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Wilderness Nation: The Myth of Nature in Canadian Architecture

ELSA LAM is a PhD candidate in ai'Chitcctuml > ELSA LAM history and theory at ColurnlJia Univer·sity. Her resea1·ch examines the landscapes creat ed and

promoted by the at the turn of the centUiy She holds a Bachelor in

a1·chitect um from the University of Wate1·loo. n the woods of the Venice Biennale Canada. and a Mastel' in architectu1·al llistoi'Y and IGiardini, nestled between Great theor·y from McGill University, Canada. Britain's neo-Palladian villa and Germany's neo-classical monolith, Canada's pavilion camps out. Designed to be easily dismountable, the spiralling wood and glass construction squeezes between trees, embracing one specimen in its glass-enclosed courtyard and wrap­ ping its wooden limbs around a second, which rises through its peaked roof and forms a verdant canopy overhead.

Italian collective Banfi Belgiojoso Peressutti Rogers (BBPR) built the pavil­ ion in 1958, on commission from the Canadian government. The same year, the firm designed the Torre Velesca in the historic centre of Milan (figs. 1-2). The tower, a provocative example of a form of abstract historicism, distilled a symbolic essence of the city by boldly abstracting its medieval towers. In con­ trast, the firm's architectural represen­ tation of Canada was a small-scale, relatively modest structure. Its pared­ down steel-beam roof, glass clerestory lights, and brick walls fit with the Italian collective's principle of employing sim­ ple materials in unadorned planes, but also camouflaged the structure against its wooded surroundings. In this setting, the spiralling, peaked-roof form called to mind not so much the Archimedes's spiral of its design sketches, as a more quintessentially Canadian structure-a Native teepee.

While the Venice pavilion was built a half-century ago, it reflects a stereo­ type of Canadian architecture whose roots reach back to pre-confederation FIG . 1. BBPR, CANADIAN PAV ILI ON, VENICE BIENNALE, 1958.f FROM SERENA MAFFIOLEnl. EO. BBPR. ZANICHELU. BOLOGNA, 1994

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not the adventure-filled battleground of the American -rather, it remained staunchly omnipresent and harshly indifferent to human mood s. In pioneer accounts of settlement by Susanna Moodie and Catharine Parr Traill,3 natural environments we re con­ stant sources of deception to the sisters' British aesthetic sensibilities. "Canada is not the land for the idle sensua list," Traill warned. Moodie's romantic pen ­ chant for picturesque beauty was con­ stantly foiled by the hidden dangers of the Canadian landscape: the "picture­ perfect" city of suffered from a cho lera epidemic, a scenic view of a lake glimpsed through a new clearing preceded a fallow fire, a canoe trip on picturesque waters turned treacherous

FIG. 2. BBPR, TORRE VELESCA, MILANO, 1958 . I FROM SERENA MAFFIOLETTI. ED. BBPR. ZANICHELLI, BOLOGNA, 1994. with a hidden undercurrent (figs. 3-4).

years, and which continues to resurface that Canada identifies with large-s cale, As interpreted over a century later, the today. In international publications and open landscapes. Nevertheless, over pioneer idea of an unforgiv ing, harsh exhibitions, Canadian architecture has eighty percent of Canadians live in urban wilderness underlies Margaret Atwood's often been represented by heavy timber centres. Accordingly, the country's archi­ contention that bare survival-" hanging cottages or rural constructions closely tectural production is predominantly on, staying alive"-comprises a centra l related to natural sites. When a national urban, although these constructions characteristic of Canadian literature. Far architecture is claimed to ex ist, it is elicit far less attention than the coun­ from the heroic battles of the American often characterized as revealing links try's rural production. When and why, West or the romantic woods of Walden to the country's natural landscapes. as a nation, did Canada begin to iden- Pond, Moodie's wilderness engendered tify with northern lights, canoes, and prosaic seasonal struggle and suffering, Beyond architecture, the idea of land­ cottage architecture? Th is paper will in the form of sweltering summers, freez­ scape is embedded in Canadian national­ attempt to bring a hi storical perspec­ ing winters, and malnutrition. "Nature ism more broadly. In 2007, the Canadian tive to the question, tracing the paired seen as dead, or alive but indifferent, or Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) ran ideas of w ilderness and nationalism in a alive and actively hostile towards man," a poll to select the Seven Wonders of series of iconic Canadian constructions Atwood notes morosely, "is a common Canada. From thousands of nominees, from 1830 to 1930, and suggesting links image in Canadian literature."' judges picked the Canoe to top a list to today's discussions of architectural including Niagara Falls, the Rockies, the nationalism and regionalism . In Atwood's assessment, the hostility of Igloo, and Prairie Skies. Over a million the Canadian environment is a given, audience votes yielded another nature­ CATHARINE PARR and the telling moment lies in how char­ themed "top seven," including the Bay TRAILL'S LOG-CABIN, 1836 acters respond to nature's adversities. of Fundy, Nahanni National Park, the Both Moodie and Traill asserted the Northern Lights, and Ontario's Sleeping Early Canadians w ere driven by the power of Victorian civilization against Giant geologica l formation . intention to "[reduce] a w ilderness into wi lderness, cultivating domestic nicet­ a fruitful country," 2 imposing agricul ­ ies in the midst of calamity. Literary With a population density of 3.3 people tural order on an unw ieldy landscape. scho lar D.M .R. Bentley argues that the per square kilometre, it is not surprising Nature in pre-confederation Canada was sisters perceived British America as "a

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glory" I I these stoups are really a con­ siderable ornament, as they concea l in a great measure the r ough logs, and break the barn-like form of t he bu ilding.6

Traill planned to cultivate a civilized aesthetic-a handsome fac;ade, social verandah, and ornamental climbing plants-to hide the rough construction of her house. In choosing imported and local plants, she literally blended Brit ish and North American materials to bring the picturesque into the domestic realm. She thus created a familiar aes­ thetic order that contrasted the decep­ tive appearances of the surrounding wilderness (fig. 6) .

CANOE COURT, 1851

The attempt to transpose British civil­ ization onto the Canadian wilderness became a proto-nationalist project in one of Canada's earliest international displays: the Canadian Court at the 1851 Crystal Palace e x hibition in London, England, designed by German architect and theoretician Gottfried Semper. Unfurled a decade after the British Act of Union joined Upper and Lower Canada, the pavilion showcased the abundant natural resources of the colony, alongside their more modest manufactured products.

The d isplay offered a sharp contrast betw een wilderness resources and signs of civilization. The largest quantity of country [ .. . ] in the process of becoming So it is at present, but we purpose add- goods, occupying cases along the sides a unique combination of the best of the ing a handsome frame front as soon as we and back, was a " highly instructive series" Old and the New worlds," mixing British can 1 .. I W hen the house is completed, we of mineral samples, including specimens respectability with a dose of American shall have a verandah in front 1 .. I which of gold, copper, iron-ore, and bog-iron. individualism and egalitarianism .5 The forms an agreeable addition in the summer. Three full pages in the official catalogue sisters' log houses were accordingly being used as a sort of outer room I. explained the distribution and commer- civi lized, modest nodes of order in Few houses. either log or frame, are with- cia I applications of these minerals. Furs the woods. "What a nut-shell!" I think out them. The pillar s look extremely pretty, were also everyw here in the display, I hear you excla im," wrote Traill of her wreathed with the luxuriant hop-vine, mixed in the form of pelts, sleigh-robes, and recently constructed dwelling (fig. 5) . w ith the scarlet creeper and "morning moose-heads (fig. 7).

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the ongoing movement and exchange between civilized nodes in Canada and its resource-rich wilderness areas.

Geographers have characterized that pattern of development as a dichotomy between civilized "baselands" and wi l­ derness "hinterlands." Extrapolating to the cultural realm, historian William L. Morton has written that the "alter­ nate penetration of the wilderness and return to civilization is the basic rhythm of Canadian life, and forms the basic elements of Canadian character." 10 As a symbol for this both physical and meta­ phorical journey, Daniel Francis asserts: "the canoe emerges as the mother image of our national dream-life, the symbol of our oneness with a rugged

FIG. 6. WESTOVE, MRS. TRAILL'S HOME AT LA KEFIELD, 1925. 1CP. MEREDITH/LI BRARY AND ARCHIVES CANADA. 1968·067 NPC PA·026904 northern landscape, the vessel in which we are recreated as Canadians." 11 In its In counterpoint to the "raw materials arcade adjacent (fig. 9) .8 Aesthetically, ensemble, the Canadian display began [that) preponderate," accoutrements of the inclusion of these elements was to consolidate a national self-image Victorian culture occupied the centre of unusual: "It was somewhat curious to marked by a dichotomy between civil­ the court. In the middle stood a pair of see the mixture of the works of a savage ization-home of pianos, sleigh-races, sleighs, a prize-winning fire engine, a population with the clearest evidence and ornate wood furniture-and the wooden piano, and carved black walnut of English civilization," commented one w ilderness-source of minerals, timber, settees (fig. 8). Accompanying catalogue illustrated volume.9 The canoes acted as and furs. The canoe became key to a descriptions emphasized that these were anthropological curiosities, and were "national" story of making expeditions artefacts of civilized leisure: "Sleighing especially noteworthy given designer outwards from civilized centres to pene­ forms the chief and most highly-relished Semper's interest in questions of primi­ trate the wilderness, and assumed an amusement of the Canadians during tive origin. Their prominence, moreover, iconic status it would hold for decades winter [ ... ) It is no uncommon thing to implied the centrality of these "savage" to come. see a score or thirty of these sleighs at artefacts for the colony-and as such, one time careering over the frozen snow they began to constitute a "curious," BANFF SPRINGS HOTEL, 1889 in the 'fashionable drives."' The piano distinctive iconography for Canada. was designed to resist temperature This duality between wi lderness and changes, showing "the rapid improve­ Historically, canoes were key to civilization was also prominent in natural ment of the colony, and its capabilities Canada's economy and geography, pro­ tourism, particularly in the second half of manufacturing what is suited to the vid ing the practical means of travers­ of the nineteenth century. By the 1860s, demands of its inhabitants."' ing Laurentian basin forests to reach tourists from Britain, Canada, and the the furs, timbers, and minerals proudly Eastern United States were drawn to the Also notable in the display was the displayed in 1851. Geographer Harold Muskoka region East of Georgian Bay appearance of a novel symbol for the Innis has argued that the physical con­ to see "true" wilderness landscapes. For relationship between civilization and tours of early Canada were generated the British whose own wooded regions wilderness: the birch-bark canoes sus­ by the logic of canoe routes, needed to were planted and owned by aristocrats, pended above the court as we ll as access the interior. In this framework, the Canadian w ilderness was linked to atop a timber "trophy" in the main the canoe may be read as an emblem of contemporary questions of class and

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privilege. For Americans, the forest recalled their own decimated wilder­ nesses and hinted at spiritual meanings. Both audiences sought to recapture a lost past in the Canadian forest. Wilderness was transformed from an everyday reality of homesteading and a practical source of natural resources to a sanctified place apart from civilized life. Tourist literature wooed urbanites with promises of healthful wilderness sojourns providing a "rest-cure" to urban malaise.' 2

That new valuation of wilderness was especially prominent in the architec­ tural development and representation of Banff (fig. 10). Following the trans­ national railway's completion in 1885, FIG. 7. CANADI AN PAVILION, FR OM DICKINSON'S COMPREHENSIVE PICTURES OF THE GREAT EXHIBITION OF 1851. the federal government designated ten LONDON, DICKIN SO N, 1854. 1COUR TESY OF AVERY LIBRARY. square miles in the Banff area as the nation's first park reservation, protecting models,15 styles distinguished by a close the romance of Western travel was the the economic interests of the Canadian relationship with their landscape set­ passengers' very separation from the Pacific Railway in the area.' 3 The first in a tings. Price's work attempted to respond wilderness through which they passed . chain of luxury resorts, the Banff Springs to a rugged landscape, and in so doing "Inside the Pullman all is luxury; outside Hotel was built on the mountainside site forge a national architecture for Canada. is Nature in her most rugged mode," in 1887; it boasted spectacular scenery His development of an original expres­ wrote one British touristY Seen from and medicinal hot springs. sion came into full fruition with the the civilized safety of a train window later Windsor Station (1888-1889) and or from a hotel terrace, wilderness was The idea of creating a park reserve at Chateau Frontenac (1892-1893). Through experienced as a picturesque setting, Banff drew from the precedent of the these, a distinct "chateau style" evolved providing relief from the stresses of United States, which designated its first with, in architectural historian Harold urban life even while the viewer was national park at Yellowstone in 1871 , Kalman's assessment, no recognizable maintained with urbanity's comforts. a decade earlier. However, the immedi­ European precedent.16 The style quickly The CPR carried visitors across the unset­ ate architectural development of Banff became a national id iom, deployed for tled hinterland of Canada's vast land­ Springs into a luxury resort was notable. federal legislative buildings and hotels scapes, while keeping them contained Facilities at Yellowstone were initially along both the Canadian Pacific and within a heartland of luxury hotels and primitive shelters and tent-camps.14 The Canadian National railways (CPR and railcars. design of the Banff Springs Hotel was CNR), including the Banff Springs Hotel from the first grand in scale. of 1928, rebuilt after a fire. WILDERNESS NATION, 1910-1929

Designed by American architect Bruce Special first-class railway carriages, out­ The valuation of wilderness in and of Price, the original building featured fitted to rival American cars, extended itself became a conscious project of cul­ steep hipped roofs, dormers with the luxury environment at Banff to the tural nationalism in the first decades pointed finials, corner turrets, and oriels space of the journey itself: interiors of the twentieth century, as Canada (fig. 11) . To observers at the time, t hese were finished in carved mahogany, deep sought to consolidate its national iden­ characteristics recalled Loire valley cha­ plush upholstery and carpets, and shin­ tity. Benedict Anderson has argued that teaux, Swiss chalets, or Scottish baronial ing brass, glass, and mirrors. Part of nations are less the product of inherent

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~~~~ /"~~: ~~,~~~\:;::;;~~~~, ~~~:~ ~~= t ~,:~~~ r~~~~·;.,~t~~.~;.;~~r~v:~":;t t~~-;i~~i~ eni;J.'lt.Vt d \'~red u ith crimao!l and golJ tl.:lm

FIG . 8. SLEIGH SA ND FU RNITURE FROM CANADA. CRYSTAL PALACE EXHIBITI ON. ART JOURNAL SPE CIAL ISS UE . LONDO N, 185 1.1 CDURTESYDFAVERYLIBRARY

qualities, and are literally "imagined " antimodern modernism, " Canada into existence" through collective insti­ expressed nationalism through inter­ tutions such as newspapers, censuses, twined strategies of recuperating maps, and museums.18 For Canada, this "folk" histories, claiming European and was an especially active process in the First Nations cultures as components decades spanning the turn of the cen­ of a national heritage, and promot­ tury, its "great transformation" from a ing an ideal of untouched wilderness colony to an independent nation with landscapes as a source of national an industrialized economy and network originality. of national cultural institutions.19 The development of a distinguishing iden­ Canonical images of Canada's untamed '",,_,__ __ _,___ ,_ """"''""" j tity was a particular challenge for a wilderness were embodied in the twentieth- century Dominion, which paintings and personalities of the FIG . 9. CANOE TROP HY. AS ILLUSTR ATED IN OFFICIAL DE­ could not construct its identity in Group of Seven during the 1920s SCRIPTIVE AND ILLUSTRATED CA TALOGUE. GRE AT 20 BRITAIN, COM MI SS IONERS FOR THE EXHI BITION OF opposition to an ex-colonial authority. (fig . 12). As Lynda Jessup documents, 185 1. I COURTESY OF AVERY LIBRARY Applying what lan McKay calls an the group positioned themselves as

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antimodernists, actively creating a "fiction of the authentic Canadian painter as a premodern man seeking, in the imagined premodern environ­ ment of the Canadian wilderness, the physical and emotional intensity iden­ tified with authentic experience." This figure of the "authentic" Canadian artist-as well as their paintings of uninhabited, windswept landscapes­ drew on the anti-urban ideals of the popular wilderness holiday, as well as reinforcing a growing associa­ tion between wilderness and national­ ist thought. In so doing, the Group's work did not reflect inherent qual­ ities in the landscape so much as it invested the landscape with wilderness 2 characteristics. '

Through the patronage of the national FIG . 11. BANFF SPRINGS HOTEL, BANFF, ALBERTA. BRUCE PRICE, 1886·1888. DESTROYED 1925.1 PROVINCIAL ARCHIVES Of ALBERTr- BS9S7. railways, Art Gallery of , National Gallery, and National Museum of Canada, the Group's depictions of Ontario were exhibited through the mid-1920s as speaking for the country as a whole. Their stylized depictions of wilderness were key to this nation­ alization of a regional landscape: the portrayal of un-peopled, primeval forests and lakes provided a sense of common ground that transcended the ambiguous historical identities of Dominion settlers.

In the late 1920s, the landscapes of the Pacific Northwest were promoted as another national heritage site. During that period, Pacific Northwest Native vil­ lages and their totem poles were pre­ served in situ, removed to museums, or painted as part of primeval wilderness landscapes. The landmark 1927 National Gallery show, Exhibition of Canadian West Coast Art, Native and Modern, combined the work of aboriginal cul­ tures with paintings and sculptures by

Canadian artists, including the Group of FIG. 12. TOM THOMSON, THEJACK PINE, 1916-1917. 1PHOTO © NATI ONAL GALLERY Of CANADA. OTTAWA.

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THE NATIONAL GALLERY. ~=.71~~ ~ ~, "- OF CANADA OTTAWA

EXHIBITION OF FIG. 14. USA ROC HON. UP NORTH, BOOK COVER. I JACKET DESIGN: OF FI CE OF GilBERT ll; PHOTO: MICHAELAWAO. CANADIAN .,...__.,WEST COAST ART NATIVE AND MODERN

FIG . 13. POS TE R BY EMILY CARR FOR EXHIBITION OF CANADIAN WEST COASTAR T, NATI VE FIG . 15. JOHN MCM IN N AN D MARCO PO LO. EXHI BITION CATALOG UE COVER. I AND MODERN, 1927 . I NATIO NAl GAll ERY OF CANADA, liBRARY ANDARC HIVES. on AWA. PHOTO: MICHAEL AWAD.

Seven and Emily Carr (fig. 13). Paintings connotations of the wilderness were setting in the paintings of Lawren of Native villages and actual Native imposed on Northwest Native land­ Harris, Quebec's vernacular architecture artefacts were displayed as part of a scapes, creating a romanticized image was documented as a living tradition national artistic heritage, associated of these cultures as "vanishing races." by National Museum anthropologist with an alluring wilderness setting . As Marius Barbeau, and later, Atlantic scholar Gerta Moray has pointed out, In the paintings of the Group of Seven Canada invented its own "folk" culture this becomes scandalous when one real ­ and Emily Carr, Canada's pine-bordered through the collection of folks:)ngs and izes that Canadian government policy lakes and totem-populated forests the revival of handicrafts.23 In each case, was at the same t ime intent on the for­ began to take on iconic status. Similar ideas of traditional culture or primitive cible assimilation of Native peoples and claims were made for other regions of wilderness were invoked in an effort to on the eradication of their languages, Canada, through the tropes of wilder­ construct so u rces of regional authen­ beliefs, and traditions. 22 A combination ness and of "folk" culture. The Arctic ticity, which could in turn ground an of primitivist ideals and antimodern assumed an identity as a sublime image of Canadian national identity.

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VENICE BIENNALE, 2008 inspired by vernacular building trad- NOTES itions boast both environmental and The legacy of a national preoccupa­ cultural sustainability. 25 In contrast to 1. This paper was prepared for the 2008 SSAC tion with wilderness continues to the Rochon's hostile landscapes, nature is conference in Yellowknife, Canada, on the theme of "Regionalism in Canadian present. One recent attempt at positing a more benign background-a set of Architecture." The author would like to a national architecture, Lisa Rochon's Up climactic conditions and environmental acknowledge the Columbia University North/ 4 focuses on the architectural challenges that shape so cia I customs School of Architecture for its support of legacy of the 1960s and 1970s, a per­ and local building strategies. Their ref­ the research and presentation of this paper. While the author has made every attempt t o erences, particularly their use of native iod concerned with issues of ecology contact copyright holders for permission to and Canadian nationalism. Rochon's structures as grounding points, recall reproduce the images in this article, she has manifesto opens by declaring: "In this the characterization of regional land­ in some cases been unsuccessful and would country, architecture grows out of the scapes and valuation of First Nations be pleased to receive further information from copyright holders. Anyone who can artefacts led by 1920s projects of cul­ landscape. And the Canadian land­ help in this regard is asked to please contact scape is mythic, Herculean in its scale tural nationalism. her at: [email protected].

and power. It is omnipresent and noble, 2. Strachan, John, 1968, A Visit to the Province given to moments of tenderness and ter­ Although wilderness landscapes are of Upper Canada in 1819, East Ardsley (Eng.), rible rages. Up north, architecture digs central to the way we think about S.R. Pu blishers, p. 75-76. into the side of a hill or a mountain. Or Canada, the concept of wilderness has 3. Sisters, re spectively born Susanna Strickland it rises up to match the temper of the itself been a slippery one, embedded and Catharine Parr Strickland. land, attaining heights of ecstasy." In with cultural values. As Roderick Nash 4. Atwood, Margaret, 1972, Survival: A Rochon's assessment, grand landscape points out, "although wilderness has a Thematic Guide to Canadian Literature, Toronto, Anansi, p. 33 and 41. settings called up heroic architectural deceptive concreteness at first glance responses that would come to exemplify [ ... ] [t]here is, [in the final account]. no 5. See chap . 2 in D.M.R. Bentley's in-process project, « Canadian Architexts: Essays on Canadian construction. Her vision recalls specific material object that is wilder­ Literature and Architecture i n Canada, the pioneer landscapes of Susanna ness ." As an idea, Canadian wilderness 1759-2005 >> , (2005), n.p. These essays are Moodie and Margaret Atwood, which has been repeatedly constructed and available online at [www.uwo.ca/english/ demanded that civilization gathers in reconstructed over the past two cen­ canadian poetry/arch itexts/i n d ex. htm ]. defensive response (fig. 14). turies. Our latest enchantment with a 6. Strickland Moodie, Susanna, 1852, Roughing national, natural architectural identity It in the Bush, or, Life in Canada, New York, George P. Putnam, p. 119. Today, contentions that Canadian archi­ may be a productive myth. But it must tecture is linked to nature perhaps stem be recognized as such, lest we forget 7. Commissioners for the exhibition of 1851, 1851, Official Descriptive and Illustrated Catalogue, from the problem of creating a national the other landscapes in Canada that do London, Spicer Brothers, p. 956-971. architectural identity in a global, com­ not have iconographic status: the clear­ 8. The trophy is also visible in Dickinson's modified marketplace. One recurring cut and replanted Pacific coast forests, engravi ng of the exhibition, w here it trope is the idea that Canadians build the Alberta oil fields, the hydroelectric appears somewhat larger in sca le. For a "green" architecture, uniquely equipped landscapes of Northern Quebec, the description of the scu lpted assemblage, see Davis, John R., 1999, The Great Exhibition, to contend with issues of local and vast suburbs of Ontario. As architects, Stroud I Gloucestershire, Sutton, p. 139. global sustainability. urbanists, and historians, we are chal­ 9. Dickinson's Comprehensive Pictures of the lenged to contend with architecture Great Exhibition of 1851. London, Dickinson, In this regard, John McMinn and Marco in wilderness settings in a way that 1854, n.p. Polo's 41° to 66° exhibition, which trav­ acknowledges how profoundly the idea 10. Morton, W illiam L., 1961, The Canadian eled to the Venice biennale in the fall of wilderness nature is itself shaped by Identity, Madison, University of Wisconsin of 2008, assigns landscape a fundamen­ cultural values. Doing so might create Pre ss, p. 5. tal role in shaping Canadian architec­ a starting point to help us make sense 11 . Francis, Daniel, 1997, National Dreams: Myth, ture (fig. 15). The exhibition invokes of architecture that lands in the more Memory, and Canadian History, Vancouver, Kenneth Frampton's argument about prosaic landscapes of Canada, more Arsenal Pulp Press, p. 129. critica I reg ion a I ism, contending that obviously-but no less-products of 12. Jasen, Patric ia Jane, 1995, Wild Things: regional attempts at place-making civilization. Nature, Culture, and Tourism in Ontario,

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1790-1914, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, p. 80.

13. Bella, Leslie, 1987, Parks for Profit, Montreal, Harvest House, p. 14.

14. Macy, Christine and Sarah Bonnemaison, 2003, Architecture and Nature: Creating the American Landscape, London I New York, Routledge.

15 . Kalman, Harold D., 1968, The Railway Hotels and the Development of the Chateau Style in Canada, Victoria (BC), University of Victoria Maltwood Museum, p. 10.

16. Kalman, Harold D., 1994, A History of Canadian Architecture, Toronto I New York, Oxford University Press, val. 2, p. 495. For a broader contextual account of the chateau style, see Rhodri Windsor Liscombe's article, 1993, « Nationalism or Cultural Imperialism? The Chateau Style in Canada», Architectural History, val. 36, p. 127-144.

17. Phillipps-Walley, Clive, 1888, A Sportsman's Eden, London, p. 32-33. (Quoted in Ja sen : 102.)

18. Anderson, Benedict R., 1991 [rev. and extended ed.]. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, London I New York, Verso.

19. Brown, Robert Craig and Ramsay Cook, Canada, 1896-1921; a Nation Transformed, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart, 1974, p. 2.

20. Anderson, Benedict R., 2001, «Staging Anti modernism in the Age of High Capitalist Nationalism >>, In Lynda Jessup (ed.), Antimodernism and Artistic Experience: Policing the Boundaries of Modernity, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, p. 98.

21. Jessup, Lynda, 2001, << Bushwhackers in the Gallery: Antimodernism and the Group of Seven », In Jessup, op. cit., p. 132.

22. Moray, Gerta, 2001, « Emily Carr and the Traffic in Native Images>>, In Jessup, op. cit., p. 72 .

23. For more on the Folk cultures of Atlantic Canada, see McKay, ian, 1994, The Quest of the Folk : Antimodernism and Cultural Selection in Twentieth-Century , Montreal, MeGill-Queen's University Press .

24. Rochon, Lisa, 2005, Up North, Toronto, Key Porter Books.

25. McMinn, John and Marco Polo, 2005, 41° to 66°: Responses to Sustainable Architecture in Canada, Cambridge (ON). Cambridge Galleries, Design at Riverside, p. 5.

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