The Emoluments Clause: an Anti-Federalist Intruder in a Federalis
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WHTP-2009-06-National-Security-1.Pdf
ABOUT THE AUTHOR Louis Fisher is Specialist in Constitutional Law with the Law Library of the Library of Congress. The views expressed here are personal, not institutional. Earlier in his career at the Library of Congress, Fisher worked for the Congressional Research Service from 1970 to March 3, 2006. During his service with CRS he was Senior Specialist in Separation of Powers and research director of the House Iran-Contra Committee in 1987, writing major sections of the final report. Fisher received his doctorate in political science from the New School for Social Research and has taught at a number of universities and law schools. He is the author of eighteen books, including In the Name of National Security: Unchecked Presidential Power and the Reynolds Case (2006), Presidential War Power (2d ed. 2004), Military Tribunals and Presidential Power (2005), The Politics of Executive Privilege (2004), American Constitutional Law (with Katy J. Harriger, 8th ed. 2009), Constitutional Conflicts between Congress and the Presidency (5th ed. 2005), Nazi Saboteurs on Trial: A Military Tribunal and American Law (2003), and, most recently, The Constitution and 9/11: Recurring Threats to America’s Freedoms (2008). He has received four book awards. Fisher has been invited to testify before Congress on such issues as war powers, state secrets, CIA whistle-blowing, covert spending, NSA surveillance, executive privilege, executive spending discretion, presidential reorganization authority, Congress and the Constitution, the legislative veto, the item veto, the pocket veto, recess appointments, the budget process, the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings Act, the balanced budget amendment, biennial budgeting, presidential impoundment powers, and executive lobbying. -
Advice and Dissent: Due Process of the Senate
DePaul Law Review Volume 23 Issue 2 Winter 1974 Article 5 Advice and Dissent: Due Process of the Senate Luis Kutner Follow this and additional works at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/law-review Recommended Citation Luis Kutner, Advice and Dissent: Due Process of the Senate, 23 DePaul L. Rev. 658 (1974) Available at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/law-review/vol23/iss2/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Law at Via Sapientiae. It has been accepted for inclusion in DePaul Law Review by an authorized editor of Via Sapientiae. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ADVICE AND DISSENT: DUE PROCESS OF THE SENATE Luis Kutner* The Watergate affair demonstrates the need for a general resurgence of the Senate's proper role in the appointive process. In order to understand the true nature and functioning of this theoretical check on the exercise of unlimited Executive appointment power, the author proceeds through an analysis of the Senate confirmation process. Through a concurrent study of the Senate's constitutionally prescribed function of advice and consent and the historicalprecedent for Senatorial scrutiny in the appointive process, the author graphically describes the scope of this Senatorialpower. Further, the author attempts to place the exercise of the power in perspective, sug- gesting that it is relative to the nature of the position sought, and to the na- ture of the branch of government to be served. In arguing for stricter scrutiny, the author places the Senatorial responsibility for confirmation of Executive appointments on a continuum-the presumption in favor of Ex- ecutive choice is greater when the appointment involves the Executive branch, to be reduced proportionally when the position is either quasi-legis- lative or judicial. -
The Capitol Dome
THE CAPITOL DOME The Capitol in the Movies John Quincy Adams and Speakers of the House Irish Artists in the Capitol Complex Westward the Course of Empire Takes Its Way A MAGAZINE OF HISTORY PUBLISHED BY THE UNITED STATES CAPITOL HISTORICAL SOCIETYVOLUME 55, NUMBER 22018 From the Editor’s Desk Like the lantern shining within the Tholos Dr. Paula Murphy, like Peart, studies atop the Dome whenever either or both America from the British Isles. Her research chambers of Congress are in session, this into Irish and Irish-American contributions issue of The Capitol Dome sheds light in all to the Capitol complex confirms an import- directions. Two of the four articles deal pri- ant artistic legacy while revealing some sur- marily with art, one focuses on politics, and prising contributions from important but one is a fascinating exposé of how the two unsung artists. Her research on this side of can overlap. “the Pond” was supported by a USCHS In the first article, Michael Canning Capitol Fellowship. reveals how the Capitol, far from being only Another Capitol Fellow alumnus, John a palette for other artist’s creations, has been Busch, makes an ingenious case-study of an artist (actor) in its own right. Whether as the historical impact of steam navigation. a walk-on in a cameo role (as in Quiz Show), Throughout the nineteenth century, steam- or a featured performer sharing the marquee boats shared top billing with locomotives as (as in Mr. Smith Goes to Washington), the the most celebrated and recognizable motif of Capitol, Library of Congress, and other sites technological progress. -
The Article V Movement
THE ARTICLE V MOVEMENT: A COMPREHENSIVE ASSESSMENT TO DATE AND SUGGESTED APPROACH FOR STATE LEGISLATORS AND ADVOCACY GROUPS MOVING FORWARD authored by David F. Guldenschuh July 31, 2015 TABLE OF CONTENTS Section Title Page Introduction 1 I. The Primary Article V Convention Advocacy Groups 2 A. The Balance Budget Amendment Task Force 2 B. The Convention of States Project 4 C. Wolf PAC - Free and Fair Elections 6 D. Compact for America 6 II. Educational Efforts 7 A. The Prolific Work of Prof. Rob Natelson 8 B. The Article V Debates and Educational Efforts 9 C. Media and High Profile Endorsements 12 D. Friends of the Article V Convention 13 E. The Article V Library 15 F. The Article V Convention Legislative Progress Report 15 III. The Work Among Article V State Legislators 16 A. The State Legislators Article V Caucus 16 B. The Assembly of State Legislatures 17 C. The Federal Assembly of State Presiding Officers 18 D. Faithful Delegate Limitation Bills 18 ~ i ~ Section Title Page IV. The Successes and Disappointments of the Primary Advocacy Groups 19 A. The BBA Task Force 19 B. The Convention of States Project 20 C. Wolf PAC - Free and Fair Elections 21 D. Compact for America 22 E. An Overall Recap of Legislative Progress Through 2015 22 V. Individual Legislators and Other Roadblocks Within Specific States 24 A. Sen. Majority Leader Andy Biggs of Arizona 25 B. Sen. Bart Davis in Idaho 26 C. The South Carolina Minority Report 26 D. Threats of Filibuster in West Virginia House 27 E. Wyoming Fears Loss of Federal Subsidies 27 F. -
The Collision of Institutional Power and Constitutional Obligations: the Use of Blue Slips in the Judicial Confirmation Process
The Collision of Institutional Power and Constitutional Obligations: The Use of Blue Slips in the Judicial Confirmation Process Ryan C. Black Michigan State University Ryan J. Owens University of Wisconsin Anthony J. Madonna University of Georgia The authors would like to thank Mitchell Sollenberger for making his data available. Additional thanks to Ryan Bakker, Jamie Carson and Richard Vining for helpful comments. Abstract In recent years, judicial nominations to lower federal courts have been blocked privately by negative blue slips returned by home state senators. We examine the conditions under which senators return these negative blue slips and whether judicial qualifications can mitigate the possible negative effects of ideological distance. We discover two results. First, consistent with existing work, ideology plays a strong role in blue slipping. Second, and more important, we find that nominee qualifications mitigate ideological extremism--but only for district court nominees. That is, while past presidents could nominate well-credentialed ideologues to the circuit courts of appeals and see them confirmed, today’s presidents cannot. In short, if presidents nominate ideologues--even those who are well qualified--to circuit courts, we will continue to observe lengthy vacancies and bitter nomination struggles between the president and Congress over those important courts. 1 Former Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis once stated about government: “Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants” (Brandeis 1913). While few would argue with the normative premise behind Brandeis's comment, many consequential policy decisions occur in private. Perhaps nowhere is the deviation from transparency-in-government more profound than in nomination politics, where the Senate's most unique institutional power (to defeat measures via obstruction) intersects with its most unique constitutional power (advice and consent) and can thwart the goals of nominating presidents. -
The Original Meaning of the Constitution's Postal Clause
Birmingham City School of Law British Journal of British Journal of American Legal Studies | Volume 7 Issue 1 7 Issue Legal Studies | Volume British Journal of American American Legal Studies Volume 7 Issue 1 Spring 2018 ARTICLES Founding-Era Socialism: The Original Meaning of the Constitution’s Postal Clause Robert G. Natelson Toward Natural Born Derivative Citizenship John Vlahoplus Felix Frankfurter and the Law Thomas Halper Fundamental Rights in Early American Case Law: 1789-1859 Nicholas P. Zinos The Holmes Truth: Toward a Pragmatic, Holmes-Influenced Conceptualization of the Nature of Truth Jared Schroeder Acts of State, State Immunity, and Judicial Review in the United States Zia Akthar ISSN 2049-4092 (Print) British Journal of American Legal Studies Editor-in-Chief: Dr Anne Richardson Oakes, Birmingham City University. Associate Editors Dr. Sarah Cooper, Birmingham City University. Dr. Haydn Davies, Birmingham City University. Prof. Julian Killingley, Birmingham City University. Prof. Jon Yorke, Birmingham City University. Seth Barrett Tillman, National University of Ireland, Maynooth. Birmingham City University Student Editorial Assistants 2017-2018 Mercedes Cooling Graduate Editorial Assistants 2017-2018 Amna Nazir Alice Storey Editorial Board Hon. Joseph A. Greenaway Jr., Circuit Judge 3rd Circuit, U.S. Court of Appeals. Hon. Raymond J. McKoski, Circuit Judge (retired), 19th Judicial Circuit Court, IL. Adjunct Professor of Law, The John Marshall Law School, Chicago, IL. Prof. Antonio Aunion, University of Castille-la Mancha. Prof. Francine Banner, Phoenix School of Law, AZ. Prof. Devon W. Carbado, UCLA, CA. Dr. Damian Carney, University of Portsmouth, UK. Dr. Simon Cooper, Reader in Property Law, Oxford Brookes University. Prof. -
§ 23. Executive Reorga- Nization Plans
POWERS AND PREROGATIVES OF THE HOUSE Ch. 13 § 23 which may constitutionally crease efficiency; group, coordi- be exercised by Congress, nate, and consolidate agencies; re- but also rulemaking and en- duce the number of agencies by forcement powers which consolidation; and eliminate over- have been delegated to other lapping and duplication of ef- branches of government. The fort.(6) These purposes could be Speaker and President pro achieved by transferring all or tempore may appoint mem- part of an agency or the function bers to commissions whose thereof to another agency; abol- authority is restricted to in- ishing all or part of the functions vestigation and information- of an agency; consolidating or co- gathering. Buckley v Valeo, ordinating the whole or part of an 424 U.S. 1 (1976). agency with another agency or the same agency; authorizing an offi- cer to delegate any of his func- § 23. Executive Reorga- tions; or abolishing the whole or nization Plans part of an agency which did not have or would not, as a con- The President was, prior to sequence of the reorganization, 1973, authorized to reorganize an have any functions.(7) Under this agency or agencies of the execu- statute a reorganization plan tive department if he submitted a could not create, abolish, or trans- plan to each House of Congress. A fer an executive department or provision contained in a reorga- consolidate two or more executive nization plan could take effect departments. only if the plan was transmitted A reorganization plan accom- before Apr. 1, 1973,(5) since the panied by a declaration that the authority of the President to reorganization was necessary to transmit reorganization plans had accomplish a recognized purpose not been extended beyond that must be delivered to both Houses date. -
What's Behind All Those Judicial Vacancies Without Nominees?
April 2013 What's Behind all Those Judicial Vacancies Without Nominees? Russell Wheeler ast week, Senate Judiciary Committee ranking member Charles Grassley (R-IA), said “we hear a lot about the vacancy rates. There are currently 86 Lvacancies for federal courts. But of course, you never hear the President mention the 62 vacancies that have no nominee. That is because those 62 vacancies represent nearly 75 percent of the total vacancies.” This brief paper, after noting the considerable power that home state senators have over judicial nominations, reports that: • Considerably fewer of the vacancies without nominees on April 12, Russell Wheeler is a 2013, could reasonably be expected to have had nominees by then, Visiting Fellow in the Brookings Institution’s based on patterns in the previous two administrations. Governance Studies Program and President of • Of the vacancies without nominees, almost half are in states with two the Governance Institute. Republican senators, and those vacancies are older than those in other Data for this report come from the Administrative states. Office of the U. S. Courts Judicial Vacancies • There are many more nominee-less vacancies now than at this point in Webpage, the Federal President George Bush’s presidency. Judicial Center Federal Judicial Biographical • Of the vacancies that have received nominations, the time from Directory, and my own data set. I welcome corrections. vacancy to nomination was greater in states with two Republican senators. • Although it is difficult to apportion responsibility for the number and age of nominee-less vacancies and the longer times from vacancy to nomination, we should consider a specific proposal for more transparency about pre-nomination negotiations that might produce more nominations, more quickly. -
Mail Fraud State Law and Post-Lopez Analysis George D
Cornell Law Review Volume 82 Article 1 Issue 2 January 1997 Should Federalism Shield Corruption?-Mail Fraud State Law and Post-Lopez Analysis George D. Brown Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation George D. Brown, Should Federalism Shield Corruption?-Mail Fraud State Law and Post-Lopez Analysis , 82 Cornell L. Rev. 225 (1997) Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr/vol82/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SHOULD FEDERALISM SHIELD CORRUPTION?- MAIL FRAUD, STATE LAW AND POST-LOPEZ ANALYSIS George D. Brownt I. INTRODUCTION-PROTECTION THROUGH PROSECUTION? There is a view of state and local governments as ethically-chal- lenged backwaters,' veritable swamps of corruption in need of the ulti- mate federal tutelage: protection through prosecution. Whether or not the view is accurate, the prosecutions abound.2 Many metropoli- tan newspapers have chronicled the federal pursuit of errant state and local officials.3 The pursuit is certain to continue. In the post-Water- gate period, the Justice Department has made political corruption at all levels of government a top priority.4 A vigorous federal presence in t Professor of Law and Associate Dean, Boston College Law School. A.B. 1961, Harvard University, LL.B. 1965, Harvard Law School. Chairman, Massachusetts State Eth- ics Commission. -
The Tea Party in Congress: Examining Voting Trends on Defense and International Trade Spending Legislation
The Tea Party in Congress: Examining Voting Trends on Defense and International Trade Spending Legislation Peter Ganz Creighton University I test how members of the United States House of Representatives associated with the Tea Party movement vote on four pieces of legislation relating to Both defense and international trade spending. Members with high FreedomWorKs scores, an interest group rating associated with the Tea Party, were found to have distinctly different voting patterns than the House of Representatives in general, while representatives that self-identified themselves as Tea Party showed no distinct voting patterns. Ganz 1 Research Question Since the Tea Party’s emergence in American politics in 2009 and its role in the Republican taKeover of Congress in the 2010 midterm elections, political scientists, politicians, media outlets, and special interest groups have sought to understand exactly what maKes the movement unique. While those associated with the Tea Party often call themselves RepuBlicans, there must Be differences that set the two apart; otherwise there would Be no reason for such a movement. Until now, investigations into the Tea Party have typically discovered that members of the movement are in favor of smaller government, decreased spending, and economic freedom, elements shared with the RepuBlican Party (Scherer, Altman, Cowley, Newton-Small, and Von Drehle, 2010; Courser, 2011; BullocK and Hood, 2012). Is there anything more significant that can be used to distinguish between the Tea Party and the rest of Congress? Drawing inferences from commonly accepted ideas about the Tea Party, this paper investigates whether or not members of the Tea Party extend their Beliefs in smaller government and decreased spending to the defense budget and the international trade budget. -
Standing Doctrine, Judicial Technique, and the Gradual Shift from Rights-Based Constitutionalism to Executne-Centered Constitutionalism
Golden Gate University School of Law GGU Law Digital Commons Publications Faculty Scholarship 2009 Standing Doctrine, Judicial Technique, and the Gradual Shift rF om Rights-Based Constitutionalism to Executive-Centered Constitutionalism Laura A. Cisneros Golden Gate University School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.ggu.edu/pubs Recommended Citation 59 Case W. Res. L. Rev. 1089 (2009) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at GGU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Publications by an authorized administrator of GGU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ARTICLE STANDING DOCTRINE, JUDICIAL TECHNIQUE, AND THE GRADUAL SHIFT FROM RIGHTS-BASED CONSTITUTIONALISM TO EXECUTNE-CENTERED CONSTITUTIONALISM Laura A. Cisneros t ABSTRACT Although scholars have long criticized the standing doctrine for its malleability, its incoherence, and its inconsistent application, few have considered whether this chaos is related to the Court's insistence that standing be used as a tool to maintain separation of powers.] Most articles on Copyright © 2008 by Laura A. Cisneros. t Assistant Professor of Law, Thurgood Marshall School of Law; LL.M., University of Wisconsin Law School; J.D., Loyola University New Orleans School of Law; B.A., University of San Diego. I would like to thank Arthur McEvoy and Victoria Nourse for their feedback on earlier drafts of this Article. I am also grateful to the William H. Hastie Fellowship Program at the University of Wisconsin for its support of my research. Finally, I am grateful to the organizers and participants in the Scholarly Papers panel at the 2009 Association of American Law Schools' Annual Conference for the opportunity to present and discuss this project. -
Heartland AVC Report
November 2015 The Article V Movement: A Comprehensive Assessment to Date and Suggested Approach for State Legislators and Advocacy Groups Moving Forward by David F. Guldenschuh* Introduction In early November 2013, this author hosted a Introduction .......................... 1 telephone conference with all the major stakeholders in the Article V movement. It 1 The Primary Article V Advocacy Groups . 2 was not the first time the leadership of the various groups had spoken with each other, 2 Educational Efforts .................. 8 but it was certainly one of the more 3 Organizations of State Legislators ..... 17 well-attended meetings of the groups. After an hour-and-a-half discussion during which 4 Successes and Disappointments ...... 20 each group described its vision for successfully pursuing an Article V 5 Legislators and Other Roadblocks ..... 25 convention, we discussed whether there were 6Approach for Moving Forward ........ 31 ways for the groups to work together and support each other. Conclusion......................... 36 APPENDIX A: The Article V Convention The consensus was that it was too soon to Legislative Progress Report .......... 38 begin merging efforts. At that point, four major groups – the Balanced Budget APPENDIX B: BBATF Map of Amendment Task Force (BBATF), Successful and Targeted States ....... 39 Convention of States Project (CoS), Compact * David F. Guldenschuh is an attorney, publisher of the Article V Convention Legislative Progress Report, and a policy advisor to the Center for Constitutional Reform at The Heartland Institute. For a more complete bio, see page 37. © 2015 The Heartland Institute. Nothing in this report should be construed as supporting or opposing any proposed or pending legislation, or as necessarily reflecting the views of The Heartland Institute.