1998/trc/4chap3.htm, as accessed 13 July 2009). 98 Anon., “Weekend at camp open white eyes”, The Star, 22 September 1992, p. 8. 99 Anon., “Mamelodi”, Available at: www.query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.htm; Mamelodi Journal; Behold the Dream! South Africa without racism, JD Battersby, Special to the New York Times (Published, 21 March 1988, as accessed on 9 July 2009). 100 Anon., “Mamelodi”, Available at: www.query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.htm; Mamelodi Journal; Behold the Dream! South Africa without racism, JD Battersby, Special to the New York Times (March 21, 1988). 101 Anon., “Tembisa open its homes to its white neighbours”, Sowetan, 4 April 1990, p. 4.

78 Ordinary South African women in an extraordinary struggle to the spirit of selfish getting.102 The people of Koinonia performed a most basic act; they ate together. True communion is possible only when people regard one another as equals. This was one of the basic problems in South Africa: Horizontal relationships did not exist between whites and blacks.103 Nico Smith started by identifying seventeen people who were willing to participate in an experiment of reconciliation by sharing meals in their individual homes.104 The seventeen people, equally divided between blacks and whites, participated, and this was where Koinonia was born. Within three years, it had spread nationwide and was to attract international attention. The plan of Koinonia was that couples should be divided into groups of four, and that once a month they should take turns eating at one another’s homes, alternating between the township and the white suburbs.105 “For blacks, as well as whites, the first meal had been an emotional time.”106 Alexander and Gillian Venter moved in with the Mbethas for five days, and the encounter transcended the usual barriers of this rigidly segregated society. “It has been an important experience for us,’’ said Mr Mbetha who worked as a messenger for a white dentist in Pretoria, about a 25-minute drive away. “We can see now that whites are just like every black man.’’107 The Koinonia movement in South Africa developed into a movement based on Christian principles and working for a non-racial, free, equal and just South Africa. All its activities were aimed at giving grassroots people the opportunity to share and experience the lives and situations of people of other races. Its aim was to prepare, equip and encourage South Africans to develop and practice a non-racial lifestyle. It was committed to make a practical contribution towards social transformation in a society that was based on the sinful distinction of people by race, class, economics and gender.108 Erna associated with its focus and initiatives and contributed as far as it was possible in her field of expertise, namely education (see later in the section to follow).

102 Anon., “Weird normality”, Frontline, 28 February 1991, p. 10. 103 Hofmeyr; Kritzinger & Saayman, Wit Afrikane? ‘n Gesprek met Nico Smith (Kaapstad, Taurus, 1990), p. 138. 104 Anon., “Encounter group aims at improving relations”, New Nation, 3–9 May 1991, p. 21. 105 Anon., “Koinonia South Africa”, CrossTimes, December 1989 – January 1990, p. 63. 106 R Saintonge, Outside the gate: The story of Nico Smith, p. 206. 107 Available at: www.query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.htm; Mamelodi Journal; Behold the Dream! South Africa without racism, JD Battersby, Special to the New York Times, (Published, March 21, 1988, as accessed on 9 July 2009). 108 Anon., Koinonia South Africa, CrossTimes, December 1989 – January 1990, p. 63.

79 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

In 1989, the Koinonia movement received the international Beyond War Award for its work in bridging the gap between whites and blacks.109 Erna and her husband joined Koinonia, where they arranged for Christian exchanges.110 During the early 1990s, Erna was involved in trying to open a Koinonia branch in the Vaal Triangle, but there was not much support, with people believing that Apartheid was ending. Ironically, Koinonia ceased to exist after the elections in 1994. The Koinonia movement had relied on overseas funds and, knowing that South Africa was becoming a democratic country, foreigners did not see the need for organisations like Koinonia any longer. Many South Africans disagreed and felt that, if ever there was a time for such an organisation, it would be then! Through Koinonia, whites and blacks learnt to be friends across the racial barrier.111 As mentioned earlier, Erna Buber also contributed significantly to rectify the inferiority of black education.

Education provision - the extra mile Until the National Party came into power, most African education was provided by the more than 4 500 Christian mission schools throughout the country.112 The National Party was of the opinion that dangerous, liberal ideas were being fed by outsiders into the untrained minds of young black people at these schools. The NP government, with HF Verwoerd as Minister of Native Affairs, undertook to take control of the education of black children and to provide a new curriculum.113 The Bantu Education Act of 1953 brought all African schools under the control of the Department of Native Affairs, which phased out the independent missionary institutions that had previously been responsible for African education. The new imposed curriculum deliberately prepared learners for little more than manual labour.114 The new curriculum entailed that a minimal knowledge of Afrikaans and English was necessary to enable the Bantu child to follow oral or written

109 Anon., Tembisa open its homes to its white neighbours, Sowetan, 4 April 1990, p. 4. 110 Personal interview, E de Villiers (Buber)/PL Möller (Researcher), Vereeniging, 8 April 2008. 111 Anon., “Weird normality”, Frontline, 28 February 1991, p. 10. 112 J Pape, et al., Making history (Johannesburg, Heinemann Publishers Ltd, 1998), p. 313. 113 CFJ Muller, 500 years: A history of South Africa, p. 210. 114 N Worden, The making of modern South Africa…, p. 96.

80 Ordinary South African women in an extraordinary struggle instructions.115 Children protesting against government policy to impose Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in secondary schools in the Transvaal in 1976 eventually led to the Soweto uprising that marked a turning point in South Africa’s political development.116 Verwoerd provoked particular hostility by saying that it did not serve any purpose to teach black children mathematics if they could not use it.117 One of the most important issues that black South Africans had to deal with was the education system whose aim, according to their interpretation of the Minister of Education’s view, was to keep the Bantu child subservient: “The Bantu must be so educated that they did not want to become imitators, that they would want to remain essentially Bantu.”118 The interpretation of many concerned people at the time was that the Apartheid government (Dr HF Verwoerd) had the following view of Bantu education:119 The school must equip the Bantu to meet the demands which the economic life of South Africa will impose on him… There is no place for Blacks in the European community above the level of certain forms of labour. Within his own community, however, all doors are open… Until now he has been subject to a school system which drew him away from his own community land and misled him by showing him the green pastures of European society in which he is not allowed to graze… What is the use of subjecting a Native child to a curriculum when it cannot use in practice?… That is absurd. Education must train and teach people in accordance with their opportunities in life… It is therefore necessary that Native education should be controlled in such a way that it should be in accordance with the policy of the State. The aim was to educate African children only up to the level necessary to serve the needs of white employers for unskilled labour. This led to a system of schooling that in all respects was inferior to that provided for white children.120 There was widespread protest against the Bantu Education Act. Many believed that African education was now an official attempt by the government to produce a slave mentality in African children.121

115 J Pape, et al., Making history, p. 313. 116 A Guelke, Rethinking the rise and fall of apartheid..., pp. 127-128. 117 H Giliomee & B Mbenga, New history of South Africa, p. 320. 118 P Delius, et. al,, Looking into the past (Cape Town, Maskew Millar Longman Ltd, 1999), p. 300. 119 BJ Liebenberg & SB Spies, South Africa in the 20th century, 1994, p. 326. 120 TRH Davenport, South Africa: A modern history, p. 338. 121 BJ Liebenberg & SB Spies, South Africa in the 20th century, p. 326.

81 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Erna took note of the perilous circumstances in black education and at first thought that it was a matter of not enough funds being available for blacks. This “sensitised” her conscience and politicised her.122 Erna was a driving force in trying to give these children a better education through supplementary education. Figuratively speaking, one could say that Erna acted like a “detoxifying agent”. On Saturdays, black children would go to Erna’s flat, where she would teach them. However, there was much protest against this. Erna was kicked out of her flat, and the tyres of her car were slashed. All of a sudden, there was no flat available for Erna in Vereeniging. Eventually, she found a flat above a café and continued to make contact with learners and friends in the townships. Erna would also organise other teachers to become involved in teaching black children, and therefore extend the subjects that were being taught. Erna made a big effort in organising meetings and programmes for white and black learners around Christian activities. In the late 70s, she attended weekly meetings at the Vereeniging Hospital as part of the Christian fellowship movement of the hospital, where she became involved with several black children who later went to her flat for lessons. Her main aim was to get young people of different races together so they could realise that there was actually little difference between them. Erna joined the Hospital Christian Fellowship and took white learners to the weekly services at the black hospital. She arranged get-togethers between white SCA (Student Christian Association) and black SCM (Student Christian Movement) high school members at “neutral” venues like the Anglican Church hall in the white suburb of Drie Riviere, so that white parents would not get upset. Erna explained, “The history of the SCA is an interesting reflection of the invidious effect of Apartheid – the white English movement remained the SCA, the white Afrikaner movement became a separate organisation, the CSV, and a separate, black-only movement, the SCM, was constituted. I think that research will show that ‘brown’ and Indian Christian students had separate movements too, all springing from the original SCA of the UK.” Bringing people of different races together remained a difficult mission. Erna’s mail was regularly opened and her phone tapped. She was once stopped while driving home from a visit to see friends in Soweto being body-searched.

122 Personal interview, E de Villiers (Buber)/PL Möller (Researcher), Vereeniging, 8 April 2008.

82 Ordinary South African women in an extraordinary struggle

The security police also came to the school because she was being investigated. In times like this, Erna could have stopped “fighting”, because she had the responsibility of two young children of her own. At times, situations were becoming risky and even dangerous for her and her family. However, she never gave up. In 1976, the Soweto riots erupted.123 The cause of the march in Soweto was not against the use of Afrikaans as education medium only, but also for a better education. The learners were protesting for FREEDOM – education is a gateway to freedom. The events of that day were disastrous, and many of the learners must have resented the police as well as white people.124 Erna was active in trying to keep her friends calm and she continued spreading the concept of forgiveness. When she went to KwaZulu-Natal on holiday during the state of emergency in the eighties, she went to visit people in the rural areas in homes and churches.125 At a school in Evaton, Erna addressed the entire school, where she spoke about the importance of forgiveness. According to Erna anger, tears, hatred and humiliation are some of the emotions that filter through the mind amid images of guns, freedom songs, burning cars and houses, but most of all the loss of young lives. She always tried to ameliorate this. The older Erna is retired now (2010) and is still living in Vereeniging. She still helps young people and students with academic assignments and research, but nowadays her actions are more accepted and tolerated because of the changes South Africans were exposed to from the nineties.

Conclusion From this research, it is clear that “good” and “courageous” work is done not only by well-known people whose efforts are constantly published in autobiographies, newspapers and on television, but also by ordinary people like Erna de Villiers (Buber). It was challenging for ordinary persons to make a difference because they did not have as much support as well-known people with followers had. People

123 H Giliomee & B Mbenga, New history of South Africa, p. 362. 124 BJ Liebenberg & SB Spies, South Africa in the 20th century, p. 461. 125 Personal interview, E de Villiers (Buber)/PL Möller (Researcher), Vereeniging, 8 April 2008.

83 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) like Erna had to work to change the fixed attitudes of people in her active local environment. By supplementing the education of a few black learners, Erna gave them a chance to succeed later in life and to gain some sort of acceptance and freedom in society. By enabling individual white and black children to meet, she helped change attitudes – a drop in the ocean, but many such drops make up the ocean. No doubt, the 1994 miracle occurred through the contribution of many ordinary people. If people like Erna had not joined organisations such as SACLA and Koinonia, they would not have existed to protest against the Apartheid system. People like them were passionate, and they were dedicated to trying to make a difference. True, the contributions Erna made were not on a scale to cause protest and uprising, but her efforts nevertheless had a considerable influence on the learners she taught in her flat and spoke to in KwaZulu-Natal and at schools such as those in Evaton. She encouraged them, although she knew that the policy of Apartheid was in essence a policy of wrongdoing. For a white woman to address black people must have taken courage, but it must also have had an immense influence on the people she talked to. She did so because she felt she had to. Somehow, she had to apologise for the wrongs that white people had done to black people. The countless ordinary people, like Erna, must be acknowledged because their contributions were paramount in changing the attitudes of not only whites, but also blacks. Certainly, her actions had a great ripple effect. Learning is an experience, and by interacting, Erna and many others learnt that people are just people; race is unimportant.

84 Invloed van UGO op Geskiedenis

“Help ons bou” – Die Daisyfield-inrigting en die impak van sendingwerk en godsdienstige bearbeiding in ‘n weeshuisomgewing in Rhodesië (1910 – 1948)

Gustav Hendrich Nagraadse student US

Abstract

Since the founding of Rhodesia during the last decade of the nineteenth century, many Afrikaner immigrants settled in the country in search of a new life and job opportunities. As a result of the Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902), the devastating effect of natural diseases and to some extent due to subjugation by the British colonial authorities, the majority of these Afrikaners lived in a state of poverty. Subsequently, the prevalence of an increasing number of destitute or parentless children in need of care became a cause of grave concern to the Afrikaner community, especially the Dutch Reformed Church in Rhodesia. Through the initiative of and demand by several Dutch Reformed missionaries and clergy the ideal of educating orphans in a Christian Calvinist environment was realised when the Daisyfield orphanage (later located between Bulawayo and Gwelo) was established on the 10th of January 1910. [In die teks staan 1911??? Kontroleer]

Between 1910 and 1948 the orphanage gradually developed into a successful and efficacious institution for Afrikaner orphans, in spite of sometimes difficult financial and administrative circumstances. During its existence the institution became a symbol of courage and hardihood for the Afrikaner minority, as well as for the upholding of Afrikaner Christian and cultural values. Apart from focusing on the history of the Daisyfield institution, this article also seeks to address and discuss the inherent influence of the Dutch Reformed missionaries and clergy on the instilment of religious education in an orphan environment.

Sleutelwoorde: Daisyfield; Weeshuis; Rhodesië; Afrikaners; Nederduits Gereformeerde Kerk; Sendelinge.

• 7 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Inleiding Voor die uniewording van Suid-Afrika in Mei 1910 het talle Afrikaner- immigrante na Rhodesië getrek in die soeke na werksgeleenthede en ‘n verbeterde lewensbestaan. As gevolg van sowel die verwoestende uitwerking van die Anglo-Boereoorlog as die voorkoms van natuurlike siektetoestande en die grotendeels politieke onderwerping deur die Britse owerhede in Rhodesië (vandag Zimbabwe), het die meerderheid Afrikaners daar in armoede verkeer. In hierdie verband was die Nederduits Gereformeerde Kerk in Rhodesië instrumenteel daartoe om na die noodsaaklike lewensbehoeftes van Afrikaners om te sien. Aangesien wees- en verwaarloosde Afrikaner-kinders sedert die totstandkoming van Rhodesië toenemend vermeerder het, het die NG Kerkraad van Bulawayo op 10 Januarie 1910 besluit om ‘n weeshuis te stig. [Bron???] “Het Bulawayo Kinder Tehuis Daisyfield” vir Afrikaner-wese sou tussen 1910 en 1948 ‘n merkwaardige opvoedings- en versorgingsentrum vir sowel wees- as minderbevoorregte kinders word. Rhodesiese Afrikaners sou met agting na hierdie inrigting as ‘n blywende simbool van durf en daad in Rhodesië opsien. Daar sal gepoog word om ‘n nougesette bespreking van die Daisyfield- inrigting, wat onder die vaandel van die NG Kerk geressorteer het, te doen.1

Historiese agtergrond Sedert die stigtingsjare van Rhodesië in die laaste dekade van die negentiende eeu het heelparty Afrikaners hulle geleidelik as immigrante in die gebied noord van die Limpoporivier gevestig. Hierdie Afrikaner-immigrante het weens bepalende redes en oorsake, waaronder die strewe na ‘n beter lewenstandaard, werksgeleenthede, asook die invloed van die sogenaamde ‘trekgees,’ besluit om ‘n permanente tuiste aldaar te skep. Uiteraard was die talle georganiseerde en individuele Afrikaner-trekke na veral Gazaland (geleë in die suidoostelike gebied van Rhodesië) doelbewuste pogings om na gunstiger

1 Aangesien die ontstaan van die Daisyfield-inrigting die weg sou baan vir verdere ontwikkeling en uitbouing van die oorwegend Afrikaanse wees- en onderwysinstelling, sal daar in hierdie artikel slegs op die bestaanstydperk van die inrigting tussen 1910 en 1948 gekonsentreer word. Sedert 1948 sou die inrigting na Salisbury (tans Harare) verskuif, waar dit as sentrum van Afrikaner-onderrig en -kultuur in Rhodesië uitgebrei sou word. Die Bothashof- skool het tot in 1983 as ‘n Afrikaans-mediumskool gefunksioneer, waarna dit as gevolg van verminderende Afrikaner-skoliere toenemend verengels en tot die Eaglesvale-skool herdoop is. In die hedendaagse Zimbabwe is laasgenoemde skool bekend as ‘n Christelike multi-kulturele skool wat hoë akademiese en internasionale standaarde nastreef.

• 8 Invloed van UGO op Geskiedenis lewensvooruitsigte buite Suid-Afrika te soek. Bekende Afrikaner-trekke, onder andere die trekke van Van der Byl, Moodie, Martin en Henry-Steyn, het ongetwyfeld die fondamente van ‘n afsonderlike blanke minderheidsgroep in Rhodesië gelê.2 Die geleidelike immigrasie van Afrikaners het op sy beurt tot ʼn volksverskuiwing aanleiding gegee. Hierdie Afrikaners met hul inherente konserwatiewe leefstyl en Christelik-Calvinistiese geloofsoortuigings het dus hul weg na ʼn oorwegend pro-liberale Engelssprekende kolonie gevind. Ten spyte van die aanvanklike goedgesinde houding en aanmoediging van Cecil John Rhodes om Afrikaners na Rhodesië te lok, is Rhodes se belofte van “equal rights to all for every civilized man south of the Zambezi” na sy afsterwe in 1904 dikwels nie deur die Britse koloniale bewindhebbers gestand gedoen nie.3 Die geloofs- en ideologiese verskille tussen Afrikaners en Engelssprekende Rhodesiërs sou mettertyd aanleiding gee tot wedywering en botsings, soos byvoorbeeld om die onderrig van Afrikaans op skool te erken. Die latere instelling van streng immigrasie-beleidsaspekte deur die Britse owerhede in Rhodesië was ‘n duidelike bewys van die pogings om die instroming van Afrikaner-immigrante te beperk. ‘n Beleid en ordonnansies gemik op passiewe ontmoediging is ingestel, maar desondanks het Afrikaners steeds onverpoosd Rhodesië binnegekom en hulself daar gevestig.4 Op sosiale en godsdienstige gebied sou Afrikaners en hul geestelike leiers oorwegend gemoedelike wedersydse verhoudinge met hul Engelssprekende en inheemse swart landsgenote handhaaf. Dit was van die staanspoor af duidelik dat Afrikaners nie slegs as landbouers in die ekonomie bekend geword het nie, maar ook ‘n blywende belangstelling in sowel hul eie volks- en geestesbehoeftes as in die breër Rhodesiese samelewing geopenbaar het.

Morele en godsdienstige aspekte rakende die opvoeding van die weeskind Voordat daar op die Daisyfield-inrigting gekonsentreer word, is dit noodsaaklik

2 JL Hattingh, “Die trekke uit die Suid-Afrikaanse Republiek en die Oranje-Vrystaat” (D. Phil, Universiteit van Pretoria, Pretoria, 1975), pp. 280-303; CJ Scheepers Strydom (et al.), Afrikaners in die vreemde (Tafelberg, Kaapstad, 1976), pp. 120- 138. 3 TW Baxter and RWS Turner, Rhodesian Epic (Timmins, Cape Town, 1966), n.p. 4 National Archives of South Africa, (hierna NASA), BNS 1/1/355, no. 117/74: Rhodesia. Immigration Law and admission. Volume 1. Ordinance No. 7, 1914; R Hodder-Williams, “Afrikaners in Rhodesia: A partial portrait”, African Social Research, 18, December 1974, p. 616.

• 9 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) om kortliks ondersoek in te stel na die ontwikkeling en wordingsgeskiedenis van “wees”- of “kinderhuise”. Literatuur oor weeshuise en die pleidooi vir die versorging van die haweloses, veral kinders wat in ouerlose omstandighede hul jeugjare deurbring, het sedert die middel van die negentiende eeu algaande in belangrikheid toegeneem. JS Heywood, ‘n historikus van weeshuis- inrigtings in Groot-Brittanje, het in ‘n uitgebreide studie, Children in Care. The development of the service for the deprived child, verskeie prominente morele aspekte rakende die behandeling en sorgbehoewendheid van wese beklemtoon. Volgens Heywood het die sistematiese verval van die “stable way of life” in die landelike samelewing, grootliks vanweë die veranderinge as gevolg van die nywerheidsomwenteling, die lot van weeskinders negatief beïnvloed.5 Verstedeliking, sosiale euwels, die dikwelse kapitalistiese uitbuiting deur die gebruikmaak van goedkoop kinderarbeid in die mynbedryf, asook die verarming of verbrokkeling van huisgesinne, was maar enkele faktore wat tot ‘n vermeerdering van weeskinders in veral die laer werkersklas aanleiding gegee het. As gevolg van siektes, soos cholera-epidemies in die stede, is talle kinders in ellende gedompel en in baie gevalle wees gelaat. In morele terme het die behoefte aan sowel ‘n “reddingspoging” vir weeskinders vanuit filantropiese en godsdienstige kringe, as ‘n hernude propagering van mense- en kinderregte voortgevloei. In hierdie opheffingspoging sou die stigma en die gevoel van sosiale verwerping van die wese as nie-geïntegreerde en welsynsondersteunde kinders aangespreek word. Mildred de M Rudolf het daarop gewys dat inwoners in die nabyheid van weeshuise ‘n aktiewe betrokkenheid in die belang van wese in die kerk of plaaslike skool moes toon, om sodoende die skeiding tussen wees- en nie-weeskinders te voorkom.6 Praktiese opleiding en blootstelling aan arbeidsomstandighede is as ‘n uitkomsgebaseerde inisiatief in die vooruitsig gestel om wese toekomsgereed te maak. In dié verband het Heywood daarop gewys dat weeshuise en die “Rescue Societies” (wat gemoeid was met die welsynsbehoeftes en diensbaarheid aan persone of gemeenskappe in nood) selfs geselekteerde wese na oorsese Britse kolonies soos Australië, Nieu-Seeland en Suid-Afrika gestuur het om veral werksondervinding in plaasgebiede op te doen.7

5 JS Heywood, Children in Care. The development of the service for the deprived child (Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1959), pp. 40-50. 6 Mildred de M Rudolf, Everybody’s children. The story of the Church of England Children’s Society(Oxford University Press, London, 1950), p.11. 7 JS Heywood, Children in care…, p. 63.

• 10 Invloed van UGO op Geskiedenis

Binne die konteks van Suider-Afrika en Rhodesië was die diepgaande invloed van godsdiensbeoefening in die wesenlike bestaan van kerklike kinderweeshuise fundamenteel. Die voorskryf van verpligte godsdiens- en kerkbywoning was, veral in Suid-Afrikaanse weeshuise, daarop gemik om wese deur middel van dissipline op te voed as individue met ‘n gebalanseerde lewensuitkyk.8 SMN Brönn het in ‘n sosiologies-opvoedkundige studie oor die Abraham Kriel- kinderhuis vermeld dat die Christelike kerk, in die besonder die NG Kerk, ‘n sterk verantwoordelikheidsideaal vir die rehabilitasie van verwaarloosde wees- en half-weeskinders gekoester het.9 Die realiteit was dus dat weeshuise, soos wat ook in die geval van die Daisyfield-inrigting sal blyk, kerklik- opvoedkundige instellings geword het waarin die sentrale fokus oorwegend op die Christelike vorming van die weeskind geval het. Krities gespoke, was die somtydse neiging tot ‘n oordrewe klem op godsdiensonderwys egter vir beide die Rhodesiese regering en die weeskind verwarrend en problematies. Ten opsigte van laasgenoemde was die verkondiging van Bybelse stellinge, te wete “Eer jou vader en jou moeder,” en “’n God van Liefde”, hoogs teenstrydige uitdrukkings vir weeskinders in krisisoomblikke en dus soms moeilik versoenbaar met hul situasie in die weeshuis.10 Nieteenstaande die intrinsieke waarde en belangrikheid van die aankweek van ‘n godsdiensbesef, het die verantwoordelikheid op die skouers van die predikers, sendelinge en godsdienstiges berus om die aanbieding van godsdiens reg te hanteer.11 Brönn het in ‘n samevattende slot die onontbeerlike belang van die weeshuis beklemtoon: “die weeshuis, net soos die see, voer op sy bodem kosbare juwele, die slagoffers van noodlottige storms wat in die opdrifsels met vreugde ontdek, weer gevind en bewaar word.”12

Die behoefte aan ‘n weeshuis vir die “ontredderde kinders van Rhodesië”

8 GJ Strydom, Die maatskaplike versorging van die kind in die kinderinrigting (Academia, Kaapstad en Pretoria, 1973), p. 114. 9 SMN Brönn, “‘n Sosiologies-opvoedkundige studie van die Abraham Kriel-kinderhuis van die Ned. Herv. of Geref. Kerk van Suid-Afrika” (Universiteit van Pretoria, Pretoria, 1941), p.5. 10 L Pienaar, “‘n Wordingspedagogiese ondersoek na wordingsruimte in staatsondersteunende kinderhuise in die R.S.A” (Universiteit van Port Elizabeth, Port Elizabeth, 1979), p.173. 11 GJ Strydom, Die maatskaplike versorging van die kind in die kinderinrigting (Academia, Kaapstad en Pretoria, 1973), p. 114. 12 SMN Brönn, “‘n Sosiologies-opvoedkundige studie van die Abraham Kriel-kinderhuis…”, p.142.

• 11 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Soos reeds gesê, het die politieke en sosio-ekonomiese omstandighede in die jare na die Anglo-Boereoorlog (1899-1902) die Afrikaner in ʼn staat van armoede en finansiële onstabiliteit gedompel. Deur die oë van talle Afrikaners was dit ʼn tyd van beproewing waarin hulle as ʼn verowerde nasie alles in hul vermoë moes doen om deur middel van heropbou, repatriasie en versoening hulself te handhaaf. Volgens M.D. Maree se skrywe oor die Daisyfield- inrigting is die standpunt gestel dat die stryd benoorde die Limpoporivier ʼn “ekonomiese stryd om selfstandige bestaan, maar ook ʼn ideologiese stryd om die handhawing van die Afrikaner se volksaard is.”13 As gevolg van die toenemende aantal Afrikaner-immigrante wat Rhodesië voortdurend binnegekom het en rondtrekkende Afrikaners binnelands, het hul omstandighede selfs nog meer onbestendig geword. Volgens ʼn brief deur ds. JN Geldenhuys is die ellendige lewensomstandighede soos volg beskryf: 14

De gemeenten in Rhodesië zijn maar nog in wording. Men heeft met bijzondere moeilijkheden en omstandigheden te kampen. Onze menschen zijn arm en wonen meestal ver uit elkaar … De meesten zijn nog niet gevestigd, maar zwerven rond.

Daar het geen volwaardige opvoedingsentra of kerkskole bestaan nie en die enkele Engelssprekende en Christelik-Nasionale Onderwys-skole was soms ver verwyderd van die plattelandse gebiede in Rhodesië. Vanweë die ernstige finansiële worstelstryd en bogenoemde redes het ʼn dringende behoefte aan die skepping van ʼn Afrikaanse onderwysinstelling ontstaan. Dit is opmerklik dat hoofsaaklik leraars van die Nederduits Gereformeerde Kerk in Rhodesië die ernstige noodsaaklikheid van die oprigting van ʼn inrigting onder die aandag van die Kaapse NG Kerk gebring het. Omrede die voorkoms van hawelose weeskinders en hul kwesbaarheid vir die opname in ander kerkgenootskappe en sektes, het dit duidelik geword dat hierdie kinders ʼn groot bron van bekommernis en beswaar vir die NG Kerk geword het.

13 Argief-en Rekorddiens van die Wes-Kaap (hierna KAB), P.J. van der Merwe-versameling A2599, no.140: Onderwys en Kerk (MD Maree, Die Daisyfield-inrigting: 191???-1948), p. 1. 14 JN Geldenhuys in ʼn brief in De Kerkbode, 25 Februarie 1909, p. 2.

• 12 Invloed van UGO op Geskiedenis

Die kerk het naderhand die gevare van kerkloosheid en potensiële verval van weeskinders besef en as gevolg daarvan ʼn beskermingsbeleid toegepas. Alhoewel die NG Kerk in Rhodesië steeds in sy vormingsjare verkeer het, het dit sy roeping geword om ʼn vaste plek vir die versorging van wees- en verwaarloosde kinders daar te stel. In ʼn studie deur PF Greyling oor die NG Kerk en armesorg is die roeping beklemtoon om die “armblanke, nie- onegte kinders, wat hul ouers verloor het, of deur hul ouers nie onderhou kan word nie of verwaarloos word, op te neem, en vir hul toekoms na vermoë te sorg.”15 Vanweë sterftes deur vernietigende koorssiektes of weens gebrekkige lewensonderhoud het die aantal weeskinders algaande toegeneem.

Twee onvermoeide kampvegters vir die oprigting van ʼn weeshuis was die leraars ds. JN Geldenhuys, wat die eerste amptelike predikant te Bulawayo geword het, en ds. AJ [??? Maak seker of ‘n mens ds. Ook moet noem as jy reeds na die persoon verwys het as ‘n leraar??. Kontroleer oral hierdie aspek]“leraar Botha, wat ʼn betekenisvolle hulpverleningsrol in die aanvanklike organisering van die weeshuis vervul het.16 Eerwaarde Botha het na ʼn jagekspedisie twee weeskindertjies onverwyld onder sy eie sorg geneem, hoewel die aantal tot agt gestyg het en daar nog talle wesies verspreid in die Bulawayo-streek gewoon het. As gevolg van hierdie allernoodsaaklikste behoefte aan ʼn weeshuis vir “ontredderde kinders”, soos J van Zyl Gryffenberg tereg beskryf het, het die Kerkraad van Bulawayo op 10 Januarie 1910 besluit om ʼn amptelike weeshuis- inrigting op te rig. Danksy ʼn suksesvolle kollektetoer van ds. Geldenhuys in die Unie van Suid-Afrika, maar veral in Kaapland (waartydens ongeveer £1 400 ontvang is), en vrywillige gemeentelike bydraes, kon die stremmende probleem van finansies gedeeltelik oorbrug word.17

Uitbreidingsprobleme en verskuiwing na Daisyfield

15 PF Greyling, Die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk en armesorg (Nasionale Pers, Kaapstad, 1939), p. 159. 16 KAB, P.J. van der Merwe-versameling A2599, no.140: Onderwys en Kerk (MD Maree, Die Daisyfield-inrigting: 1910-1948), pp. 2-3. 17 HC de Wet, “Onze Kerk in Rhodesia”, De Kerkbode, 1, Septem- ber 1910, p. 194.

• 13 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Na die verwesenliking van die NG Kerk se ideaal om ʼn weeshuis op 11 Januarie 1911 langs die kerkgebou te Bulawayo in gebruik te neem, het daar ʼn groot mate van opgewondenheid geheers.[Dis ‘n 100 jaar gelede! Maak jy iets daarvan in jou samevatting??] Administratief sou die weeshuis deur die Kerkraad van Bulawayo beheer word en bykomende lede jaarliks herkiesbaar stel. Die vorming van ʼn direksie, bestaande uit ds. JN Geldenhuys, AJ Botha (huisvader), AC Burnett, BJ Bester en I Terblanche, het die werksaamhede van die inrigting gekoördineer.18 Nieteenstaande die feit dat die weeshuis op gemeentelike basis georganiseer is, is dit noemenswaardig dat die breër samelewing van Bulawayo, insluitend die Engelssprekende gemeenskap, deur welwillendheid hul ondersteuning (bv. gratis mediese dienste, voogdyskap tydens vakansietye, ens.) verleen het.19 In teenstelling met daardie gunstige sosialisering en vriendskaplikheid het die Rhodesiese regering egter onwillig gestaan of gehuiwer om die nuutgestigte Afrikaanse inrigting finansieel te steun. Aangesien die weeshuis nie ʼn regeringskool was nie, moes Afrikaner- kinders noodgedwonge by die openbare “Primary School” hul opvoeding in ʼn Engels-georiënteerde skool ontvang.20 Daarbenewens het die somtydse ontoegeeflikheid van die regering om toereikende voorsiening vir die aanbied van godsdiensonderwys, asook die verpligte kadetoefeninge op Sondae, die direksie nie aangestaan nie.

Die huisvesting van die weeskinders in ʼn gebou wat vir slegs veertig kinders bedoel was, het spoedig weens die snelle opname van wese problematies geword. Slegs sewe maande na die stigting was die weeshuis vol en gevolglik is ʼn uitbreidingskommissie op 17 Augustus 1912 benoem om om te sien na die huisvesting van die wese. Na verskeie ooreenkomste en onderhandelings oor ʼn geskikte perseel vir die weeshuis is daar besluit om te verskuif. Geo-politieke oorwegings was van die belangrikste redes vir die verskuiwing. Die benadering van veral kerkleiers was dat Bulawayo as stad “’n

18 KAB, P.J. van der Merwe-versameling A2599, no.140: Onderwys en Kerk (MD Maree, Die Daisyfield-inrigting: 1910-1948), p. 7. 19 Nederduits Gereformeerde Kerkargief (hierna NGKA), G 622: Ons eerste 50 jaar, Bothashof 1911-1961, p. 16. 20 NGKA, G 622: Ons eerste 50 jaar, Bothashof 1911 – 1961, pp. 18 - 19.

• 14 Invloed van UGO op Geskiedenis beperkte ruimte en [met] eiesoortige verleidings” nie die gepaste omgewing vir die voortbestaan en waardes van ʼn Afrikaanse inrigting vir Afrikaner- kinders sou bied nie.21 Daarmee saam is voorgestel dat die inrigting verskuif na die platteland, waar Afrikaner-kinders die vryheid van die plaaslewe en onderrig in boerdery kon geniet. Onder die administrasie van die Kerkraad van Bulawayo het die direksie ooreengekom om ongeveer 2 000 morg teen £4 975 van die Anglo-French Maatskappy by ʼn spoorweghalte te Daisyfield op die spoorlyn na Salisbury (Harare) te koop.22 Dit was ʼn reuse-onderneming vir beide die direksie en die kerkraad om die weeshuis met beperkte finansiële middele te verskuif, maar ook ʼn poging om ʼn groter huisvestingskapasiteit oor die lang termyn te verseker. Na die aankoop is daar dadelik met die bouwerksaamhede begin en die oprigting van ʼn dubbelverdiepinggebou is deur die firma McGilroy en Grant behartig. Die nuwe weeshuisgeboue is na ʼn lang bouperiode voltooi en met die hoeksteenlegging op 15 Augustus 1914 in ʼn gees van blydskap en verligting gevier.23

ʼn Onmiddellike probleem waarmee die inrigting te kampe gehad het, was die tekort aan ʼn skool vir die opleiding van die wese. Die gunstige reaksie deur die Rhodesiese onderwysdepartement na ’n versoek van die direksie het daartoe gelei dat die regering onderwysverantwoordelikhede op Daisyfield aanvaar het. Op voorbehoud van die direksie is toegelaat dat drie onderwysers aangestel en deur die onderwysdepartement gesalarieer word. Voldoende gekwalifiseerde onderwysers, onder meer ene Van Biljon, Honiball en mej. Steyn, kon dus gevind word om hul plek in die Daisyfield-skool in te neem. Desnieteenstaande sou Engels die onderrigtaal wees en die leerplanne sou op dié van die Kaap geskoei wees, terwyl Christelik-nasionale onderwys en aktiwiteite steeds net in ʼn hoofsaaklik Afrikaanssprekende omgewing kon plaasvind. Ds. AF Louw, ʼn welbekende sendeling en NG leraar te Morgenster, het in ʼn joernaalartikel beklemtoon dat die toegewings van die onderwysdepartement meegebring het dat: 24

21 Anon, Daisyfield Orphanage, 1914 – 1935, p. 4. 22 KAB, P.J. van der Merwe-versameling A2599, no.140: Onderwys en Kerk (MD Maree, Die Daisyfield-inrigting: 1910 – 1948), p. 14. 23 NGKA, 75 1895 – 1970. Ned. Geref. Kerk. Midde-Afrika, p. 62. 24 AF Louw, “Daisyfield-inrigting”, Inspan, 5, Julie 1943, p. 5.

• 15 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Daisyfield die enigste skool in die land[is] waarin sowel ’n opvoedkundige, as ʼn kulturele en godsdienstige atmosfeer geheers het, wat simpatiek gestaan het teenoor die ideale van die Afrikaners op dié gebied.

Gustav, rond bg aaanhaling af met ‘n analise sin of iets gepas wat oorgang tussen bg en volgende teks bewerkstellig

Die bepalings en reglement van “Het Bulawayo Kinder Tehuis Daisyfield”

Kort na die hoeksteenlegging is enkele bepalings en reëlings vir die doeltreffende organisering en bestuur van die Daisyfield-inrigting bekend gestel. Die huishoudelike bepalings het gestipuleer dat: wees- en verwaarloosde kinders gratis en vir ʼn onbepaalde tydperk in die inrigting opgeneem word; kinders deelneem aan gewone huishoudelike werk, sowel binnens- as buitenshuis; kinders nie toegelaat moes word om hul familie te besoek gedurende hul verblyf aan die inrigting nie; familie en belangstellendes die kinders te eniger tyd in die inrigting kon besoek; maar geen besoekers op Sondae ontvang sal word nie.25 Die weeshuispersoneel het waarskynlik gereken dat die streng handhawing van dissipline met behulp van hierdie bepalings in die beste belang van die weeskinders sou wees.

Volgens die amptelike reglement van die Daisyfield-inrigting sou die weeshuis as “Het Bulawayo Kinder Tehuis Daisyfield” bekend staan. In die handgeskrewe reglement van 1915 is die doel van die inrigting soos volg omskryf: “de behoorlijke geestelijke, verstanelijke en lichamelijke verzorging van behoeftige kinderen onzer kerk in Rhodesia, zullende Het Bestuur ook ’t recht hebben kinderen tot andere gezindten behoorende op te neemen.”26

25 NGKA, KS 1707: Kommissie. Sinodale Kommissie vir diens van barmhartigheid. Kinder Tehuise 1914-1977 (Huishoudelike bepalingen voor Kinderen in het Bulawayo Kinder Tehuis der N.G.K Bulawayo te Daisyfield). 26 NGKA, KS 1707: Kommissie. Sinodale Kommissie vir diens van barmhartigheid. Kinder Tehuise 1914 – 1977 (Reglement voor het Bula-

• 16 Invloed van UGO op Geskiedenis

Daarvolgens kon sorgbehoewende kinders dus ongeag hul kerkverband in die inrigting opgeneem word, omdat toegang nie uitsluitlik tot Afrikaner-kinders van die NG Kerk beperk sou wees nie.

“Help ons bou” – die rol en ontwikkeling van die Daisyfield-inrigting Voeg meer verdere subtitels in hierdie afdeling (in kursief, font 11) Die Daisyfield-inrigting sou, ten spyte van gedurige probleme en finansiële druk, geleidelik tot ʼn veelbewoë wees- en onderwysinstelling vir die Afrikaner- gemeenskap in die breë in beide Suid- en Noord-Rhodesië ontwikkel. Teen 1919 het die “Inwendige” Sendingkommissie van die Kaapse Kerk ʼn ruim bedrag van ongeveer £2 000 vir die verdere oprigting van onderwysgeboue beskikbaar gestel, terwyl die Rhodesiese onderwysdepartement die aanstelling van leerkragte goedgekeur het.27 In dié mate wat die wees- en leerlinggetalle vermeerder het (van 45 in 1914 tot 75 in 1917), moes die kapasiteit van die inrigting as onderwyssentrum vergroot word.28 Met die verbeterde finansiële posisie in die twintigerjare (na afloop van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog) kon daar met groot sukses aan die gehalte-onderrig van die kinders aandag geskenk word. ʼn Onderliggende rede daarvoor was dat die Departement van Onderwys belangrike geldelike ondersteuning, asook die betaling van salarisse aan onderwysers op ʼn pond-vir-pond-basis, onderneem het.29 Daardeur sou die las van onderwysaangeleenthede en -verpligtinge wat deur die Ring van Bulawayo gedra is, verlig word, hoewel die morele aspekte van Engels as onderrigtaal Afrikaners deurentyd sou grief. Omrede die meeste kinders uitsluitlik Afrikaans was, kon buitemuurse aktiwiteite en ontspanning egter volledig in Afrikaans geskied.

Teen 1926 het fenomenale infrastrukturele?? uitbreiding op onderwysgebied te Daisyfield plaasgevind.[iets kan nie as “fenomenaal” geag word, as die vbe daarvoor bietjie eins blyk nie] Die huisvestingsprobleem is wayo Kinder Tehuis te Daisyfield). 27 NGKA, G 622: Ons eerste 50 jaar, Bothashof 1911 – 1961, p. 22. 28 NGKA, G 622: Ons eerste 50 jaar, Bothashof 1911 – 1961, p.23. 29 KAB, P.J. van der Merwe-versameling A2599, no.140: Onderwys en Kerk (MD Maree, Die Daisyfield-inrigting: 1910 – 1948), p. 59.

• 17 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) grotendeels as gevolg van verbeterde fasiliteite, die opening van ʼn hostel vir betalende kinders, en die oprigting van nuwe personeel- en koshuisgeboue opgelos. Dit is opmerklik dat kinders van die Gereformeerde Kerk, die Hervormde Kerk, asook Engelse kerke, sonder beswaar in die Daisyfield-inrigting opgeneem is. In ʼn poging om teen ʼn moontlike minderwaardigheidgevoel onder weeskinders te waak, is die inrigting geherorganiseer en teen 1946 in ʼn gesamentlike koshuis vir onderskeidelik seuns en dogters verander.30 Daardeur kon moontlike diskriminasie teen wese uitgeskakel, en hegte vriendskappe tussen wees- en betalende kinders aangemoedig word. Oor die lang termyn sou hierdie kinders op weldeurdagte wyse voordeel trek uit die goed georganiseerde onderwysstelsel te Daisyfield. Besondere aandag is geskenk aan die ontwikkeling van tegniese vaardighede. Die intrinsieke waarde van hierdie opleiding is reeds in 1906 deur ds. Geldenhuys en later deur die direksie in 1922 gepropageer, waarna die Departement van Onderwys £150 vir dié doel bewillig het. Spoedig is daar met die opleiding in boerderyvertakkings, vernaamlik bees- en saaiboerdery, begin. Na ʼn skenking van £500 deur ene mnr. Lees van Matoppos aan die weeshuis, kon Friesbeeste aangekoop en stalle gebou word om sodoende praktiese opleiding te verbeter.31 Die uitbreiding van die boerderykennis sou mettertyd meebring dat daar voldoende in die behoeftes van landbouprodukte voorsien kon word. Die kinders sou elke ses maande geëksamineer word en na voltooiing van hul kursus ʼn diploma ontvang.

Tesame met die boerderyopleiding het die kinders ook deur middel van onderskeidelik die hout- en leerwerkafdeling waardevolle praktiese kennis opgedoen. Die kerkbanke en -galery is byvoorbeeld deur seuns van die weeshuis uit Rhodesiese hout gemaak. Seuns kon aansoek doen vir verdere skolastiese opleiding in vakleerlingskap en indien hulle toegelaat is, kon hulle aandklasse bywoon om sodoende nie met die akademiese opleiding van die ander leerders in te meng nie.32 Die inrigting het ook gepoog om die

30 NGKA, G 622: Ons eerste 50 jaar, Bothashof 1911- 1961, p. 29. 31 Anon, Daisyfield Weeshuis, Suid-Rhodesië. Viering van die een- en-twintigste verjaarsdag van die weeshuis 1914-1935, p. 9. 32 KAB, P.J. van der Merwe-versameling A2599, no.140: Onderwys en Kerk (MD Maree, Die Daisyfield-inrigting: 1910 – 1948), p. 59; NGK argief, Ons eerste 50 jaar, p. 30.

• 18 Invloed van UGO op Geskiedenis vaardighede van dogterskoliere en weesdogters te ontwikkel. Die dogters is opgelei om gesofistikeerde naaldwerk te doen, om deur middel van ʼn wassery moderne huishoudkundige opleiding te bevorder en om deur ʼn seepmakery selfonderhoudend te word.33 Met die oog op middelbare onderwys is daar in weerwil van die afsydige houding van die onderwysdepartement, gedurig eise gestel om die inrigting tot ʼn Standerd 9-klas uit te brei. Die strewe na middelbare onderwys het veral gespruit uit die begeerte van sommige Afrikaner-kinders om ná voltooiing van hul skoolopleiding hul studies op tersiêre vlak in die Unie van Suid-Afrika voort te sit.

Die Daisyfield-inrigting het teen 1928 ʼn status as Junior Hoërskool verkry en weens die suksesvolle skooluitslae kon die Standerd 9-klas in 1945 ʼn aanvang neem.34 Afgesien van die akademiese en praktiese opvoeding het weeskinders ook aan die jaarlikse Geloftefeesvierings, gereelde natuuruitstappies en sportaktiwiteite deelgeneem. Daisyfield het verskeie rugby- en tennisbane gehad waar vriendskaplike wedstryde gespeel kon word.

Die belangrikheid van Daisyfield het langsamerhand toegeneem. Aansoeke om weeskinders in die inrigting op te neem, het nie bloot vanuit Suid- en Noord-Rhodesië gekom nie, maar ook uit buurstate soos Portugees- Oos-Afrika (Mosambiek), Tanganjika (Tanzanië), die Belgiese Kongo en selfs van die Unie van Suid-Afrika ingestroom.35 Omdat daar sedert 1937 vir die eerste keer voorskoolse kinders opgeneem is, het die getal teen 1939 van 600 tot 880 vermeerder.36

As gevolg van bestuurs- en administratiewe redes, waaronder talle buitelandse verpligtinge, het die NG Kerk van Kaapland besluit om al die Rhodesiese gemeentes, insluitend die Daisyfield-inrigting, in 1929 aan die NG Kerk van die Vrystaat te oorhandig. Na die oorname het die inrigting

33 Anon, Daisyfield Weeshuis, Suid-Rhodesië…, pp. 10-11. 34 NGKA, G 622: Ons eerste 50 jaar, Bothashof 1911 – 1961, p. 31. 35 NGKA, G 622: Ons eerste 50 jaar, Bothashof 1911 – 1961, p. 74 36 NGKA, G 622: Ons eerste 50 jaar, Bothashof 1911 – 1961, p. 77.

• 19 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

ʼn “tydperk van rustige uitbreiding” ondervind.37 In Februarie 1931 is ʼn toringkerkie te Daisyfield in gebruik geneem. Dit sou figuurlik gesproke die versinnebeelding van die grootse ideaal van die doelgerigte versorging en omgee vir die Afrikaner-weeskind in Rhodesië word. In dieselfde jaar is die Beit- industriële skool, waarvan die bouwerk befonds is deur ’n £500-skenking van die Beit-fonds, met groot dankbaarheid ingewy. Deur hierdie toevoegings kon veral die tegniese onderwysfasiliteite ontwikkel word, asook die nodige kamers vir smidswerk, huishoudkunde, musiek en biblioteekdoeleindes ingerig word.38 Daisyfield het op sigself in 1938 die vorm van ʼn klein dorpie aangeneem, bestaande uit twee kosskole, ʼn hospitaal, skool en personeelhuise. Die inrigting het as sentrum van Afrikaner-opvoeding ʼn integrale rol vir Afrikaners in Rhodesië gespeel, omdat “ons staflede almal toegewyde Afrikaansprekende lede van ons Kerk is, en dus simpatie met die Afrikaanse kind, sy omstandighede en sy godsdiens het.”39

Met die uitbreek van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog in September 1939 het die Afrikaners in Rhodesië redelik sterk anti-Afrikaner-houdings van die kant van die Brits-gesinde Rhodesiese owerhede ervaar. Daar is dikwels na Daisyfield verwys as die “racial island”40 weens sy groot konsentrasie Afrikaner-inwoners. Finansiële en personeeltekorte het voorgekom en die gesondheidstoestand van die weeshuis het op sy beurt agteruitgegaan. Omdat die geboustrukture al oud was, het die gedurige verswakking van water- en elektrisiteitsvoorsiening aan die skoolterrein gesondheidsprobleme ingehou. Daarby was Daisyfield, wat ongeveer sestig kilometer van die naaste stedelike gebied was, te vêrafgeleë en het al minder bekend by die Rhodesiese publiek geraak.41

37 NGKA, G 622: Ons eerste 50 jaar, Bothashof 1911 – 1961, p. 32. 38 H Botha, “Daisyfield weeshuis”, Die Kerkbode, Desember 1937, p. 1031.Voetnoot 38 dieselfde as 39. Haal uit 39 H Botha, “Daisyfield weeshuis”, Die Kerkbode, Desember 1937, p. 1031. 40 KAB, P.J. van der Merwe-versameling A2599, no.140: Onder- wys en Kerk (MD Maree, Die Daisyfield-inrigting: 1910 – 1948), p. 30 en 102. 41 SP Olivier, Ons Kerk in Rhodesië: ‘n historiese oorsig van die Ned. Geref. Kerk, sending en onderwys, 1895 – 1945 (H.E. Ring van

• 20 Invloed van UGO op Geskiedenis

Ten spyte van die sentimentele waarde van die inrigting het die direksie en die Ring van Bulawayo na lang en mistroostige gesprekvoering besluit om die hele inrigting na Salisbury te verskuif. In ʼn pamflet deur die Daisyfield-inrigting, Help ons Bou, is ʼn dringende versoek of pleidooi aan die Afrikaner-gemeenskap van Rhodesië gerig om geldelike hulp te verleen. ʼn Boufonds van £80 000 is vereis en gevolglik is die gemeentes gevra om die nodige fondse in te samel.42 Die pamflet het afgesluit met ʼn hulpkreet om die skenking of erflating van “’n ruime bydrae” en die opdrag om die “bouwerk saam met ons deur u gebede” te doen.43 Die verskuiwing het in September 1948 ʼn werklikheid geword met die inwyding van die nuwe kerkskool in Salisbury, wat amptelik as die Bothashof-skool besondere bekendheid in die toekoms sou verwerf.

Waardebepaling van die Daisyfield-“kindermonument”

Na die verskuiwing van die inrigting het Daisyfield geleidelik ʼn toneel van verlatenheid en verval geword. Desnieteenstaande was die intrinsieke nalatenskap en langtermyn-uitkomste volgens Rhodesiese Afrikaners veelbelowend. D.H. Davel, die voormalige skoolhoof van Daisyfield, het dit beklemtoon dat die skool se verantwoordelikheid ontsettend groot was, en dat die Christus- en volksdienste op Bothashof voortgesit moes word.44 In ʼn evaluering van die uitkomste van die weeshuis is dit noemenswaardig dat oud-weeshuiskinders na hul verblyf te Daisyfield diep spore in die Rhodesiese samelewing en arbeidsdiens getrap het. Jan en Mattheus Basson het byvoorbeeld die onderwysberoep betree en onderskeidelik skoolhoofde op Somabula en

Bulawayo, Bulawayo, 1946), p. 391. 42 KAB, P.J. van der Merwe-versameling A2599, no.248: Pamflette (Help Ons Bou, Daisyfield, Bulawayo, n.d.). 43 KAB, P.J. van der Merwe-versameling A2599, no.248: Pamflette (Help Ons Bou, Daisyfield, Bulawayo, n.d.). 44 NGKA, G 622: Ons eerste 50 jaar, Bothashof 1911-1961, p. 8.

• 21 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Enslindeel geword.45 Volgens die 1929-verslag van die Ring van Bulawayo het die weeshuis gespog met die toetrede van oud-weeshuiskinders tot die volgende betrekkinge: 25 in die boerdery, 19 in die spoorweë, 10 in die myne, vier in die wamakery, 12 as timmermans, 8 as messelaars, vier onderwysers en een in die sendingveld.46 Nie alleen is bogenoemde oud-weeshuiskinders van Daisyfield in ʼn Christelik-godsdienstige omgewing opgevoed nie, maar volgens ds. AJ Botha het dit hulle ook in staat gestel het om hulle as “waardige en onafhanklike burgers van hierdie landstreek” voor te berei.47

Met die vyftigjarige herdenking van Bothashof het J van Zyl Gryffenberg verklaar dat die Daisyfield-inrigting die “heilige plek” van die Afrikaners in Rhodesië was, en dat dit as ʼn “kindermonument” vir die hawelose en weeskinders beskou kon word.48 Die Daisyfield-inrigting was dus van onskatbare waarde in die lewering van opgevoede en gebalanseerde kinders tot die Rhodesiese bevolking – kinders wat andersins verlore vir die samelewing kon wees.

Terugskouing op die impak en ondernemingsgees van sendelinge by Daisyfield

Dit is ondenkbaar wat die lot van wees- en sorgbehoewende kinders sonder die indringende invloed en inisiatief van die NG Kerk-leraars en -sendelinge, onder meer di. Botha, Geldenhuys, Luckhoff en andere, sou wees. Soos reeds gesê, het die vroeë sendelinge die versorging van weeskinders as onlosmaaklike deel van hul kerklike en godsdienstige bearbeiding beskou.49 Aangesien die

45 KAB, P.J. van der Merwe-versameling A2599, no.140: Onderwys en Kerk (MD Maree, Die Daisyfield-inrigting: 1910-1948), p. 11. 46 KAB, P.J. van der Merwe-versameling A2599, no.140: Onderwys en Kerk (MD Maree, Die Daisyfield-inrigting: 1910-1948), p. 63; Verslae van die Opvoedingskommissie van die Ring van Bulawayo, 1928-1948, 29 Mei 1929, p. 3. 47 Anon, Daisyfield Weeshuis, Suid-Rhodesië…, p. 7. 48 NGKA, G 622: Ons eerste 50 jaar, Bothashof 1911 – 1961, p. 14. 49 E-pos: S Kotze (NGK predikant/ Potchefstroom), 11 April 2010.

• 22 Invloed van UGO op Geskiedenis algehele ondernemingsgees van dié sendelinge gerig was op Bybelonderrig, evangelisasie en die opvoeding van die kind in ʼn Christelik-Calvinistiese omgewing, het die Daisyfield-inrigting as ʼn oorwegend godsdienstige inrigting bekend geword. Volgens hierdie sendelinge het die gedagte van godsdienstige humanisme sentraal gestaan, omdat hulle dit as ʼn taak van barmhartigheid beskou het om die weeskind op te voed en toekomsgereed te maak.50 Daarby het patriotisme en vroomheid as verdere motiewe vir die opvoeding van weeskinders in ʼn suiwer Afrikaanse kerklike opset gedien. Ds. AF Louw het egter verwys na die veeleisende taak van die predikant in Rhodesië, waarvan die “groot diens vir kerk en volk” ʼn noodsaaklike en gewetensvolle kwessie geword het.51

Dit is opmerklik dat die saak van die Afrikaner-sendelinge en -leraars dikwels deur finansiële ondersteuning van die ‘Inwendige Zending Commissie’ gerugsteun is. In Desember 1917 het die sendingkommissie byvoorbeeld onderneem om deur middel van ʼn “Kruistocht” te poog om £1 000 in te samel, en om ook ʼn bedrag van £3 000 vir die instandhouding van die Daisyfield-inrigting te bewillig.52 Vanweë die teenwoordigheid van leraars en sendelinge kon die weeshuis voortgaan om kinders te onderrig en die fokus op beide geestelike en opheffingswerk te behou. In die 1924-jaarverslag van Daisyfield is dit bevestig dat die “geestelike lewe van die kinders op ʼn baie hoë peil staan”, en dat daar terselfdertyd op die uitbreiding van praktiese vaardighede gekonsentreer is.53

In die daaropvolgende jare sou die beoefening van godsdiens ʼn

50 SF Pretorius, “The history of the Daisyfield Orphanage, Bo- thashof Church School and Eaglesvale School between 1911 and 1991” (M. Th, University of South Africa, Pretoria, 1992), p. 29. 51 SF Pretorius, “The history of the Daisyfield Orphanage…”, p. 86. 52 NGKA, KS 1707: Kommissie. Sinodale Kommissie vir diens van barmhartigheid. Kinder Tehuise 1914 – 1977 (De Inwendige Zending, Stellenbosch, 8 Desember 1917). 53 NGKA, KS 1707: Kommissie. Sinodale Kommissie vir diens van barmhartigheid. Kinder Tehuise 1914 – 1977 (Jaarverslag Kinder Tehuis Daisyfield, 1924).

• 23 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) kardinale rol in die opvoeding van weeskinders speel en sou in der waarheid ʼn weerspieëling van die impak en begronding van Christelik-skolastiese opleiding word. Volgens bepaling is kinders verplig om Sondagskool en kerkbediening by te woon en in sommige gevalle die jaarlikse “Bybelkennis-Eksamen” wat deur die Kategismus van die NG Kerk te Bloemfontein ingestel is, af te lê.54 Skoliere van die latere Bothashof-skool sou in talle gevalle die hoogste punte in bogenoemde finale eksamens behaal. Weeskinders is dus aangemoedig om sonder aarseling hulself aan godsdienstige opleiding en deug te wy. Alhoewel die meeste kinders met die verpligtinge akkoord gegaan het, het ds. Botha tog te kenne gegee dat daar besondere gevalle van “onbeskaamde oneerlikheid” en die tevergeefse soeke na ʼn waarheidsgevoel onder sommige wese teenwoordig was.55 Ten spyte van enkele pedagogiese probleme rakende die opvoeding van die wese, het die uitwerking van die godsdiensbeoefening ongetwyfeld as ʼn bron van inspirasie en subtiele meditasie gedien. Daisyfield het per slot van rekening die simbool van die Afrikaner se kerklike en volkslewe in Rhodesië geword waarin daar volgens die skriba van die Ring van Bulawayo “na veel meer as die redding en opheffing van die wese” gestreef is.56

Samevatting

Sit meer diepte in in die samevatting. Vgl ook met jou abstract

Die opmerking kan gemaak word dat die Daisyfield-inrigting ʼn integrale opheffingsfunksie en deurslaggewende rol in die versorging en opvoeding van die Afrikaner wees- en sorgbehoewende kind vervul het. Vanweë die

54 SF Pretorius, “The history of the Daisyfield Orphanage…”, p. 75. 55 NGKA, KS 1707: Kommissie. Sinodale Kommissie vir diens van barmhartigheid. Kinder Tehuise 1914 – 1977 (Jaarverslag Kinder Tehuis Daisyfield, 1924). 56 NGKA, KS 1707: Kommissie. Sinodale Kommissie vir diens van barmhartigheid. Kinder Tehuise 1914 – 1977 (Ring van Bulawayo, Presbytery of the Dutch Reformed Church in Rhodesia), p. 2.

• 24 Invloed van UGO op Geskiedenis samevloeiing van oorsaaklike redes in die eerste dekade van die twintigste eeu het die behoefte aan ʼn doelmatige, organisatoriese instelling vir die groot aantal weeskinders in Rhodesië sterk na vore gekom. Grotendeels as uitvloeisel van hul sendingwerk en evangelisasie, het leraars van die Nederduits Gereformeerde Kerk dit as die allernoodsaaklikste lewenstaak beskou om die “ontredderde kinders” in ʼn Christelik-skolastiese omgewing op te voed. Afgesien van gedurige moeilike finansiële omstandighede, sou Daisyfield tussen 1910 en 1948 as suksesvolle wees- en onderwyssentrum van die Afrikaner-minderheidsgroep in Rhodesië besondere bekendheid verwerf.

• 25 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

• 26 Invloed van UGO op Geskiedenis

• 27 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

• 28 Invloed van UGO op Geskiedenis

• 29 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

• 30 Invloed van UGO op Geskiedenis

• 31 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

• 32 Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika

Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika: Normalisering van politieke en kulturele betrekkinge sedert 1990

Otto Terblanche Nelson Mandela Metropolitaanse Universiteit Port Elizabeth Abstract

Flanders, the northern, Dutch-speaking regional state of Belgium, traditionally regarded the preservation and strengthening of language and cultural ties with the Afrikaner as of the utmost importance. In this article the normalisation of political and cultural relations between Flanders and South Africa will be analysed in the period since 1990. The Flemish government would become more involved in developmental projects in South Africa regarding housing, health and education. The kinship between the Afrikaners and the Flemish people contributed greatly to the lively cultural interaction regarding congresses and visits by writers, poets and artists. Afrikaans books were promoted and Afrikaans was taught at various Flemish universities. There were also positive signs regarding governmental support for the Afrikaans language in Flanders.

Keywords: Afrikaans; Belgium; Flanders; South Africa; Political relations; Cultural ties; Development co-operation.

Inleiding Taal- en kultuurbande het tradisioneel ’n groot rol gespeel in die betrekkinge tussen Vlaandere, die noordelike, Nederlandstalige deelstaat van België, en Suid-Afrika. Vanweë die Vlaams-nasionalistiese beweging se stryd teen die dominansie van Frans, was daar in Vlaandere groter begrip vir die Afrikaner se strewe om sy eie identiteit te bewaar en uit te bou. Taalverwantskap was en is steeds van primêre belang wat die betrekkinge tussen die Afrikaners en die Vlaminge betref. Politieke en kulturele betrekkinge tussen Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika het gedurende die apartheidsjare onder groot druk gekom. Die sanksie- en boikotbeweging teen Suid-Afrika het sy tol geëis. Die akademiese boikot het

111 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) in meer as een opsig ‘n negatiewe uitwerking gehad, veral wat kultuurbande in die algemeen en die Neerlandistiek in die besonder betref. Hierdie artikel wil die kollig laat val op die normalisering van politieke en kulturele betrekkinge sedert 1990. Benewens politieke verhoudinge wat herstel is, was België en Vlaandere, wat ontwikkelingssamewerking betref, baie betrokke by velerlei projekte in Suid-Afrika. Klem sal ook gelê word op die uitbouing van kulturele bande op verskillende vlakke. Veral die Afrikaanse taal het baat gevind by die lewenskragtige kulturele wisselwerking wat die betrekkinge sedert 1990 gekenmerk het. Die jare ná 1990 het vir Suid-Afrika ’n belangrike keerpunt verteenwoordig. Pres. FW de Klerk het op 2 Februarie 1990 in ’n epogmakende toespraak aangekondig dat die verbod op die African National Congress (ANC) , die Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunistiese Party en ’n aantal ander organisasies opgehef gaan word. Nelson Mandela sou ook onvoorwaardelik vrygelaat word. Hierdie toespraak het vir alle praktiese doeleindes apartheid afgeskaf en die deur geopen na ’n nuwe nie-rassige Suid- Afrika. De Klerk se historiese toespraak het eventueel tot die normalisering van betrekkinge gelei. Betrekkinge met België en Vlaandere sou egter eers na Suid-Afrika se eerste demokratiese algemene verkiesing op 27 April 1994 en Mandela se inhuldiging as president daarna volledig genormaliseer word.1 Die politieke landskap in België het ook ná 1990 verander. België het volledig ’n federale land geword. Die Sint-Michielsakkoord van 1993 het die vierde fase van die proses van staatshervorming in België verteenwoordig. Die Vlaamse Gemeenskap het sy eie parlement en regering gekry. Vlaandere het ingevolge hierdie akkoord internasionale verdragsbevoegdheid gekry ten opsigte van onderwys, kultuurbeleid en gesondheidsorg.

Wedersydse ampsbesoeke Eerstens word verwys na Suid-Afrikaanse ampsbesoeke. Pres. De Klerk het van 15 tot 17 Mei 1990 ’n werksbesoek aan België gebring. Dit was deel van ’n omvattende 18-daagse Europese rondreis waarin hy nege lande besoek het. Op sy besoek het De Klerk onder meer gesprekke gevoer met koning Boudewijn, premier Wilfried Martens en lede van die Europese Gemeenskap en Europese

1 HO Terblanche, Nederland en die Afrikaner: Gesprek oor apartheid (Port Elizabeth, Universiteit van Port Elizabeth, 1998), pp. 212-214.

112 Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika

Kommissie. De Klerk het op ’n perskonferensie in Brussel verklaar “dat wij niet naar Europa gekomen zijn met onze hoed in onze hand in een poging om die sancties ongedaan te maken.” Hy het wel toegegee dat die sanksies ’n remmende invloed uitoefen op Suid-Afrika se pogings om die sosio-ekonomiese uitdagings in die land die hoof te bied. De Klerk se besoek is as ’n diplomatieke sukses bestempel.2 Dr. Ben Ngubane, die Suid-Afrikaanse minister van Kuns, Kultuur, Wetenskap en Tegnologie, het van 8 tot 11 November 1994 ’n amptelike besoek aan België en die instellings van die Europese Unie gebring. Dit was die eerste amptelike besoek van ’n minister van die Regering van Nasionale Eenheid. Hy het ook gesprek gevoer met die Vlaamse minister-president Luc van den Brande.3 Pres. Thabo Mbeki het België op 10 Oktober 2001 op uitnodiging van EU- voorsitter en Belgiese premier Guy Verhofstadt besoek. Mbeki is ook deur koning Albert II ontvang. Die besoek het in die teken gestaan van Mbeki se Nuwe Inisiatief vir Afrika.4 Mbeki het van 15 tot 17 November 2004 ’n belangwekkende ampsbesoek aan die Europese Unie en België gebring. Die besoek het in die kader gestaan van “Tien Jaar Vrijheid” in Suid-Afrika en van die New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad). Mbeki het uitvoerige gesprekke gevoer met lede van die Europese Kommissie en premier Verhofstadt. Hy was ook gasspreker op die jaarlikse galadinee van die Antwerpse Hoge Raad voor de Diamant.5 Toekomstige Vlaams-Suid-Afrikaanse verhoudinge het ook aandag geniet. Mbeki het in die verband samesprekings gevoer met die Vlaamse minister- president Yves Leterme. Die Vlaamse regering het in die vorige tien jaar meer as 60 miljoen euros in samewerking met Suid-Afrika belê. Tydens Mbeki se besoek is twee Verklarings van Voorneme ook onderteken met die oog op nouer ekonomiese samewerking tussen Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika.6 Tweedens word verwys na besoeke van Belgiese of Vlaamse leiersfigure aan Suid-Afrika. Tien verteenwoordigers uit die akademiese wêreld en vakbondwese

2 Pres. FW de Klerk, België, Beelden, Mei 1990, pp. 2-3, 9; South African Panorama, July/August 1990, pp. 6-7. 3 Minister Ngubane, België, Beelden, Desember 1994, p. 6. 4 “Europa steunt het Nieuw Initiatief voor Afrika”, Beelden van Zuid-Afrika, Oktober-November 2001, pp. 1-2. 5 “Officieel bezoek van president Thabo Mbeki”, Beelden van Zuid-Afrika, Oktober-November 2004, pp. 1-2; “Nauwere samenwerking voor ontwikkeling”, Beelden van Zuid-Afrika, Desember 2004-Januarie 2005, pp. 1-6; De Standaard, 16 & 17 November 2004. 6 “Ten years of co-operation between Flanders and South Africa”, Flanders, December 2004, pp. 10-11.

113 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) in Vlaandere het van 9 tot 17 November 1991 ’n “’fact finding’-missie” na Suid-Afrika onderneem ten einde die situasie aldaar krities te evalueer. Die afvaardiging het onder meer gepleit vir doelgerigte ontwikkelingshulp van die Belgiese owerheid en van nie-regerings ontwikkelingsorganisasies. Dié hulp moes “ten goede komt aan de gemarginaliseerde meerderheid in Zuid-Afrika … .”7 Die Vlaamse regering het op 23 Junie 1993 besluit om sy betrekkinge met Suid-Afrika te normaliseer. ’n Afvaardiging van die Vlaamse parlement het van 1 tot 11 Oktober 1993 ’n besoek aan Suid-Afrika gebring. Op 19 April 1994, enkele dae voor die eerste demokratiese verkiesing in Suid-Afrika, het die Vlaamse parlement ’n resolusie goedgekeur betreffende die Suid-Afrika- beleid van die Vlaamse Gemeenskap. Hiervolgens het die hele kwessie van taalverwantskap ’n ondergeskikte rol gespeel. Die Vlaamse regering was in die jare 1993-1994 ten gunste van “een brede en omvattende samenwerking” met Suid-Afrika, met klem onder meer op ekonomiese opbou en ontwikkeling, die bevordering van meertaligheid, huisvesting, onderwys, gesondheidsorg en landelike ontwikkeling.8 Die Vlaamse minister-president Luc van den Brande het Suid-Afrika van 29 Oktober tot 6 November 1994 besoek met die doel om die betrekkinge met Suid-Afrika te normaliseer. Tydens die besoek is ’n Verklaring van Voorneme tussen beide regerings onderteken. Die Vlaamse regering het ook besluit om gedurende die periode 1994-1996 ’n jaarlikse bedrag van 170 miljoen frank te bestee aan samewerkingsprojekte met Suid-Afrika. Die bedoeling was om sosio-ekonomiese herstel en ontwikkeling te stimuleer.9 Van den Brande het van 24 Oktober tot 3 November 1996 weer ’n ampsbesoek aan Suid-Afrika gebring, en wel op uitnodiging van die Suid- Afrikaanse regering. ’n Handelsafvaardiging het ook die besoek meegemaak. Tydens sy besoek aan die Vrystaat het die minister-president ’n memorandum van samewerking onderteken. Die Vlaamse regering het verder besluit om in die periode 1997-1999 ’n jaarlikse bedrag van 200 miljoen frank te bestee aan sosio-ekonomiese en kulturele ontwikkelingsprojekte in Suid-Afrika.

7 “Zuid-Afrika 2000”, Amandla, Januarie 1992, pp. 22-24. 8 Vlaams Parlement, Stuk 735 (1996-1997), Nr. 2, p. 4; “Flanders in South Africa: Political relations” (available at: http://www.flanders.be/servlet, as accessed on 2 February 2009); F Judo, “Zelfportret met springbokken: 1993-2008”, SW Couwenberg (red.), Apartheid, Anti-apartheid, Post-apartheid (Civis Mundi jaarboek 2008, Damon, 2008), pp. 108-111. 9 “Vlaamse regeringsdelegatie op officieel bezoek in Zuid-Afrika”, Beelden, Desember 1994, p. 3; “Afrikaans op agtergrond wyl bande gesmee word”, Rapport, 15 Januarie 1995.

114 Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika

Hierdie besoek van Van den Brande was van groot belang want op 28 Oktober 1996 is ’n samewerkingsverdrag tussen die Vlaamse regering en die Suid-Afrikaanse regering betreffende onderwys, kuns, kultuur, wetenskap, tegnologie en sport in Pretoria onderteken. Die taalverwantskap tussen Nederlands en Afrikaans het ook in hierdie verdrag ’n ondergeskikte rol gespeel. Vir Vlaandere was dit belangrik om die meertaligheid in Suid-Afrika te ondersteun en te bevorder.10 Die Vlaamse minister-president, Patrick Dewael, het gevolglik in November 2000 ’n verdere ampsbesoek aan Suid- Afrika gebring. Prinses Astrid, president van die Belgiese Rooi Kruis, en Marc Verwilghen, minister van Ontwikkelingssamenwerking, het einde April 2004 na Suid- Afrika gereis. Prinses Astrid het verskeie vigs-projekte in Suid-Afrika besoek. Sy het ook ’n welwillendheidsbesoek gebring aan die Universiteit van Stellenbosch.11 Prins Philippe en prinses Mathilde het Suid-Afrika in Maart 2006 aangedoen. Hulle was vergesel van ’n Belgiese ekonomiese missie van hoof-uitvoerende beamptes en senior bestuurders van byna 70 maatskappye met die doel om wedersydse handelsbande te verstewig. 12

Politieke verhoudinge Toekennings en vererings In vele opsigte vertel die etlike toekennings aan Suid-Afrikaners vanaf die negentigerjare ‘n eiesoortige verhaal. Toekennings en vererings is te assosieer met positief-aanvaarde politieke belewenisse. Die politieke omwenteling in Suid-Afrika teen 1990, en veral ná 1994, het spoedig neerslag gevind in die verering van Suid-Afrikaners met eredoktorsgrade aan Belgiese universiteite. So het die Vrije Universiteit Brussel in Oktober 1993 eredoktorsgrade toegeken aan pres. FW de Klerk en Nelson Mandela. Die rektor het klem gelê op die betekenis van dié twee staatsmanne vir die proses van demokratisering in Suid-Afrika: “Zonder zorgzame leiders, zonder leiders die zich tenvolle bewust zijn van het subtiele politieke evenwicht dat noodzakelijk is in een

10 Vlaams Parlement, Stuk 735 (1996-1997), Nr. 2, pp. 5-10; F Vandenbroeke, “SA word swaartepunt van Vlaamse beleid in Afrika”, Die Burger, 26 Oktober 1996; D van Zyl, “Kultuurverdrae dra ruimheid in taalbroers se lande in”, Die Burger, 5 November 1996. Kyk ook onderhoud, L van den Brande, Neerlandia, Oktober 1996, pp. 8-9. 11 “Zending HKH Prinses Astrid naar Zuid-Afrika” (available at: http://www.dgic.be/nl/de­_minister/ persberichten, as accessed on 3 May 2005) ; “Belgiese prinses besoek kampus”, Matieland, 1/2004, p. 23. 12 “Belgiese koninklikes open sentrum by UWK”, Die Burger, 14 Maart 2006.

115 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) democratie, kan de democratie niet blijven bestaan.”13 Nelson Mandela het in Mei 2004 ’n eredoktorsgraad van die Universiteit Antwerpen ontvang. Dit is in sy afwesigheid aan hom toegeken. Mandela is vereer vir sy bydrae tot vrede: “Niemand anders had op deze manier de basis kunnen leggen voor de stabilisering van geheel zuidelijk Afrika.”14 Emeritus-aartsbiskop Desmond Tutu het in Maart 2005 ’n eredoktorsgraad van die Universiteit Gent ontvang. Tutu is vereer omdat hy die versinnebeelding is van “de gedachte van de waardigheid en gelijkwaardigheid van alle mensen.” Die rektor het daarop gewys dat hierdie waardes voortdurend onder druk staan: “Ze zijn fundamenteel voor een democratie en een rechtstaat, voor een vrije samenleving waarin mensen ongeacht ras, geslacht, afkomst of religie kansen krijgen.” Tutu was ook die kanselier van die Universiteit van die Wes-Kaap (UWK). Die Universiteit Gent het ondersteuning verskaf om navorsings- en ontwikkelingsgeriewe by die UWK te bevorder.15 Me. Graça Machel, eggenote van oudpres. Nelson Mandela, is in April 2008 deur die Universiteit Gent met ’n eredoktorsgraad vereer. Dit is aan haar toegeken as ’n persoon met ’n groot maatskaplike verdienste en hoë morele gesag. Machel het die eerbewys in ontvangs geneem “namens alle Afrika-vroue” wat vir die vasteland gestry het.16

Suid-Afrikaanse ambassades ingekort Die Suid-Afrikaanse regering het in Junie 1998 besluit om die Suid- Afrikaanse ambassade in België te sluit. Die regering se voorneme was om sy ambassade in Brussel en dié by die Europese Unie (ook in Brussel) te laat saamsmelt. Die Suid-Afrikaanse regering het die voorafgaande jaar nege van sy buitelandse missies gesluit as deel van die departement van Buitelandse Sake se rasionalisasie. Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid onder pres. Mandela het naamlik sekere fokusveranderings ondergaan. Minder klem is gelê op Europa en meer ambassades sou geopen word in Afrika, die Midde-Ooste en Asië. China was ook vir Suid-Afrika ’n prioriteit. Die missie in Brussel by die

13 “President FW de Klerk en Nelson Mandela doctor honoris causa van de VU Brussel”, Beelden, Oktober- November 1993, pp. 4-5. 14 “Antwerps eredoctoraat voor Nelson Mandela”, De Standaard, 6 Januarie 2004. 15 “Tutu ontvang eredoktoraat van Gent”, Rapport, 20 Maart 2005; “Waarheid geneest”, De Standaard, 19 & 20 Maart 2005; “ Laudatio Aartsbisschop Em. Desmond Tutu” (available at: http://www.ugent.be/nl/univgent/ publicaties/toespraken, as accessed on 23 October 2005). 16 “Graça Machel kry Belgiese eregraad”, Die Burger, 24 April 2008.

116 Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika

Belgiese regering is gevolglik met ingang 1 Julie 1998 gesluit. Dit het beteken dat Suid-Afrika se missie by die Europese Unie in Brussel voortaan die land se enigste verteenwoordiger in België sou wees.17 Suid-Afrika se ambassadeur in Brussel, me. Anette de Kock-Joubert, het die beplande sluiting sterk teengestaan, veral vanweë die spesiale band wat daar was tussen Suid-Afrika en België. België was ook toe Suid-Afrika se agtste grootste handelsvennoot. Ontsteltenis het ook in Belgiese politieke kringe geheers. Kenners van die Belgiese politiek was van mening dat dit as ’n belediging vir koning Albert II en die Belgiese regering beskou kon word. Hierdie kwessie is ook te berde gebring in die Vlaamse parlement. Die minister-president Luc van den Brande het uitvoerig geantwoord op ’n vraag wat oor die uitfaseer van die ambassade gestel is. Volgens hom behoort dit nie die bilaterale verhoudinge tussen Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika negatief te beïnvloed nie.18 Groot ongelukkigheid het ook in Suid-Afrika geheers oor die stap. Die Burger het dit baie duidelik gestel dat dit nie in Suid-Afrika se belang was nie. België was vir Suid-Afrika van groot betekenis wat handel en beleggings betref. Daarom het Die Burger gevoel dat dit ’n fout sou wees “om só ’n winsgewende omgewing deur besnoeiings skade te laat ly.”19 Die feit is beklemtoon dat Brussel die knooppunt is waar die meeste sake in Europa bymekaarkom. Suid-Afrika se ambassadeur by die Europese Unie, dr. E Links, sou voortaan ook ambassadeur in België en in Luxemburg wees. Hy sou dus aan die hoof van drie ambassades wees.

Belgiese belangstelling in Suid-Afrika Suid-Afrika het sy nasionale dag, Vryheidsdag, op 27 April 2004 gevier. Presies tien jaar vantevore het die land sy eerste vrye en demokratiese verkiesing gehou. Die Suid-Afrikaanse ambassade in Brussel het die “Tien Jaar Vrijheid” op ’n uitgebreide skaal gevier. Die ambassade het ’n hele reeks aktiwiteite aangebied, “waar wij het beste van onszelf zullen tonen en waar u

17 “Nege oorsese missies van Suid-Afrika reeds gesluit”, Die Burger, 4 Julie 1998. 18 “Commissie voor Buitenlandse en Europese Aangelegenheden Vergadering van 30 Junie 1998” (available at: http://jsp.vlaamsparlement.be/website/htm, as accessed on 25 July 2007); “Suid-Afrika ambassadeur in België dreig Nzo met regstappe”, Die Burger, 18 Junie 1998; DJ Eppink, “Besnoeiing kan bande tussen België en SA skaad”, Wêreld Burger, 1 Julie 1998. 19 Hoofartikel, “Nie in SA se belang”, Die Burger, 19 Junie 1998.

117 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) kan kennismaken met alle aspecten van Zuid-Afrika”, aldus ambassadeur JM Matjila.20 Suid-Afrika se Belgiese vriende is uitgenooi om die land te herontdek ná tien jaar. ’n Fototentoonstelling is gehou om op ’n aanskoulike wyse die dinamiek van die veranderinge in Suid-Afrika voor te stel. Dit is opgeluister met musiek en dans wat die kulturele diversiteit van Suid-Afrika weerspieël het. Vyf van die provinsies het ook hulle toerisme-attraksies bekend gestel. Daar het ook ’n kulinêre avontuur op die Belge gewag. Suid-Afrikaanse geregte en wyne is by uitgesoekte restaurante bedien. Vir fynproewers was dit ’n fees. ’n Koop Suid- Afrikaans-veldtog is ook geloods. Delhaize sou in al sy 123 supermarkte en byna 200 winkels die kollig op hul reeks van Suid-Afrikaanse produkte laat val. (Dit staan in skerp kontras met die boikotveldtogte van die tagtigerjare). Die werk van 12 Suid-Afrikaanse kunstenaars is uitgestal tydens ‘n tentoonstelling van hedendaagse Suid-Afrikaanse kuns. Dit was die eerste tentoonstelling in België wat uitsluitend aan Suid-Afrikaanse kunstenaars gewy is.21

UShaka na België Die ambassade het ook Afrika se eerste oratorium, “UShaka”, na België gebring. UShaka, ’n epiese musiekdrama van negentig minute, is in 1985 gekomponeer deur prof. M Khumalo. Dit was destyds die langste stuk tradisionele koormusiek was nog deur ’n swart Suid-Afrikaner gekomponeer is. ’n Afrika Rolprentfees is ook aangebied. In samewerking met die ambassade in Brussel is ’n aantal bekende Suid-Afrikaanse rolprente na België gebring. Rolprente soos “Amandla” en “Promised Land” is onder meer vertoon. Een van die hoogtepunte van die “Tien Jaar Vrijheid”-feesvieringe het op 27 April 2004 in Brussel afgespeel. Een van Brussel se bekendste simbole, die Manneken Pis, is toe getooi in ’n tipiese kleurryke “Madiba-hemp” met passende grys hare daarby. Op hierdie gepaste wyse “brengt de kleinste Brusselaar hulde aan de grootste icoon uit Zuid-Afrika’s geschiedenis.”22

20 South African Embassy (Brussels), 10 Years of freedom, 1994-2004, pp. 2-3. 21 South African Embassy (Brussels), 10 Years of freedom, 1994-2004, pp. 16-19, 22-23, 28-29. 22 South African Embassy (Brussels), 10 Years of freedom, 1994-2004, pp. 20-21, 24-27; Beelden van Zuid-Afrika, April-Mei 2004; Department of Arts and Culture, UShaka Tour to Europe 2004; De Standaard, 27 April 2004 & 28 April 2004.

118 Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika

Mandela ‘n ikoon Mandela is as ’n ikoniese figuur in België gehuldig. Die Vlaamse minister van Kultuur, Jeug en Sport, Bert Anciaux, het in Februarie 2007 ’n fototentoonstelling “Mandela: Een portret” in Brussel geopen. Hy het Mandela se vrylating op 11 Februarie 1990 as “één van de finest hours van de geschiedenis” bestempel. Hy het in sy toespraak Mandela gehuldig “als icoon van een niet-racistische maatschappij. Waar, mannen én vrouwen, van alle kleuren, zoveel mogelijke gelijke kansen krijgen.” Die fototentoonstelling het oor die lewe van Mandela en die stryd teen apartheid gehandel. Die tentoonstelling is opgebou rondom 27 illustrasies uit die boek Mandela: het geautoriseerde portret (Lannoo, 2006). Die fototentoonstelling is ook in ander Vlaamse dorpe en stede aangebied.23 Mandela se 90ste verjaarsdag in 2008 was ook vir die Belge ’n besondere gebeurtenis. Die voormalige Belgiese premier, Guy Verhofstadt, se drie ontmoetings met Mandela het hom bygebly. In ’n onderhoud het hy meer daaroor vertel: “Wat me het meest is bijgebleven, is de eerste ontmoeting bij een officieel bezoek in Zuid-Afrika in 2000. Ik ben dan bij hem thuis geweest. Het klikte meteen … Hij heeft een heel eenvoudige, innemende manier van praten. Hij gaat onmiddellijk naar de kern. Onze gesprekken gingen vooral over de democratisering in Afrika en wat we samen konden doen.” Verhofstadt het verder beweer: “Mandela is Zuid-Afrika.” Hy het Mandela bestempel as “het lichtbaken van Afrika.”24

Ontwikkelingssamewerking ‘n suksesverhaal Die Belgiese regering is reeds sedert 1994, wat ontwikkelingssamewerking betref, betrokke by ’n aantal programme in Suid-Afrika. Suid-Afrika is een van 18 vennootskapslande van die Belgiese ontwikkelingssamewerking. Die Belgiese projekte in Suid-Afrika rus op drie pilare: gesondheidssorg (die stryd teen vigs), land- en landbouhervorming, en veiligheid en sekerheid (polisiehervorming).25

23 “Mandela-expo” (available at: http://www.hopedesir.be/mandela/artikel, as accessed on 10 October 2008). 24 “Mandela is Zuid-Afrika”, De Standaard, 27 Junie 2008. 25 “De Belgische Ontwikkelingssamenwerking in Zuid-Afrika” (available at: www.dgos.be en www.btcctb.org, as accessed on 3 May 2007).

119 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Suid-Afrika voer ’n verbete stryd teen die dubbele epidemie van MIV/vigs en tuberkulose. België en Suid-Afrika het in 2003 ’n vyfjaarprogram ten bedrae van 6,2 miljoen euro geloods om die vernietigende uitwerking van MIV/vigs, tuberkulose en seksueel oordragbare siektes die hoof te bied. Die Belgische Technische Coöperatie (BTC) het in dié verband steun verleen aan die Suid- Afrikaanse ministerie van Gesondheid. België het ook tegniese advies verleen ten opsigte van die behandelingsprogramme met antiretrovirale medisyne (ARM). Ten einde hierdie beleid in dade om te sit is dit van wesensbelang dat die kapasiteit van die gesondheidsektor in Suid-Afrika verbeter word. Met die oog hierop het België in 2005 ’n verdere bedrag van 3,5 miljoen euro opsygesit.26 Land- en landbouhervorming in Suid-Afrika is belangrik met die oog op die uitwissing van armoede, ekonomiese groei en die verbetering van die lewenskwaliteit van alle Suid-Afrikaners. België het in 2005 ’n bedrag van 6 miljoen euro bewillig wat aangewend kon word aan die oordrag van grond aan diegene met wettige aansprake. Die departement van Grondsake sou ook finansiële steun ontvang sodat die begunstigdes wat grond ontvang het, bygestaan kon word. Hierdie “vervolgstrategie” het vir ’n periode van tien jaar gegeld.27 Die bekamping van misdaad in Suid-Afrika is ’n prioriteitskwessie. België het sedert 1994 steun verleen aan die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisiediens (SAPD). In 2003 het België ’n bykomende 3 miljoen euro beskikbaar gestel sodat die SAPD in ’n meer effektiewe mag omskep kon word om sodoende beter in die behoeftes van die gemeenskappe te voldoen. Die werwing van strategiese polisiepersoneel het veral hoë prioriteit geniet.28 Vlaandere het in 1993 die bevoegdheid gekry om ’n eie buitelandse beleid te voer. Sedert 1999 is daar ’n Vlaamse minister van Ontwikkelingssamenwerking. Suid-Afrika was die eerste vennootskapsland van die Vlaamse ontwikkelingssamewerking.29 Suid-Afrika is Vlaandere se belangrikste bondgenoot in Afrika op politieke en ekonomiese gebied. Suid- Afrika word gesien as die poort na Afrika. Die Vlaamse parlement glo dat

26 “Belgische Technische Coöperatie” (available at: http://www.btcctb.org, as accessed on 8 May 2007); “Aids berooft Zuid-Afrikaanse kinderen van hun onschuld”, Dimensie 3, April-Mei 2006, pp. 9-11. 27 “Belgische Technische Coöperatie” (available at: http://www.btcctb.org, as accessed on 8 May 2007); De Standaard, 22 Augustus 2006. 28 “Belgische Technische Coöperatie” (available at: http://www.btcctb.org , as accessed on 8 May 2007). 29 “Vlaamse Ontwikkelingssamenwerking. Partnerland: Zuid-Afrika” (available at: http://docs.vlaanderen.be/ channels/hoofdmenu/vlaanderenint/Ontwikkelingssamenwerking, as accessed on 12 April 2005).

120 Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika

Suid-Afrika die sleutelland op die kontinent Afrika is. Teen September 2000 het Vlaandere in ses lande diplomatieke verteenwoordigers gehad. Suid- Afrika was die enigste Afrika-land.30 Die Vlaamse minister-president, Luc van den Brande, het in Oktober 1996 aangekondig dat Vlaandere sy jaarlikse ontwikkelingshulp aan Suid- Afrika van sowat R24,75 miljoen tot sowat R29,25 miljoen verhoog. Die bedoeling was om tot die heropbou en ontwikkeling van Suid-Afrika by te dra. Die Vlaamse regering het die vorige twee jaar reeds meer as R70 miljoen bygedra tot behuising, gesondheid, onderwys, gemeenskapsontwikkeling, vakbondopleiding en die ontwikkeling van kleinsake-ondernemings in Suid- Afrika.31 Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika het in Oktober 1996 ook ’n akkoord onderteken oor samewerking in die gesondheidsektor. Vlaandere het veral projekte ondersteun ter voorkoming van blindheid en sorg vir gestremdes (die verskaffing van rolstoele aan gestremdes). Die Vlaamse regering was ook betrokke by taalfasiliteringsprogramme. Die bevordering van meertaligheid is eweneens as ’n prioriteit gesien. Taalprojekte moes dus alle tale in Suid- Afrika bevoordeel.32 Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika het in 2001 ’n Memorandum van Verstandhouding insake ontwikkelingssamewerking gesluit. Die Vlaamse minister van Kultuursake, Paul van Grembergen, het in November 2003 aangekondig dat Vlaandere R25 miljoen oor drie jaar in Suid-Afrikaanse kuns- en kultuurprojekte gaan belê. Volgens hom is kuns en kultuur doeltreffende instrumente om mense bymekaar te bring. Vir die Vlaamse regering was dit belangrik dat daar gelyke geleenthede gegee word aan mans en vroue.33 Die Vlaamse regering het in 2006 besluit om R60 miljoen vir twee reuse-projekte van die Vrystaatse premier te bewillig. Die geld sou vir werkskepping en MIV/vigs-opvoeding in dié provinsie gebruik word.34 Die Vlaamse minister van Kultuur, Jeug en Sport, Bert Anciaux, het in Mei 2007 ’n samewerkingsakkoord met Suid-Afrika onderteken. Die samewerking het betrekking gehad op die uitbou van vier plaaslike gemeenskapssentra in Gauteng, Vrystaat, KwaZulu-Natal en die Wes-Kaap. Die fokus was op

30 “Editorial”, Flanders, September 2000, p. 3. 31 “Vlaandere versterk bande met SA”, Die Burger, 29 Oktober 1996. 32 “Verdrag oor gesondheid met Vlaandere onderteken”, Die Burger, 5 Oktober 1996; “SA en Vlaandere sluit samewerkingsooreenkomste”, Beeld, 4 Maart 1998. 33 “Vlaandere belê in Afrika”, Beeld, 6 November 2003. 34 “VS-projekte kry R60 m. van Vlaandere”, Volksblad, 27 Julie 2006; F Judo, “Zelfportret met springbokken…”, SW Couwenberg (red.), Apartheid, Anti-apartheid, Post-apartheid…, pp. 116-118.

121 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) jongmense, die kunste, kultuur en sport. Minister Anciaux het ’n jaarlikse bedrag van 1 miljoen euro daarvoor bewillig. Hy het dit beklemtoon “dat duurzame relaties, zeker op internationaal niveau, gebouwd worden op wederzijds respect, op leren van elkaar en gezamenlijk investeren.”35 Hierdie samewerkingsprojek het gegeld vir die tydperk 2007-2009.

Neerlandistieke kongresse spieël SA-Belgiese verhoudinge Die politieke klimaatsverandering en transformasie ná 1990, en veral ná 1994 in Suid-Afrika, het ook binne die Neerlandistiek groot veranderinge teweeggebring. Nuwe inisiatiewe is geloods wat die posisie van Afrikaans in Vlaandere en van Nederlands in Suid-Afrika op ’n stewiger grondslag sou plaas. Groter kulturele kruisbestuiwing en wisselwerking op velerlei terreine het ingetree. Wetenskaplike kontakte kon weer opgeneem word na die beëindiging van die kulturele boikot.36 Die Verdrag tussen België en Nederland insake die Nederlandse Taalunie is op 9 September 1980 te Brussel onderteken. Die doel van die Taalunie is “om op het gebied van de Nederlandse taal en letteren te komen tot een integratie van Nederland en de Nederlandstalige gemeenschap van België.”37 Die Nederlandse Taalunie het in 1994 ’n bedrag van R800,000 per jaar vir drie jaar beskikbaar gestel om die Neerlandistiek in Suid-Afrika te bevorder. Fondse is onder meer beskikbaar gestel vir die Suider-Afrikaanse Vereniging vir Neerlandistiek (SAVN) se vaktydskrif, Tydskrif vir Nederlands en Afrikaans, ’n biblioteeksubsidie aan universiteite, die uitruiling van studente en dosente, studiebeurse, die vestiging van twee kennissentrums, die aanbied van werkswinkels, kursusse en kongresse.38 Die verhouding Afrikaans/Nederlands het sedert 1990 by verskeie kongresse onder die soeklig gekom. Die Elfde Colloquium Neerlandicum, aangebied deur die Internationale Vereniging voor Neerlandistiek (IVN), is in Augustus

35 “Berts Nieuwsbrief, Junie 2007” (available at: http://www.ministeranciaux.be, as accessed on 14 June 2007); Vlaamse steun voor Zuid-Afrika”, De Standaard, 13 Junie 2008. 36 D van Zyl, “Nederlands in Suid-Afrika – Ou-ou tyding of nuwe lente?”, Ensovoort, Nr. 1, 1995, pp. 71-78; D van Zyl, “Neerlandistiek maak deure oop”, Die Burger, 26 September 1995. 37 Keesings Historisch Archief, 19 September 1980, pp. 603-604; “The Language of Flanders and the Netherlands”, Flanders, September 2000, pp. 20-24; O Vandeputte, Nederlands: Het verhaal van een taal (Rekkem, Stichting Ons Erfdeel, 1997), pp. 36-40. 38 “Nederlandse Taalunie skenk ruim om bande te versterk”, Die Burger, 10 Mei 1994; “Nederlanders hier om hul taal te bevorder”, Beeld, 25 November 1994.

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1991 te Utrecht gehou. Dit was die eerste sodanige kongres wat Suid- Afrikaanse akademici op uitnodiging kon bywoon.39 Die Vlaamse Raad het in Oktober 1991 ’n internasionale colloquium in Brussel georganiseer met as tema Nederlands in de Wereld. Deelnemers uit nege lande het dit bygewoon, naamlik Nederland, Vlaandere, Suriname, Nederlandse Antille, Aruba, Suid- Afrika, Namibië, Indonesië en Noord-Frankryk. Moontlikhede is ondersoek vir ’n nouer samewerking op kulturele en taalkundige gebied.40 In Junie 1992 is ’n kongres oor Taal en Identiteit: Afrikaans en Nederlands in Leiden gehou. Interessante parallelle is getref tussen die posisie van Nederlands in die Europese Unie en Afrikaans in die nuwe Suid-Afrika.41 In Januarie 1994 is ’n belangwekkende internasionale kongres in Amsterdam gehou met as tema Afrikaans in een veranderende context. Dié kongres wat gereël is deur die IVN, het die taalkundige en letterkundige aspekte van Afrikaans onder die loep geneem: “Het Amsterdamse congres bood een internationaal podium voor het Afrikaans en zijn veelkleurige cultuur”, aldus dr. Hans Ester van die Universiteit Nijmegen.42 ’n Tweede internasionale colloquium oor Nederlands in de Wereld is in Maart 1994 onder beskerming van die Vlaamse Raad in Brussel gehou. Dit het gefokus op die Nederlands- en Afrikaanstalige media. Die posisie van Nederlands en Afrikaans in die media van die lande waar die tale gepraat word, is ontleed. Groter samewerking is bepleit tussen dié betrokke lande, onder meer die wedersydse uitruiling van TV-programme.43 Die satelliet- televisieprojek Het Beste van Vlaanderen en Nederland (BVN) is in 1998 geloods. Die BVN-televisiekanaal is sedert 2002 vir Suid-Afrikaanse kykers op DStv beskikbaar.44

39 “Wie wil nou nog de taal van de blanken studeren?”, Trouw, 31 Augustus 1991; Ons Erfdeel, September- Oktober 1992, p. 621. 40 Nederlands in de Wereld: Het Verslagboek (Brussel, Vlaamse Raad, 1991); D van Zyl, “Mooi woorde – nou graag dade”, Zuid-Afrika, November/Desember 1991, p. 195; “Een aanzet tot dialoog”, Neerlandia, Desember 1991, pp. 179-181. 41 V February (red.), Taal en Identiteit: Afrikaans en Nederlands (Kaapstad, Tafelberg, 1994); G Keyser, “Leidse kookpot van taal- en letterkundigen”, Zuid-Afrika, Julie/Augustus 1992, pp. 131-132; J van der Elst, “Bydraes draai om vier taaltemas”, Beeld, 19 Junie 1995. 42 H Ester, A van Leuvensteijn (reds.), Afrikaans in een veranderende context (Amsterdam, SA Instituut, 1995); A van Niekerk, “Neerlandici onseker oor toekoms van taal”, Afrikaans Vandag, Maart 1994, p. 11; G Keyser, “Unieke kongres bepleit bande tussen Dietse tale”, Die Burger, 27 Januarie 1994. 43 Ons Erfdeel, September-Oktober 1994, pp. 620-621; G Keyser, “Kulturele TV-uitruiling bepleit”, Die Burger, 20 April 1994. 44 E Britz, “Só leer ons deesdae Europese familie op televisie ken”, Die Burger, 15 April 2002; “The best of Flanders and the Netherlands”, Flanders, September-November 2004, pp. 16-19.

123 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Internasionale Neerlandistiekkongresse het ook ná 1990 gereeld in Suid- Afrika plaasgevind. Die kongres wat in Januarie 1992 by die Potchefstroomse Universiteit aangebied is, was van besondere betekenis. Dit is nie alleen gesubsidieer deur die Nederlandse Taalunie nie, maar dit is ook bygewoon deur sowat 22 buitelandse Neerlandici. Hulle was afkomstig van Nederland, België, Pole, Hongarye, Joego-Slawië, Frankryk, Amerika en Namibië. Die akademiese boikot was beslis nou iets van die verlede.45 Die vyfde hoofkongres van die Afrikaanse Letterkundevereniging (ALV) is in Oktober 1992 op Stellenbosch gehou. Die tema van die kongres was “Afrikaans reik uit”. ’n Beduidende getal buitelandse Neerlandici het referate gelewer.46 ’n Internasionale Neerlandistiekkongres is in Augustus 1993 in Umhlanga gehou. Neerlandici uit 10 lande het ook deelgeneem aan die SAVN se kongres in Bloemfontein in Augustus 1995.47

Besoeke van skrywers/digters Een van die projekte wat in 1996 deur die Nederlandse Taalunie en Poetry International (Rotterdam) in Suid-Afrika onderneem is, was die “Rondreis Nederlandse en Vlaamse Schrijvers”, wat gedurende Maart en April plaasgevind het. Vier Nederlandse en vier Vlaamse skrywers/digters het Suid- Afrika vir twee weke lank besoek. Die Vlaminge was Geertrui Daem, Herman de Coninck, Geert van Istendael en Eddy van Vliet. Die groep skrywers het voorleesfeeste, lesings en werkswinkels in Pretoria, Johannesburg, Kaapstad en Durban aangebied. Hulle het ook op die hoofprogram van die Klein Karoo Nasionale Kunstefees op Oudtshoorn opgetree. Hierdie besoek is allerweë as ’n bevrydende gebeurtenis beskou, want vanweë die kulturele boikot was dit nie voorheen moontlik nie.48 Die gewilde Vlaamse digter Herman de Coninck het Suid-Afrika by drie geleenthede besoek. De Coninck, wat in

45 D van Zyl, “Nuwe saamstappad gebou vir Afrikaans en Nederlands”, Die Burger, 8 Februarie 1992; L Nas, “Eerste Neerlandistiek congres in Zuid-Afrika na boycot”, Zuid-Afrika, Maart 1992, pp. 57-58; Ons Erfdeel, September-Oktober 1992, pp. 621-622. 46 E Britz, “Afrikaans verken as ‘ander land’,” Die Burger, 3 Oktober 1992; JC Kannemeyer, “Buitelanders stel baie belang in Afrikaans”, Beeld, 22 Oktober 1992; D van Zyl, “Afrikaans reik uit”, Zuid-Afrika, November/ Desember 1992, pp. 194-195. 47 L Spies, “SA en Nederlande se nuwe kontak verbly”, Beeld, 25 November 1993; I Glorie, “Taalkongres wat na twee kante sny”, Die Burger, 9 Augustus 1995. 48 “Rondreis Nederlandse en Vlaamse skrywers”, Ensovoort, Nr. 1, 1996, pp. 3-8, 17-22; F Galloway, “’n Dietse omhelsing”, Vuka SA, Maart 1996, pp. 24-26.

124 Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika

1997 oorlede is, het Suid-Afrika in 1996 weer besoek vir die bekendstelling van sy digbundel Liefde, miskien, wat deur D Hugo in Afrikaans vertaal is.49 Ses Afrikaanse skrywers het ’n twee weke lange literêre rondreis in November en Desember 1997 in Nederland en Vlaandere onderneem. Die skrywers was Etienne van Heerden, Marita van der Vyver, Wilma Stockenström, Marlene van Niekerk, Peter Snyders en EKM Dido. Sover bekend was dit die eerste keer dat so ’n groot groep Afrikaanse skrywers op ’n georganiseerde wyse die Lae Lande besoek het. Dié besoek is ook deur die Nederlandse Taalunie georganiseer. Benewens besoeke by universiteite (lesings voor studente- gehore) het die skrywers ook werkswinkels aangebied en uit hul eie werk voorgelees. Dié reis het op EKM Dido ’n groot indruk gemaak. Sy vertel dat die Vlaminge die groep verwelkom het “soos verlore kinders wat die pad terug gevind het.”50 Afrikaanse skrywers en digters is al ou bekendes in die Lae Lande met hul optredes voor ’n verskeidenheid van gehore. In 2004, byvoorbeeld, het Breyten Breytenbach opgetree by ’n internasionale poësiefees in Brugge en die digter-sanger Gert Vlok Nel by ’n woordfees in Antwerpen.51 Antjie Krog het ook talle literêre voorlesings in Vlaandere gehou. Prof. Ernst van Heerden, bekende Afrikaanse digter en akademikus, se uitgebreide poësieversameling maak sedert 1998 ’n deel uit van die grootste poësieversameling in die Nederlandse taalgebied. Die Ernst van Heerden-versameling van Afrikaanse poësie het toe 609 Afrikaanse bundels, bloemlesings en kritiese werke bevat. Hierdie versameling is op 27 November 1998 in Gent amptelik aan die Poëziecentrum oorgedra. Die Poëziecentrum het die versameling as ’n “nuwe verruiming” beskou wat “die venster na die nie-Europese poësie open.”52 Die Afrikaanse skrywer/digter R Scheepers was oor die jare heen ’n ou bekende in Vlaandere. Sy was in 1996 gas by die alternatiewe Boekebeurs (Het Andere Boek) in Antwerpen en in 1997, 1998 en 2003 gas van die Antwerpse Boekebeurs. In Maart 2000 was sy as die gas van die kultuurvereniging,

49 D Hugo, “Geliefde De Coninck sterf nes in sy sardoniese gedig”, Die Burger, 24 Mei 1997. 50 G Keyser, “Sestal skrywers besoek Lae Lande”, Die Burger, 30 Oktober 1997; G Keyser, “‘Oordosis’ maak nog steeds vriende”, Die Burger, 20 Desember 1997; EKM Dido, “’n Reis van selfontdekking”, Afrikaans Vandag, Maart 1998, p. 15. 51 “De ongrijpbare dichter”, De Standaard, 2 September 2004. 52 W Carstens, “Afrikaanse poësiebron vir Lae Lande”, Afrikaans Vandag, Maart 1999, p. 7; G Keyser, “Nuwe ‘diamant’ skitter nou in Vlaandere”, Die Burger, 28 November 1998.

125 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Geletterde Mensen, saam met die Vlaamse skryfster van jeugboeke Anne Provoost op ’n uitgebreide voorlesingtoer in Vlaandere.53 Scheepers was die enigste Afrikaanse digter wat uitgenooi is om op 9 Julie 2002 deel te wees van die Vlaamse parlement se 30-jarige herdenking waartydens 24 digters vanuit die Nederlandse taalgebied hul poësie in die parlement voorgelees het.54 Haar Afrikaanse bloemlesing, wat sy saam met die Vlaamse letterkundige, Jooris van Hulle, saamgestel het, Verstaan my verlangste: 100 liefdesgedichten in het Afrikaans, is in 2003 in Vlaandere bekendgestel. Jooris van Hulle het in 2003 ook haar digbundel “Met die taal van karmosyn” in Nederlands vertaal.55 Sy is een van die mees gelese Afrikaanse skrywers in Vlaandere. Sewentig Afrikaanse, Nederlandse en Vlaamse digters het gedigte bygedra tot die bundel “Ons klein en silwerige planeet” wat in 1997 verskyn het. Hierdie digbundel oor die omgewing is saamgestel deur Johann Lodewyk Marais en Ad Zuiderent. Dit is die eerste publikasie waarin tekste in Afrikaans en Nederlands onvertaald en sonder woordverklarings opgeneem is.56 Twee jaar vroeër, in 1995, het die digbundel Ik heb het woord gezocht (Concept: Hilversum) verskyn. Sover bekend was dit die eerste keer dat werk van digters uit Nederland, Vlaandere, Suid-Afrika, Namibië, Suriname en die Nederlandse Antille saam in ’n bundel gepubliseer word.57 Nederlandstaliges het Afrikaans as taal na 1990 weer opnuut ontdek. Die Afrikaanse literatuur was egter vir hulle, onder meer vanweë die kulturele boikot, grootliks ’n onbekende faktor. Daarby was die vorige oorsigte vir Nederlanders en Vlaminge oor die Afrikaanse letterkunde sterk verouderd. Eep Francken van Leiden en Luc Renders van Hasselt se literatuurgeskiedenis wat in 2005 verskyn het, “Skrywers in die strydperk”, voorsien dus in ’n groot behoefte.58 Hierdie werk bied interessante perspektiewe “van buite.” Dit gee vir Nederlandse lesers die nodige sosiale, historiese en literêre konteks by die lees van Afrikaanse literatuur. Daar word ook sterk gefokus op die sosiale betrokkenheid van die Afrikaanse skrywers.59

53 H Ester, “Scheepers verovert Vlaanderen”, Zuid-Afrika, Junie 2000, p. 81. 54 “Vlaams parlement promoot poëzie”, De Standaard, 9 Julie 2002. 55 “Woorden als kersen”, De Standaard, 26 Februarie 2004; Persoonlike mededeling, J van Hulle aan HO Terblanche, 10 Junie 2008. 56 “Nederlandse en Afrikaanse poëzie over natuur en milieu”, Zuid-Afrika, Julie/Augustus 1997, p. 134; M Hattingh, “Ekologie laat digters hande vat”, Insig, Oktober 1997, p. 33. 57 G Keyser, “Dié gesamentlike bundel ’n eerste”, Beeld, 5 Julie 1995. 58 E Francken en L Renders, Skrywers in die strydperk: Krachtlijnen in de Zuid-Afrikaanse letterkunde (Amsterdam, Bert Bakker, 2005). 59 Z Bezuidenhout, “Nederlandse boek bied puik aanvulling”, Die Burger, 22 Julie 2006; C van der Merwe, “E Francken en L Renders: Skrywers in die strydperk” (available at: http://www.litnet.co.za/seminaar/skrywers_

126 Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika

Kunstefeeste en sangers Besoekers by die Klein Karoo Nasionale Kunstefees (KKNK) in Oudtshoorn het al sedert ca. 1996 daaraan gewoond geraak dat Nederlandse/Vlaamse produksies deel van die feesprogram is. Te oordeel aan die entoesiastiese reaksie van gehore was dit duidelik dat die taalverskille tussen Afrikaans en Nederlands nie juis ’n kommunikasieprobleem opgelewer het nie. In die woorde van R Scheepers: “By ’n fees wat onbeskaamd Afrikaans is, is Nederlands ’n belangrike deel van ons geskakeerde taalwêreld”.60 Die Vlaamse regering het Suid-Afrika in 2001 as ’n “doelland” op kulturele gebied beskou. Dié kulturele inspuiting het op ’n hoë noot afgeskop met altesame tien produksies (’n keur van Vlaamse musiekteater) wat by De Vlaamse Tent by die KKNK aangebied is. Volgens Yves Wantens, verteenwoordiger van die Vlaamse regering in Suid-Afrika, het sy regering met daardie doel voor oë heelwat meer geld beskikbaar gestel. Benewens die aanbied van produksies, sou van die besoekende kunstenaars ook slypskole aanbied. ’n Uitruilprogram is ook in die vooruitsig gestel. Die KKNK wat in April 2001 aangebied is, was ’n besondere fees omdat die “crème de la crème” van Vlaamse kunstenaars daar opgetree het.61 Die Afrikaanse Woordfees op Stellenbosch, met ’n sterk literêre inslag, vind jaarliks in Maart plaas. Dié fees het nog altyd ’n sterk Nederlandse en Vlaamse teenwoordigheid gehad. Vlaamse skrywers/digters is al ’n instelling by dié fees.62 Vlaamse musiekgroepe het ook al hul teenwoordigheid laat geld by die Aardklop-fees in Potchefstroom en die Oppikoppi-rockfees naby Thabazimbi in die Bosveld. Daar bestaan juis ’n internasionale uitruilprogram tussen Oppikoppi en die Pukkelpop-musiekfees in België.63 Ralph Rabie, beter bekend as Johannes Kerkorrel, het as rebelse Afrikaanse sanger ’n beduidende rol gespeel om brûe tussen die Nederlandse taalgebied en Suid-Afrika te bou. Deur sy sang het hy ’n bydrae gelewer om Afrikaans te bevry van die persepsie dat die taal die eksklusiewe eiendom van wit Afrikaners was. Hy het in Nederland en België ’n nuwe waardering vir

strydperk.asp, as accessed on 4 September 2005). 60 R Scheepers, “Voëls van enerse vere”, Bylae by Nasionale Koerante, 7 Februarie 1998. 61 “Meer Vlaamse geld gegee vir SA kuns”, Rapport, 4 Maart 2001; “De Vlaamse Tent”, De Kat, April 2001, pp. 30-36. 62 “Afrikaans kry ‘twee hele letterkundes byna pasella’”, Die Burger, 20 Februarie 2002; “Woordfees wys weg met ‘glokalisering’”, Die Burger, 14 Maart 2006. 63 “Om hulle te verstaan sal dalk ’n tydjie vat”, Die Burger, 29 September 2000; “Belg en Roof se rock- uitruilprogram op dreef”, Die Burger, 21 April 2006.

127 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Afrikaans gekweek. Hy het veral in die jare 1990-1994 ’n huishoudelike naam in België geword en is genooi om by Vlaamse en Nederlandse feeste op te tree, onder meer by die prestige-ryke Dranouter-fees. In 1994 tree hy saam met voorste Nederlandse en Vlaamse groepe in die Antwerpse Sportpaleis op voor 14 000 mense. Kerkorrel het die Vlaams/Nederlandse kunstenaar Stef Bos in 1991 in Antwerpen ontmoet. Dit was die begin van ’n jarelange persoonlike en professionele verbintenis. Hulle neem in 1993 Awuwa/Zij wil dansen (saam met Thandi Klaasen) op. Dié lied het die verbeelding aangegryp en ’n treffer geword in Suid-Afrika en die Benelux-lande.64 Stef Bos, wat in Nederland en België naam gemaak het as sanger en kabaretkunstenaar, het Suid-Afrika in 1992 vir die eerste keer besoek. Hy het op ’n gereelde basis na Suid-Afrika teruggekeer vir optredes. Hy het op Suid- Afrika verlief geraak “soos ’n jong man op ’n meisie verlief raak … De land is niet meer vreemd vir mij.” As hy in Suid-Afrika is, voel dit vir hom of hy tuis is. Hy het ook ’n besondere sagte plek ontwikkel vir Afrikaans: “Die pragtige ding van Afrikaans is die geweldige verbeeldingskrag daarvan … Die taal is bloemryk.” Hy is dan ook nie bekommerd oor die oorlewing van Afrikaans nie. Volgens hom word die taal nie verdring nie, veral omdat miljoene bruin mense Afrikaans praat. Afrikaans is ‘n lewenskragtige en kreatiewe taal wat hom daagliks vernieu.65 Die gewilde Belgiese sangeres, Dana Winner, het Suid-Afrika in 1998 vir die eerste keer besoek. Sedertdien het sy feitlik elke jaar in Suid-Afrika opgetree. Suid-Afrika is dan ook een van haar gunsteling-plekke en sy beskou die land steeds as haar “tweede tuiste.” Die feit dat sy ook liedjies in Afrikaans opgeneem het, het bygedra tot haar gewildheid. Teen 2008 het sy reeds sowat 400 000 albums in Suid-Afrika verkoop.66 G Keyser, wat in die 1990’s “Die Burger” se korrespondent in Amsterdam was, het in 1994 opgemerk: “Onder apartheid was Afrikaans, en diegene wat die taal in hul kuns gebruik het, duidelik taboe in die Nederlandse taalgebied in Europa … ’n Meer ontvanklike houding in Nederland en België teenoor Suid-Afrika (ná 1990) het ’n belangstelling hier in Afrikaans geskep. Die

64 W Pretorius, Kerkorrel (Kaapstad, Tafelberg, 2004), pp. 12-14, 55-62, 78-91; “JK se musiek leef voort”, Taalgenoot, Januarie 2003, pp. 20-21. 65 “Stef Bos en de macht van de muzik”, Die Taalgenoot, Junie 2000, pp. 6-7; “Stef Bos is al deel van Afrikaanse musiekkultuur”, Volksblad, 3 Oktober 2003; “Klip in die bos”, Taalgenoot, April 2004, pp. 17-19; “Bos pak reis met oorgawe aan”, Die Burger, 13 September 2005. 66 “SA laat haar skitter”, Sarie, April 2003, pp. 32-35; “Dana Winner steeds lief vir SA”, Rapport, 24 Februarie 2008; “Mooi SA is sommer ‘sharp sharp’!” Huisgenoot, 10 April 2008, pp. 120-121.

128 Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika toenadering tussen die twee tale word al hoe meer as natuurlik beskou.”67 Stef Bos het dan ook vertel dat die idee om saam met Johannes Kerkorrel ’n lied te skryf, ontstaan het uit die behoefte om Afrikaans en Nederlands saam te voeg: “Dit was spontaan …”68 Afrikaanse musiek het dus ’n (her)intrede in die Lae Lande gemaak. Afrikaanse sangers en kunstenaars soos Jannie du Toit, Christa Steyn, Coenie de Villiers, Lucas Maree, Laurika Rauch, Rina Hugo en Karin Hougaard het Afrikaanse musiek meer bekend gemaak in België. Die Afrikaanse liriek uit Afrika was vir die Nederlandstaliges ’n nuwe eksotiese ervaring.69 ’n CD met 27 gewilde Suid-Afrikaanse volksliedjies, uitgevoer deur Vlaamse kunstenaars, het in 1990 in Vlaandere verskyn. Die oogmerk was om nuwe belangstelling op te wek vir die (Suid‑) Afrikaanse volksliedjies.70

Boekenbeurs voor Vlaanderen Die Afrikaanse boek het in die dekade of so voor 1990 min blootstelling in België geniet. Trouens, Afrikaans as taal het as gevolg van die kulturele boikot baie veld verloor in die Lae Lande. Die 45ste Frankfurter Buchmesse het van 6 tot 11 Oktober 1993 plaasgevind. Hierdie boekebeurs word beskou as een van die belangrikste in die wêreld. Die oppervlakte wat die beurs beslaan, is sewemaal groter as dié van die Antwerpse Boekenbeurs. Afrikaans het in 1993 deel uitgemaak van die Nederlandse en Vlaamse literêre tentoonstelling op die Frankfurtse boekebeurs. Die Nederlandse taalgebied, as één taalgemeenskap, het die swaartepunt gevorm op dié boekebeurs. Die oorkoepelende tema was: “Nederland en Vlaanderen: midden in de wereld.” Een van die vyf temas was: “Het Nederlands in de wereld.” Afrikaanse skrywers en uitgewers het meegedoen “omdat het Afrikaans een verwante taal is.” Op die boekebeurs is Afrikaans amptelik as ’n “dogtertaal van Nederlands” bestempel.71

67 G Keyser, “In ’n nuwe lig”, De Kat, April 1994, pp. 46-49. 68 “Stef Bos staan met die een voet in Europa, die ander een in Afrika”, Die Burger, 24 Mei 1996. 69 G Keyser, “In ’n nuwe lig”, De Kat, April 1994, pp. 46-49; “Belge gek na Karin se sang”, Rapport, 10 April 2005. 70 “Zuidafrikaanse volksliedjies op CD”, Beelden, Julie/Augustus 1990, p. 11. 71 “Zuid-Afrika doet mee aan Buchmesse ’93”, Trouw, 18 Junie 1992; “Afrikaanse suster kom terug na Nederlandse familielede”, Die Burger, 15 April 1993; “Nederland en Vlaanderen samen op de Frankfurter Buchmesse”, Kultuurleven, September 1993, pp. 86-89.

129 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

Die 61ste Boekenbeurs voor Vlaanderen, georganiseer deur die Vereniging ter Bevordering van het Vlaamse Boekwezen (VBVB), het van 31 Oktober tot 11 November 1997 in Antwerpen plaasgevind. Dit is die grootste boekebeurs in die Lae Lande en die oudste boekebeurs in Europa. Naas die een in Frankfurt is dit ook die grootste in Europa. Daar was meer as 400 uitstallers en 168 000 besoekers. Suid-Afrika was vir die eerste keer die temaland vir die boekebeurs. Luc Demeester, voorsitter van die VBVB, het daarop gewys dat die fokus van die boekebeurs nie op Afrikaans sou val nie, maar eerder op die veeltalige situasie in Suid-Afrika. Tog het Afrikaanse boeke besonder goed verkoop. Digter-premier Mathews Phosa van Mpumalanga wat die boekebeurs op 30 Oktober 1997 geopen het, se digbundel, Deur die oog van ’n naald ’n is binne ’n halfuur uitverkoop. In ’n onderhoud het hy die taalverbintenis van Afrikaans met Europa beklemtoon: “Ons moet onsself nie toesluit nie; kontak met Europa gee Afrikaans die kans om te groei.” Twee temadae is volledig aan Suid-Afrika gewy en die land is spesifiek in die kollig geplaas tydens debatte en paneelbesprekings oor taal, identiteit en letterkunde. ’n Aantal vooraanstaande Afrikaanse en Suid-Afrikaanse akademici, skrywers, taalpolitici en kultuurwoordvoerders het aan die besprekings deelgeneem.72 Francis Galloway van JL van Schaik Uitgewers het opgemerk dat die boekebeurs ’n klinkende sukses vir die Afrikaanse boek was. Die bruisende belangstelling van die media en die publiek het haar opgeval: “Vir die Suid- Afrikaanse boekebedryf was dit die oopstoot van ’n venster op ’n boeklandskap wat byna vasgeroes het.”73 Dr. Karel Prinsloo, direkteur van die Stigting vir Afrikaans, het ook verklaar dat die boekebeurs in Vlaandere “tot ’n geweldige nuwe belangstelling in Afrikaans gelei het.”74 Ten spyte van die opwinding veroorsaak deur die boekebeurs, is daar weinig Afrikaanse boeke beskikbaar in Vlaamse boekhandels en biblioteke. Die kulturele boikot van die jare tagtig het sy letsels gelaat. Die gewone koper stel nie belang in Afrikaans nie. Die bekende Afrikaanse uitgewer,

72 “Suid-Afrikaanse taalbestel kry fokus op Belgiese boekebeurs”, Die Burger, 22 Julie 1997; G Keyser, “Ons moet onsself nie toesluit; kontak met Europa gee Afrikaans kans om te groei”, Die Burger, 8 November 1997; G Keyser, “Glansryke hoofrol vir Afrikaanstalige poësie”, Zuid-Afrika, November/Desember 1997, p. 195; “Afrikaanse boeke verkoop soos soetkoek”, Die Taalgenoot, Januarie-Februarie 1998, pp. 4-5, 18. 73 F Galloway, “Afrikaans sit aan by Vlaamse boekefees”, Die Burger, 4 Maart 1998. 74 “Medewerker van die Boekebeurs in Vlaandere”, Afrikaans Vandag, Desember 1997, p. 5; “Vir Afrikaans kom staan mense in tou”, Die Burger, 19 November 1997; E Botha, “Produktiewe aksies moet daaruit voortkom”, Afrikaans Vandag, Maart 1998, p. 4.

130 Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika

Koos Human, het in 1994 verklaar dat die belangstelling in Afrikaans in die Nederlandse taalgebied ’n bietjie oordryf word. Volgens hom is daar maar ’n handjievol Nederlandssprekendes wat Afrikaanse boeke sal wil koop: “Die meeste Nederlanders het tot hul beskikking, naas ’n ontsaglike produksie van boeke in hul eie taal, ook ’n stroom boeke in Engels, Duits en Frans, tale wat die meeste van hulle met groter gemak kan lees as Afrikaans.”75 ’n Verdere probleem is dat die twee tale te ver uitmekaar gegroei het. Afrikaans word steeds moeiliker vir Nederlandstaliges. Riet de Jong- Goossens, wat talle Afrikaanse boeke reeds in Nederlands vertaal het, wys daarop dat die “Nieuwe Afrikaans in het Nieuwe Zuid-Afrika zo ver van het Nederlands af staat dat je er heel veel goede wil en energie voor over moet hebben om het boek te begrijpen.” Vandaar haar stelling: “De gewone koper heeft geen belangstelling voor onvertaalde Afrikaanse literatuur. Zelfs weinig voor vertaalde. Helaas.”76 Daarby het die deursnee Vlaming nie ’n eerstehandse kennis van die Afrikaanse letterkunde nie. Dit geld veral vir die jeug. Daar is wel ’n groeiende belangstelling in Suid-Afrika in Vlaandere, maar dit beteken nie opsigself dat Afrikaanse boeke meer kopers en lesers sal lok nie. Die beskikbaarheid van Afrikaanse boeke in Vlaandere bly ’n komplekse aangeleentheid waarvoor daar geen kitsoplossings bestaan nie.77

Afrikaans word bevorder ‘n Stewige begin in Vlaandere Sedert 1990 is reeds veel gedoen om die onderrig van Afrikaanse taal- of letterkunde op tersiêre vlak in Vlaandere te bevorder. Prof. Marcel Janssens, hoogleraar Nederlandse en Europese Literatuur aan die Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, het in 1993 gemeld dat gasdosente uit Suid-Afrika al ’n paar keer aan die KU Leuven ’n keusevak Afrikaans aangebied het “met een heel dankbaar respons vanwege de studenten.”78 Prof. J van der Elst het byvoorbeeld in die tweede semester van 1993 lesings oor Afrikaanse letterkunde gehou. Prof. Henriëtte Roos van Unisa het in 1995 as gasdosent vir vier maande ’n intensiewe kursus in hedendaagse Afrikaanse prosa aan die KU Leuven

75 “Aspekte van die Afrikaanse boek se pad”, Die Burger, 26 Mei 1994. 76 “Lesers sê of Afrikaanse boeke kan oorplant”, Afrikaans Vandag, Oktober 1995, pp. 10-11. 77 “Kan Afrikaanse boeke Benelux kopers lok?” Afrikaans Vandag, Julie 1995, pp. 1-2; “Enkele gedagtes oor Afrikaans in die vreemde”, Afrikaans Vandag, Junie 1996, p. 16; “Vlaming wil ons boeke in sy land bevorder”, Die Burger, 23 November 1996. 78 M Janssens, “Cultuurpolitieke relaties met Zuid-Afrika”, Kultuurleven, Oktober 1993, p. 74.

131 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) aangebied. Sy het gevind dat die studente gretig was om die tekste in die oorspronklike vorm te lees.79 Prof. Hennie van Coller van die Universiteit van die Vrystaat het in 1995/96 altesaam 74 studente in sy klas gehad wat die nuwe semesterkursus in Afrikaanse taal- en letterkunde vrywillig geneem het.80 Dr. Heinrich Grebe van die Universiteit van Pretoria het in Februarie tot Mei 2002 as gasdosent ’n kursus in Afrikaanse Taalkunde aan Licentiaat-studente in hulle derde of vierde jaar aangebied. Afrikaans was geen versperring vir die Vlaamse studente nie en die lesings is op versoek in Afrikaans aangebied.81 Die Universiteit Antwerpen (UA) se Sentrum vir Taal en Spraak bied sedert 1994 Afrikaans as keusevak aan binne die Afdeling Germaanse tale. ’n Senior Suid-Afrikaanse diplomaat by die ambassade in Brussel, mnr. Quintus van der Merwe, het deeltyds as eerste dosent opgetree. Dr. Kris van de Poel van die Sentrum het haar sterk beywer vir ’n wisselwerking tussen Vlaamse en Afrikaanse universiteite. Studente-uitruiling tussen die UA en die Noordwes- Universiteit se Potchefstroom-kampus het intussen beslag gekry. Proff. W Carstens van Potchefstroom en Luc Renders van Hasselt het in dié verband ’n sleutelrol gespeel. Prof. Renders het dan ook jaarliks in Julie ’n kursus in die Afrikaanse taal- en letterkunde aangebied. Sedert 2006 word daar elke semester ’n kursus Afrikaanse taal- of Afrikaanse letterkunde by die UA aangebied.82 Die Universiteit Gent het ook in 2007 begin met ’n kursus in Afrikaans. Prof. Rufus Gouws van Stellenbosch is genooi om die openingslesing te gee. Meer as 80 studente het vir die kursus opgedaag.83 Prof. Luc Renders van die Limburgs Universitair Centrum, Diepenbeek- kampus in Hasselt het vanaf 1999 ’n jaarlikse seminaar, afwisselend oor die Afrikaanse taal- of letterkunde, aangebied. Vanaf 29 Maart tot 3 April 1999 is ’n Seminarie Afrikaanse Taalkunde vir die eerste keer te Diepenbeek aangebied. Daar was 20 sessies en proff. R Gouws en F Ponelis van Stellenbosch was daarvoor verantwoordelik. Die doelgroep was dosente en gevorderde studente. Die 18 kursusgangers was ’n diverse, veeltalige en multikulturele groep uit Duitsland, Pole, Vlaandere, Nederland, Italië, Rusland en Amerika. Prof. Renders het gewys op ’n wêreldwye belangstelling vir Afrikaans wat sterk aanmoediging verdien. Hierdie jaarlikse seminaar was ’n groot sukses en het

79 “Kan Afrikaanse boeke Benelux kopers lok?” Afrikaans Vandag, Julie 1995, p. 2. 80 H van Coller, “Afrikaans strek sy vleuels wêreldwyd”, Die Taalgenoot, Mei 1998, pp. 10-11. 81 Suider-Afrikaanse Vereniging vir Neerlandistiek, Nuusbrief, 2002. 82 “Afrikaanses moet nie met tjor tevrede wees, sê Vlaming”, Die Burger, 16 Junie 1995; SA Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns, Nuusbrief, Maart/Junie 2005 en Maart 2008. 83 SA Akademie vir Wetenskap en Kuns, Nuusbrief, Maart 2008.

132 Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika in ’n groot behoefte voorsien. Die vyfde Seminarie Afrikaanse Taalkunde is in Julie 2007 aangebied en die vyfde Seminarie (Zuid-) Afrikaanse Letterkunde in Julie 2008.84 Volgens prof. Renders het die gesindheid in die buiteland jeens Afrikaans na 1994 geweldig verander: “Jy voel nie meer dat daar ’n weerstand is wat oorkom moet word nie.” Sy vrou Vera het ’n onderneming gehad, Gramadoelas, wat Afrikaanse boeke invoer en verkoop, “en dit is vir haar en vir my geweldig belangrik om die boeke waaroor ons praat en skryf, wel beskikbaar te hê vir die publiek om te kan lees.”85 Gramadoelas het tot 2009 in ’n groot behoefte voorsien vanweë die tekort aan oorspronklike Afrikaanse boeke in Nederland en België.

Owerheidssteun prominent Mnr. Ludo Helsen, die eerste gedeputeerde verantwoordelik vir kulturele erfgoed en monumentesorg van die provinsie Antwerpen, het Suid-Afrika in 2005 besoek op uitnodiging van die Afrikaanse Taal- en Kultuurvereniging (ATKV). Hy het die belangrikheid beklemtoon dat wanpersepsies oor Suid-Afrika deur kontak afgebreek moet word: “Die uiteindelike doel is dat Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika mekaar beter leer ken.” Samewerking op verskillende vlakke moet ook bevorder word. Volgens Helsen is die samewerking wat die provinsie Antwerpen met die Vrystaat en die ATKV het, voorbeelde van sulke inisiatiewe. Die Vlaamse regering het byvoorbeeld met die hulp van die Universiteit van die Vrystaat [UV] ’n tolkprojek in Welkom begin. Dié projek van die stadsraad was die eerste in sy soort in Afrika.86 Die provinsie Antwerpen het onder meer ’n taallaboratorium saam met die UV op die been gebring. In 2001 het die ATKV ’n unieke ooreenkoms met die provinsie Antwerpen gesluit wat ten doel het om Afrikaanse kinderlektuur op verskillende vlakke te bevorder. Ingevolge die ooreenkoms word Afrikaanse kinderboekskrywers ontwikkel en ’n liefde vir die lees van Afrikaanse boeke by kinders gekweek. Die provinsie Antwerpen ondersteun die ATKV voorts om Afrikaans onder tweede- en derdetaalsprekers te bevorder. Slypskole is

84 “Afrikaans toe die taal wat almal kan praat”, Die Burger, 14 April 1999; J Koch, “Afrikaanse taalkunde in België bespreek”, Afrikaans Vandag, Desember 1999, p. 18; “Afrikaans sonder grense”, Taalgenoot, April 2005, pp. 17- 19. 85 “Renders gee Afrikaans vlerke”, Die Burger, 3 Oktober 2005. 86 “Belge pak wanpersepsies oor Suid-Afrika”, Beeld, 14 April 2005; “ATKV en die provinsie Antwerpen”, Taalgenoot, Junie 2005, p. 34; “Vlaminge sien hoe tolkprojek vorder”, Volksblad, 17 April 1999.

133 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) as deel van dié bemagtigingsprojek aangebied en honderde onderwysers het reeds by die projek baat gevind. Om goeie verhoudings met Suid-Afrika uit te bou en geleenthede te skep vir Suid-Afrikaanse uitvoerende en skeppende kunstenaars, het die provinsie Antwerpen ook in 2005 ’n Suid-Afrika-jaar aangebied.87 Op 16 en 17 Mei 2006 is ’n belangwekkende colloquium in Antwerpen oor Afrikaans gehou. Die oogmerk met die colloquium was om te besin oor toekomstige samewerking op taalgebied tussen die provinsie Antwerpen en Suid-Afrika. Etlike Afrikaanse en Vlaamse akademici en waarnemers het referate gelewer en aan besprekings deelgeneem. Dié seminaar was gedenkwaardig omdat dit gereël en gefinansier is deur die provinsie Antwerpen. Mnr. Ludo Helsen was aktief betrokke by die reëlings. Dit was die eerste keer dat ’n Europese owerheidsinstansie hom amptelik met Afrikaans bemoei het. Vir Afrikaans was dit dus ’n besondere deurbraak.88 Mnr. Geert Bourgeois, Vlaamse minister van Buitelandse Sake, wat eweneens geesdriftig oor Afrikaans is, het in 2008 in ’n onderhoud gemeld dat daar vroeër in Vlaandere “groot terughoudenheid” was betreffende Afrikaans as die taal van apartheid. Volgens hom het “die gevoel die laaste tyd duidelik omgeslaan.” Die eerste sigbare teken hiervan, aldus Bourgeois, was die konferensie wat die regering van die provinsie Antwerpen in Mei 2006 oor Afrikaans gehou het: “Dit het gewys dat sowel ons Vlaminge as die Nederlanders deesdae kompleksloos met Afrikaans kan omgaan.”89 Bourgeois het egter in September 2008 uit die regering getree. Minister Bourgeois van Vlaandere en die Nederlandse onderminister van Buitelandse Sake, mnr. Frans Timmermans, was middel 2008 in noue verbinding met mekaar in hul poging om ’n proses van kulturele samewerking met Suid-Afrika, onder meer oor die posisie van Afrikaans, te begin. Hierdie inisiatief van twee Europese owerheidsinstellings rakende die posisie van Afrikaans is deur L Scholtz, “Die Burger” se verteenwoordiger in Brussel, as uniek bestempel: “Vir die eerste keer in die geskiedenis bemoei die Nederlandse en die Vlaamse regering hulle met die agteruitgang van Afrikaans in Suid-Afrika … Dit is moeilik om die belang van dié ommeswaai

87 “ATKV en die provinsie Antwerpen”, Taalgenoot, Junie 2005, p. 34; “ATKV-Jaarverslag 2006”, Taalgenoot, Julie/ Augustus 2006, bylaag. 88 “Belge sê beheptheid met Engels onnodig”, Rapport, 28 Mei 2006; L Scholtz, “Die Taal kán gedy in Lae Lande”, Die Burger, 8 Junie 2006. 89 L Scholtz, “Hier is ’n yslike kans vir Afrikaans”, Die Burger, 6 Junie 2008.

134 Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika te oorbeklemtoon. Dit beteken dat Afrikaans, noudat hy bevry is van die meulsteen van apartheid, internasionaal op ’n positiewe wyse raakgesien word … Die tyd het aangebreek om die taalstryd te internasionaliseer.”90

Die taalstryd “geinternasionaliseer” Mnr. Ludo Helsen van die provinsie Antwerpen en ’n groot vriend van Afrikaans en prof. W Carstens, voorsitter van die Afrikaanse Taalraad (ATR), het in Desember 2008 ooreengekom dat ’n rondetafelkonferensie vroeg in 2009 gehou moet word om Vlaamse en Afrikaanse organisasies bymekaar te bring. Die gedagte is om groter koördinering te weeg te bring tussen die organisasies wat belangstel in die behoud van Afrikaans en die ontwikkeling van agtergestelde Afrikaanse mense. Die idee is ook om “finansiële hulp uit Vlaandere vir ontwikkelingswerk onder agtergestelde Afrikaanstalige mense in Suid-Afrika te koördineer.”91 Dr. Dirk Brand, ondervoorsitter van die Stigting vir Bemagtiging deur Afrikaans (SBA) se raad van trustees, het die belangrikheid beklemtoon dat Afrikaanse en Vlaamse organisasies moontlikhede vir samewerking tot wedersydse voordeel ontgin: “Die potensiaal wat die verdere ontwikkeling van so ’n internasionale vennootskap tussen Vlaamse en Afrikaanse organisasies inhou vir die bou van brûe tussen gemeenskappe asook tussen verskillende dele van die onderskeie taalgemeenskappe moet nie onderskat word nie.”92 Hierdie inisiatief kan dus ’n daadwerklike bydrae lewer om Afrikaans uit sy isolasie te bevry. Vir Afrikaans verteenwoordig dit ’n belangrike internasionale deurbraak. Die voordele van internasionale steun vir Afrikaans moet nie onderskat word nie. Om daardie rede het die Afrikaanse vakbond Solidariteit besluit om ’n heeltydse skakelkantoor vir Afrikaans in Brussel te open. Die kantoor sou bekendstaan as Afrinetwerk. Die kantoor sou onder meer die volgende aksies onderneem: “Afrinetwerk probeer deur middel van gereelde kontak met politici, sakelui, kunstenaars, joernaliste en almal wat belangrik is in Nederland en Vlaandere simpatie en steun te kry vir die posisie van Afrikaans

90 L Scholtz, “Vlaandere help met Afrikaans-beraad”, Die Burger, 14 Mei 2008; L Scholtz, “Dis tyd om die taalstryd te internasionaliseer”, Die Burger, 16 Mei 2008; J Steyn, “Presies hoe moet Afrikaanses ander help?” Die Burger, 5 Junie 2008. 91 L Scholtz, “Hulp uit Vlaandere vir Afrikaanse mense op pad”, Die Burger, 16 Desember 2008; L Scholtz, “’n Vlaamse ridder vir Afrikaans”, Die Burger, 5 Julie 2008. 92 D Brand, “Tale sonder grense”, Die Burger, 31 Desember 2008.

135 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) en Afrikaanssprekendes in Suid-Afrika. Afrinetwerk wil finansiële steun kry vir ontwikkelingsprojekte soos geletterdheids-programme vir Afrikaanssprekendes, maar ook vir onderrig in die breedste sin van die woord.”93 Die kantoor, wat sedert 1 April 2008 deur me. Ingrid Scholtz beman word, verteenwoordig ook die ATR, die SBA en die Woordeboek van die Afrikaanse Taal (WAT). Oudpres. FW de Klerk, een van die beskermhere van Afrinetwerk, het die kantoor op 30 April 2009 amptelik geopen. Mnr. F Buys, uitvoerende hoof van Solidariteit, het by dié geleentheid gesê dat dit ’n droom is wat waar geword het.94 Die beplande rondetafelkonferensie oor Afrikaans het op 19 Mei 2009 in Antwerpen plaasgevind. Dit is georganiseer deur mnr. Ludo Helsen, gedeputeerde vir kultuur van die provinsie Antwerpen. ’n Groep Afrikaanse en Vlaamse organisasies het vergader “om ’n strategie uit te werk wat sal uitmond in ’n beter gekoördineerde en langdurige samewerkingsverband tussen die deelnemende organisasies. ’n Gevolg van daardie strategie kan geldelike of andersoortige steun wees vir Afrikaanstalige projekte in Suid- Afrika.” ’n Voortsettingskomitee is ook aangewys om aandag te gee aan die praktiese uitvoering van allerlei projekte in Suid-Afrika.95

Slotbeskouing Vanweë die nuwe politieke bedeling in Suid-Afrika in 1994 kon Vlaandere dit nie meer bekostig om sy kultuurbande feitlik uitsluitend met die wit Afrikaners te onderhou nie. Die gelykberegtiging van die verskillende bevolkingsgroepe sou voortaan as riglyn dien. Vlaandere sou hom daarop toespits om ‘n bydrae te lewer tot die bevordering van veeltaligheid in Suid-Afrika. Die Vlaamse regering het die verhouding tussen Afrikaans en Nederlands ná 1994 aanvanklik versigtig gehanteer, ten einde nie ‘n negatiewe teenreaksie van die African National Congress (ANC) te ontlok nie. Feit van die saak was dat ANC-woordvoerders nie besondere waarde aan die historiese bande van taal, kultuur, godsdiens en geesteslewe geheg het nie. Die ANC

93 “Wat is Afrinetwerk?” (available at: http://www.afrinetwerk.be/afrikaans, as accessed on 3 June 2009); “Afrinetwerk komt op voor het Afrikaans” (available at: ttp://www.ovdp.net/Algemeen/Nieuwsbrief/ documenten , as accessed on 2 August 2009); F Buys, “Liefde vir die taal verklaar”, Beeld, 19 Mei 2009. 94 FW de Klerk en F Buys, 30 April 2009 (available at: http://www.afrinetwerk.be/afrikaans, as accessed on 3 June 2009); Die Burger, 29 April 2009 & 1 Mei 2009. 95 Skriftelike mededeling van prof. W Carstens, Potchefstroomkampus, Noordwes-Universiteit aan HO Terblanche, 9 Maart 2009; L Scholtz, “Taalstryd tuis beslis, al wil Lae Lande help,” Die Burger, 22 Mei 2009.

136 Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika was dus glad nie ingestel op die tradisionele bande van taalverwantskap tussen Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika nie. Hierdie nuwe politieke realiteit moes derhalwe in berekening gebring word. Die politieke ommekeer in Suid-Afrika het beslis gelei tot ’n groter kulturele wisselwerking tussen Vlaandere en Suid-Afrika. Daar is ook sprake van groter samewerking tussen Afrikaans en Nederlands. Die politieke houding het beslis ten gunste van Afrikaans verander, dog daar moet steeds met omsigtigheid opgetree word. Afrikaans word in ’n veel mindere mate as ’n besmette taal beskou. Maar feit bly egter dat daar by Vlaminge in die algemeen nog groot onkunde bestaan oor Afrikaans en die Afrikaanse letterkunde. Dit is dus ’n geval van onbekend maak onbemind. Die kulturele boikot kon onder meer hiertoe bygedra het. In invloedryke kringe is daar egter ’n gevoel dat die kulturele, literêre en wetenskaplike kontakte tussen Nederlands en Afrikaans uitgebrei moet word. Belangrik is die feit dat daar op regeringsvlak wat die Lae Lande betref, sprake is van ’n positiewe bemoeienis met Afrikaans. ‘n Belangwekkende konferensie het in Mei 2010 in Amsterdam plaasgevind. Die internasionalisering van die Afrikaanse saak is daardeur ‘n stap verder gevoer. Verteenwoordigers van die Nederlandse en die Vlaamse regering asook parlementslede en akademici uit die twee gebiede was onder meer teenwoordig. Daar is veral gefokus op die praktiese nut van Afrikaans, veral in die lig van die armoedeprobleem in Suid-Afrika. Van Nederlandse en Vlaamse kant was daar ‘n duidelike bereidwilligheid om Afrikaanse mense te help.96

96 L Scholtz, “Afrikaans kry unieke kanse in Lae Lande,” Die Burger, 28 Mei 2010; L Scholtz, “Europeërs bereid om Afrikaanses te help,” Die Burger, 4 Junie 2010.

137 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

138 Book review

When Rustling became an Art: Pilane’s Kgatla and the Transvaal Frontier 1820 –1902 (David Philip publishers, South Africa, 2009) Fred Morton

Mahunele Thotse Department of Historical and Heritage Studies University of Pretoria

Having read some of Fred Morton’s contributions1, one felt it was only a matter of time before an interesting, well organised publication in the form of this book hits the shelves. This nine-chapter book covers mostly the same themes that have been Fred Morton’s passion about the history of the BaKagatla throughout. It is interesting to note how the BaKgatla people led by a father, son and grandson could have been involved in such diverse social, economic, political and military aspects of society. This book covers BaKgatla involvement in the areas of slave trading, missionary encounters, battles and wars, illegal gun trading, cattle raiding to issues of law enforcement and tax collecting. Morton must be commended for considering the history of the BaKgatla in its totality. The division of the book is even more logical. Chapter one focuses on the shrewd personal character of the father Pilane and his business connections including the manner and methods with which he maintained good personal and group relations with both Whites and Africans. This chapter also reflects on how Pilane successfully pursued commercial interests under the wing of the maBuru while adopting a totally different attitude towards missionaries

1 F Morton, 1997. Cattleholders, evangelists and socio-econopmic transformation among the BaKgatla of Rustenburg District, 1863-1898, paper presented at the 16th biennial conference of the South African Historical Society, University of Pretoria on the theme: Land, violence and social problems in the history of southern Africa; JS Bergh and F Morton, 2003. “To make them serve…” The 1871 Transvaal Commission on African Labour, Pretoria; EA Eldredge and F Morton, 1994. Slavery in South Africa: Captive Labor on the Dutch Frontier, Pietermaritzburg.

139 New Contree, No. 60 (November 2010) whom he considered to be divisive of his people. It was probably this attitude and his closeness and support of whites that elevated Pilane into a political force within the region to an extent that he became authoritarian.2 The second chapter focuses on the persons of Kgamanyane, Pilane’s son and successor and Paul Kruger. The chapter deals with aspects of how these two personalities developed and eventually assumed leadership over their respective peoples. The chapter also pays attention to the eventual reciprocal alliance between Kgamanyane and Kruger that even saw the former residing on the latter’s property Saulspoort 38 (Chapter three). In chapter four, Morton reflects on the eventual emigration of Kgamanyane and his people from Saulspoort 38 into Bechuanaland border following the souring of relations as a result of clashes of interests between the two former allies detailed in the previous chapter. Chapter five deals with aspects of war, first between the BaKgatla of Linchwe (who came to power in August 1875 following his father Kgamanyane’s death in May) and the BaKwena of Sechele. Most importantly this chapter progresses into a discussion about the growing British presence in the Transvaal culminating in the British Annexation of the Transvaal in 1877. These after the Boers of the Transvaal had been displaced without resistance. However, that position was soon reversed when in August 1881 the British Annexation was overthrown. In chapter six, the author focuses on the consolidation of the ZAR government which also meant that for BaKgatla to continue to breath and develop successfully they needed friendly relations with Kruger and his government. The next chapter therefore, observes the BaKgatla life under the British Bechuanaland Protectorate. Morton also notes how the BaKgatla noted the differences between the two white groups with the Boers called maBuru and the British called maKgoa. Chapter eight pays attention to the westernisation of the BaKgatla through amongst other forms Christianisation. This would also serve to put them in good stead for purposes of engaging in business with other Bechuanaland leaders, most of who had already converted to the new religion. Another advantage would have been the fact that with the support of the Protectorate,

2 F Morton, 2009. When Rustling became an Art: Pilane’s Kgatla and the Transvaal Frontier 1820-1902, Claremont, p. 8.

140 Book review

Christian dikgosi were able to rein in headstrong missionaries and their disobedient converts.3 In the last chapter, initially the reluctance of Linchwe to commit himself and his people to fighting on either side of the 1899-1902 war between the Boers and the British is being dealt with, before he finally decided to fight on the side of the British. The chapter ends with a consideration of the cost of the war for the BaKgatla involvement and reflects on BaKgatla losses both in terms of human loss and cattle stock. Most importantly, noted the author, the BaKgatla fell short of attaining one important objective despite being on the victorious side, i.e. reclaiming their ancestral land in the Transvaal.4 Morton is to be congratulated on producing this book employing an almost comprehensive list of sources: archival sources, published government sources, newspapers, interviews, unpublished materials and theses and published sources. Both the glossary of the Kgatla terms and that of the nineteenth- century Dutch terms makes it much more easy for readers who are not steeped in the two languages. The genealogies and the list of BaKgatla male regiments on pages 289 and 288 also make it readily accessible for any one interested in the history of the BaKgatla.

3 F Morton, 2009. When Rustling became an Art: Pilane’s Kgatla and the Transvaal Frontier, 1820-1902, Claremont, p. 209. 4 F Morton, 2009. When Rustling became an Art: Pilane’s Kgatla and the Transvaal Frontier, 1820-1902, Claremont, pp. 288-289.

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142 SASHT Annual Conference 2010

South African Society for History Teaching

2010 Annual Conference @ the fabulous Golden Gate Highlands National Park in the Free State Province! Friday 24 and Saturday 25 September 2010

THEME HERITAGE IN THE HISTORY CURRICULUM: The how to of yours, mine and ours in a still divided community environment

URGENT CALL FOR PAPERS & AN EARLY CALL TO RESERVE YOUR ACCOMMODATION!! Heritage as a theme in the History Curriculum for all grades in South Africa does not currently receive the attention in classrooms that it should. Several complicated reasons for this scenario exist. They are, amongst others, the dif- ficulty in finding substantial opportunities and sources, a lack of proper guid- ance and understanding in the teaching methodologies suitable to do so and the cultural variety that influences an efficient understanding and knowledge. The Executive of the South African Society for History Teaching (SASHT) therefore has decided to, as in the past, devote a conference to the curriculum theme heritage to help strengthening the vision of the Department of Educa- tion and all educators of History. Come join us for an unforgettable experi-

143 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010) ence on Heritage in one of the Free State Province’s most scenic environments to literally and physically experience Heritage Day, while we simultaneously debate, discuss and are informed!

Conference registration Educators, researchers and any other academics from the GET, the FET and the HET levels are invited to register for the conference: Registration fee: R700 Registration fee INcludes: • Beverages during the conference intervals; • Lunch (2x); • Friday Evening Dinner; • Conference paraphernalia; • A key note address by Prof Hermannn Giliomee (a research associate at the University of Stellenbosch and co-writer of the recent New History of South Africa/Nuwe Geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika).

Registration fee EXcludes: • Accommodation (the number of nights you want to reserve is your choice. Pay- ments must be done by yourself – Some rooms are R750 and R850 per night (for two persons sharing or single – Breakfast included); • Travelling fees; • Daily conservation fee to Sanparks (R22 per day per person. Payment to be made by yourself); • The 2010-2011 membership fee of the SASHT (that includes the subscription fee for the Y&T Journal) and that totals R150 per annum, should preferably be paid before/during the conference. (If you have not yet paid the 2009-2010 subscription fee of R140, please do so asap).

144 SASHT Annual Conference 2010

Registration fee PAYMENT Account details SASHT ABSA Potchefstroom branch Accountno: 678209406 (savings account) Procedure for providing proof of payment:

Make payment via direct bank payment or Internet. CLEARLY indicate your pay- ment as REGISTRATION SASHT SEPT 2010. IF you pay your Membership fee then also clearly indicate who’s membership it is. FAX or E-mail proof of payment (an attachment of payment) to Elize S van Eeden FAX: 016 910 3449. Any enquiries in this regard can be send to Mr Byron Bunt at [email protected] . If you experience any difficulties please phone him at his cell: 0767513079.

Accommodation Accommodation must be made by the conference attendees themselves. There are sufficient accommodation possibilities in the Golden Gate National Park, though an early action is required to prevent disappointment. We have asked the Golden Gate Highlands National Park authority to reserve some chalet accommodation for the SASHT members until 23 June. Therefore the onus is on you to book in time. Information to make the booking (you can do it through Sanparks website as well www.sanparks.org) can be the follow- ing: Ms Mankholi Modise Golden Gate Highlands National Park * Private Bag X 3, Clarens, 9707 058 - 255 1000 * [email protected]

145 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

METHOD OF BOOKING FOR ACCOMMODATION Phone/E-mail Ms Mankholi Modise. Refer to the reservation number R 2293726 to make a booking for a room. Once the booking is confirmed you should make a payment on the following account number:

Bank Name : First National Bank Account Holder : South African national Parks Account Number : 620 293 35678 Branch Code : 253 145 You should write the reservation number as reference on their proof of pay- ments then fax the proof of payment to 012 343 2006/012 426 5488. We will also add some directions on the sasht- website at www.sashtw.org.za when a final programme is distributed by 20 September 2010.

All Enquiries The SASHT Secretary, Mr Byron Bunt at [email protected] Tel. 016 910 3126 or 076 751 3079.

146 SASHT Annual Conference 2010

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REGISTRATION FORM: ANNUAL SASHT CONFERENCE GOLDEN GATE HIGHLANDS NATIONAL PARK

24 AND 25 SEPTEMBER 2010 Mail or fax these details to the Secretary, Mr Byron Bunt at Byron.Bunt@ nwu.ac.za or e-mail the Treasurer Mr Jimmy Verner at [email protected] or the Chair Person: prof Elize van Eeden (Fax No: 016 910 3449).

Title and full name:

Affiliation (School / University /Department /Organisation): Address: Fax: Phone: Cell: E-mail:

2009/2010 member of SASHT? (A membership fee of R140 for 2009- 2010 is required): CONFIRM PAYMENT OF CONFERENCE REGISTRATION BY FAX. ADD THE DATE TOO.

147 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

ACCOMMODATION AT SANPARKS IN THE GOLDEN GATE HIGHLANDS NATIONAL PARK:

148 SASHT Annual Conference 2010

149 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

150 Guidelines

New Contree Template guidelines for writing an article

1. Font: Adobe Garamond Pro (throughout document) / Arial (if you don’t have the mentioned font). 2. Body text: 12pt’s 3. Author’s details - ONLY: Title, Campus & University Title: 10 pt., Regular font. Campus & University: 10pt., italics. (See pre- vious articles in published journals as example and a practical guideline). Example: Pieter van Rensburg, Vaal Triangle Campus, North-West Uni- versity

4. Abstract should fit on the first page (where the heading and author’s name appear). (In Microsoft Word about a half page - three quarter page). Theabstract body: Regular font, 10pt. Theheading of the Abstract: Bold & italics, 12pt. 5. The keywords should also fit on the first page just after the abstract. The word ‘Keywords:’ 10pt, bold & underline. Each word/part must start with a capital letter and end with a comma point (;). Example: Meters; People;… (A minimum of six key words is required). 6. Heading of article: 14pt, bold. 7. Main headings in Article: ‘Introduction’ – 12pt, bold. 8. Sub Headings in Article: ‘History…’ – 12pt, bold & italics. 9. Third level sub headings: History… 11pt, bold & underline. 10. Footnotes: 8pt, regular font. Please note that only the initials of person’s names should be typed with

151 New Contree, No. 59 (May 2010)

no full stops in between. Example: LC du Plessis and NOT L.C. du Plessis.

11. Body text: No names with punctuation in text. Example: “HL le Roux said” and NOT “H.L. le Roux said”.

12. Page number/s in the footnote text should be indicated as follows; Example: p.space23 – p. 23. / pp. 23-29. 13. Any lists in the body text should be 11pts and point indicated with bul- lets.

14. Quotes in body text must be used sparingly. If need be, it must be in- dent and in italics (10pts). Only quotes occupying less than one line in a paragraph can be utilized as part of a paragraph, but then with inverted commas and NOT in italics. Example: An owner close to the town stated that: “the pollution history of the river is a muddy business”. 15. Indents (in text): (must be in “double brackets” please) “…and she” and NOT ‘…and she’.

16. Illustrations/Pictures & Photographs: For authors knowing the ‘ropes’, please send all pictures for an article in a jpeg/tiff or pdf format in a separate folder and just indicate where the pictures should be placed in the documents body text by putting the heading (Figure 1: …) in the body text. Remember to save and name pictures in the separate folder accordingly. Please note: All the images/photographs should be of good quality (a minimum resolution of 200dpi is required). 17. Punctuation marks should be placed before footnote numbers in text. Example: the end.1 NOT …the end1. 18. Only one space between sentences please.

19. Dates: All dates in footnotes should be written out in full. Example: 23 Desember 2010; NOT 23/12/2010. [For additional guidelines see the New Contree reference guidelines]

152 New Contree, No. 60 (November 2010)

New Contree Reference guidelines for writing an article

FOOTNOTES The footnote method for references is accepted in articles for New Contree. Footnote references should appear at the bottom of each page. Footnotes should be numbered sequentially throughout the article and starting with 1. No other numerical system is allowed. Archival sources/published works/ authors referred to in the text should be cited in full in the first footnote of each new reference. Thereafter it can be reduced to a shorter footnote reference. Do not refer to the exact same source and page numbers in footnotes that follow each other. The use of the latin word “Ibid” is not allowed. Rather refer to the actual reference again (its shortened version) on the rest of a page(s) in the footnote section. The first letter of most words in titles of books, articles, chapters, theses, dis- sertations and papers/manuscripts should be capitalised. Only the first letter of the surname of authors should be capitalized, not the complete surname. No names of authors, in full, is allowed. The following practical examples will help:

Examples of an article in a journal

GJJ Oosthuizen, “The South African Defence Force versus SWAPO and its allies: Opera- tion Askari, 1983-1984”, New Contree, 50, November 2005, pp. 3-10.

S Marks, “Khoisan resistance to the Dutch in the seventeenth and eighteen centuries”, Journal of African History, 3(1), 1972, p. 76.

Example of a shortened version of an article in a journal

From:

P Erasmus, “The ‘lost’ South African tribe – rebirth of the Koranna in the Free State”, New Contree, 50, November 2005, p. 77.

153 Footnotes

To:

P Erasmus, “The ‘lost’ South African tribe…”, New Contree, 50, November 2005, p. 77.

[Please note: only the title of the article can be shortened]

Examples of a reference from a book

WF Lye & C Murray, Transformations on the Highveld: The Tswana and the Southern Sotho (Cape Town, David Phillip, 1980), pp. 7, 10.

JJ Buys, Die oorsprong en migrasiebewegings van die Koranna en hulle rol in die Transgariep tot 1870 (Universiteit van die Vrystaat, Bloemfontein, 1989), pp. 33-34.

[Please note the reference variety to page numbers used]

Example of a shortened version of a reference from a book

From:

JA Conforti (ed.), Samuel Hopkins and the New Divinity Movement: Calvinism, the Congre- gational Ministry, and reform in New England between the Great Awakenings (Washing- ton, Christian University Press, 1981), p. 23. To:

JA Conforti (ed.), Samuel Hopkins and the New Divinity Movement…, p. 23.

Example of a reference from a chapter in a book

S Brown, “Diplomacy by other means: SWAPO’s liberation war”, C Leys, JS Saul et.al, Namibia’s liberation struggle: The two-edged sword (London, Oxford University Press, 1995), pp. 19-39.

Shortened version:

S Brown, “Diplomacy by other means…”, C Leys, JS Saul et.al, Namibia’s liberation strug- gle…, pp. 19-39.

Example of a reference from an unpublished dissertation/thesis

MJ Dhlamini, “The relationship between the African National Congress and the Pan Afri- canist Congress, 1959-1990” (Ph.D, NWU, 2006), pp. 4,8,11.

154 New Contree, No. 60 (November 2010)

Examples of a reference from a newspaper

P Coetzee, “Voëlvlugblik ATKV 75 op ons blink geskiedenis”, Die Transvaler, 6 Januarie 2006, p. 8. or

Anon., “Difficulties in times of war”, Zululand Times, 19 July 1923.

Other forms of correspondence Interview(s)

Provide at least key details such as: Name of interviewee and profession; the interviewer and profession and date of interview

Example of interview reference:

K Rasool (Personal Collection), interview, K Kotzé (CEO, Goldfields, Johannes burg Head Office)/E Schutte (Researcher, NWU, School of Basic Science), 12 March 2006.

Example of shortened interview reference (after it has been used once in article):

K Rasool (Personal Collection), interview, K. Kotzé/E Schutte , 12 March 2006.

Example of an Electronic Mail - document or letter:

Personal email: W Pepler (Bigenafrica, Pretoria)/E van Eeden (Researcher), 22 October 2006.

E-mail forwarded: JWN Tempelhoff (NWU)/W Pepler (Bigenafrica, Pretoria), 8 September 2009.

Archival references National archives (or any other archive):

National Archives (NA), Pretoria, Department of Education (DE), Vol.10, Refer ence 8/1/3/452: Letter, K Lewis (Director General) / P Dlamini (Teacher, Springs College), 12 June 1960.

155 Footnotes

[Please note: After one reference to the National Archives or another Source Group, It can be abbreviated to e.g. NA or DE]

Internet references A source accessed on the Internet

A Dissel, “Tracking transformation in South African prisons”, Track Two, 11(2), April 2002 (available at http://ccrweb.ccr.uct.ac.za/two/11-2transformation.html, as accessed on 14 Jan. 2003), pp. 1-3. [If no author is mentioned, refer to Anon., when writing the reference as above]

A source from conference proceedings: First reference to the source:

D Dollar, “Asian century or multi-polar century?” (Paper, Global Development Network Annual Conference, Beijing, January 2007), p. 7.

B Sautmann, “The forest for the trees: Trade investment and the China-in-Afrika discourse” (Paper, Public Seminar: China in Africa: Race, relations and reflections, Centre for Sociological Research, University of Johannesburg, 28 July 2007), p. 7. Shortened version:

D Dollar, “Asian century...” (Paper, GDN Conference, 2007), p. 7.

B Sautmann, “The forest for the trees: ...” (Paper, Public Seminar: China in Africa: ..., Uni- versity of Johannesburg [or UJ]), p. 7. [Note that ONLY the paper title is shortened]

GENERAL Submission requirements Articles submitted to the New Contree must be editorially revised and a submission must be accompanied by a memorandum from a qualified language practitioner. No article will be peer reviewed without such a memorandum of approval.

Illustrations Photographs, sketches, tables, diagrams; graphics, maps etc should be numbered

156 New Contree, No. 60 (November 2010)

consecutively (Eg. Figure 1-4; Sketch 1-2; Diagram 1-3; Photo 1-6). The appropriate positioning of the illustration should be indicated in the text. Original copies should be clearly identified on the back. High quality scanned versions are always welcome. Authors, PLEASE obtain copyright and reproduction rights on photographs and other illustrations

Copyright on all material in New Contree rests within the Editorial Advisory Com- mittee of New Contree.

157 Footnotes

158 New Contree, No. 60 (November 2010)

159 Footnotes

160