Testimony :: Hon. Christopher H. Smith
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Hazards of Half-Measures: Perestroika and the Failure of Post-Soviet Democratization
The Hazards of Half-measures: Perestroika and the Failure of Post-Soviet Democratization M. STEVEN FISH Abstract: Perestroika was the most dramatic chapter in the political history of the world in the late twentieth century. Yet, it did not fulfill what was arguably its lofti- est promise—to lay firm foundations for lasting popular rule in Russia. The failure of democratization in post-Soviet Russia may be traced in part to two fateful short- comings in perestroika: the tepidity of Gorbachev’s economic reforms and Gor- bachev’s failure to empower popularly elected legislatures. Key words: democracy, democratization, economic reform, liberalization, national legislature, perestroika erestroika was the most dramatic chapter in the political history of the world P in the late twentieth century. For citizens of the USSR, it brought both hope and trauma. For the rest of the world, it provided liberation from the scourge of the cold war’s apocalyptic endgame scenario, which had defined international relations for four decades. Despite its momentousness, however, perestroika did not fulfill what was arguably its loftiest promise: to lay firm foundations for lasting popular rule in Russia. Mikhail Gorbachev may not have intended his reforms to lead to democ- racy, but by the time the Soviet regime unraveled in late 1991, democratization is what perestroika had brought about. At the dawn of the post-Soviet era, the three Baltic states had already forged open polities. Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, Armenia, and Moldova had experienced significant democ- ratization as well. Yet, in the ensuing decade, Russia, among other post-Soviet countries, underwent a powerful political reversal. -
Engaging Central Asia
ENGAGING CENTRAL ASIA ENGAGING CENTRAL ASIA THE EUROPEAN UNION’S NEW STRATEGY IN THE HEART OF EURASIA EDITED BY NEIL J. MELVIN CONTRIBUTORS BHAVNA DAVE MICHAEL DENISON MATTEO FUMAGALLI MICHAEL HALL NARGIS KASSENOVA DANIEL KIMMAGE NEIL J. MELVIN EUGHENIY ZHOVTIS CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY STUDIES BRUSSELS The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute based in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound analytical research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe today. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors writing in a personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect those of CEPS or any other institution with which the authors are associated. This study was carried out in the context of the broader work programme of CEPS on European Neighbourhood Policy, which is generously supported by the Compagnia di San Paolo and the Open Society Institute. ISBN-13: 978-92-9079-707-4 © Copyright 2008, Centre for European Policy Studies. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without the prior permission of the Centre for European Policy Studies. Centre for European Policy Studies Place du Congrès 1, B-1000 Brussels Tel: 32 (0) 2 229.39.11 Fax: 32 (0) 2 219.41.51 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ceps.eu CONTENTS 1. Introduction Neil J. Melvin ................................................................................................. 1 2. Security Challenges in Central Asia: Implications for the EU’s Engagement Strategy Daniel Kimmage............................................................................................ -
Turkmenistan 2020 Human Rights Report
TURKMENISTAN 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Turkmenistan is a secular democracy constitutionally, although President Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov effectively controls the country along with a small inner circle. Berdimuhamedov became president in 2006 and was last re-elected in 2017. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s Office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights determined the election involved limited choice between competing political alternatives and found “serious irregularities.” On September 25, the People’s Council (Halk Maslahaty) approved amendments to the constitution to create a bicameral parliament, so that the Halk Maslahaty becomes the upper house and the Mejlis (Parliament) becomes the lower house. The change was scheduled to become effective after the March 28, 2021, parliamentary elections. If implemented, the Halk Maslahaty will consist of 56 members (eight representatives from each of the country’s five provinces and eight representatives directly appointed by the president), and the Mejlis will consist of 125 members. The national police and the Ministry of National Security maintain internal security. The military and border security forces are responsible for external security. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over the security forces. In the past there were many examples of security forces committing human rights abuses. Significant human rights issues included: reports of torture by police and prison officials; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions; -
Turkmenistan by Annette Bohr
Turkmenistan by Annette Bohr Capital: Aşgabat Population: 5.2 million GDP/capita, PPP: US$12,920 Source: The data above are drawn from the World Bank’s World Development Indicators 2014. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 Electoral Process 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 Civil Society 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 Independent Media 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 National Democratic Governance 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 Local Democratic Governance 7.00 7.00 7.00 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 Judicial Framework and Independence 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 7.00 Corruption 6.50 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 6.75 Democracy Score 6.93 6.96 6.96 6.93 6.93 6.93 6.93 6.93 6.93 6.93 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. -
Turkmenistan Country Report BTI 2018
BTI 2018 Country Report Turkmenistan This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2018. It covers the period from February 1, 2015 to January 31, 2017. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2018 Country Report — Turkmenistan. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2018. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Contact Bertelsmann Stiftung Carl-Bertelsmann-Strasse 256 33111 Gütersloh Germany Sabine Donner Phone +49 5241 81 81501 [email protected] Hauke Hartmann Phone +49 5241 81 81389 [email protected] Robert Schwarz Phone +49 5241 81 81402 [email protected] Sabine Steinkamp Phone +49 5241 81 81507 [email protected] BTI 2018 | Turkmenistan 3 Key Indicators Population M 5.7 HDI 0.691 GDP p.c., PPP $ 16880 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 1.7 HDI rank of 188 111 Gini Index - Life expectancy years 67.6 UN Education Index 0.634 Poverty3 % - Urban population % 50.4 Gender inequality2 - Aid per capita $ 4.2 Sources (as of October 2017): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2017 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2016. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.20 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary During the period under review, the government undertook reforms to harmonize legislation with international standards while intensifying cooperation with foreign countries and international organizations. -
The Autumn of Nations: the Last Days of the USSR, 1987
ODUMUNC 2017 Issue Brief USSR Crisis The Autumn of Nations: The Last Days of the USSR, 1987 by Jackson Harris Old Dominion University Model United Nations Society Introduction Здравствуйте товарищи! Two year ago, in 1985 after adjourn a meeting of the Soviet Politburo, Mikhail Gorbachev emerged as General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. As the new General Secretary of the Communist Party, he became the most powerful individual in the Soviet Union. He replaced the 74-year-old and long-ailing General Secretary Konstantin Chernenko, third in a rapid series of older leaders to die in office. At the age of 54 Comrade Gorbachev became the first Soviet- born leader of the glorious Soviet Union, the first born after the November 1917 Revolution. He is truly a revolutionary man! The situation Comrade Gorbachev inherits poses special challenges, which embolden his General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Politburo colleagues to trust leadership to an Union (CPSU) Central Committee Mikhail Gorbachev speaking at the Kremlin Palace of Congresses, 1987. exceptionally younger comrade. As you are all aware, the West is in continuous war with the In order to right the ship that was the brilliant legacy of our proletarian revolution that faltering economy of the Soviet Union, General gave birth to the largest collective the world has Secretary Gorbachev has instituted a wave of ever seen. Our vast and glorious territories do social and political reforms. Programs such as not come without cost, and we are struggling to the Perestroika (economic restructuring to manage the future of the Soviet economy, the permit individual investment) and Glasnost power of the Motherland and needs of our (openness of information to facilitate private people. -
Turkmenistan: Analysis of Gurbanguly Berdyimuhamedow's Reform
Turkmenistan: analysis of Gurbanguly Berdyimuhamedow’s reform “After coming to power of Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, the international community had high hopes about the new president of Turkmenistan, including the hopes for democratization, improved human rights situation in the country, economic cooperation and openness. A number of decrees and actions taken by Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov at the beginning of his reign, in fact, were aimed at eliminating errors and experimentation of the past. However, it soon became clear that these hopes were unfounded”, – political scientist, coordinator of Research and Training of the OSCE Academy in Bishkek, Svetlana Dzardanova discusses the results of the reform made by the Turkmen President exclusively for cabar.asia. Follow us on LinkedIn! In 2015, only 913 people were able to get a tourist visa and visit Turkmenistan, a country whose closeness does not decrease, but rather fuels the interest in it. The country remains closed for a simple layman, for researchers and for people involved in the decision-making process. Having received independence simultaneously with the other republics of Central Asia, Turkmenistan, however, went much further than its neighbors in building its statehood and self-isolation in an attempt to isolate the country from external influences. This was made possible largely thanks to the rich reserves of hydrocarbons (natural gas – 17.5 trillion cubic meters and oil – 0.6 billion barrels in 2013), the status of permanent neutrality, geography and a relatively small population (about 5.5 million people according to the data in 2016). Providing the population free of charge with such social benefits as gas, electricity, water and salt, subsidizing fuel prices, the government remains absolutely uncontrolled and unaccountable to their people, continuing the practice of nominal elections, in which the incumbent head of state, according to the “tradition” established by the past President, received 97.14% of votes in 2012. -
May 4, 2004 – Turkmenistan
TURKMENISTAN CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS Chronology prepared by Bruce Pannier from Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (www.rferl.org). The OSI Turkmenistan Project expresses its gratitude to Mr. Pannier for generously sharing his work. 1991 Sept. 30, 1991 - Referendum on independence announced for October 26 Oct. 2, 1991 -- IFX cites co-chairman of Democratic Party of Turkmenistan Durdymurad Khojamukhammet as criticizing call for referendum Oct. 9, 1991 -- Niyazov visits Iran Oct. 20, 1991 -- Democratic Party of Turkmenistan (not Niyazov's) holds constituent congress in Moscow, co-chairman Durdymurad Khojamuhammet says the "pro- Communist regime" wouldn't allow the congress in Ashgabat Oct. 26, 1991 -- Referendum for independence held, 94% are for it Oct. 27, 1991 -- Constitutional law on independence adopted, October 27 declared Independence Day Dec. 13, 1991 -- Leaders of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan meet in Ashgabat and agree to join the new Commonwealth of Independent States Dec. 16, 1991 -- Democratic Party of Turkmenistan holds founding congress, right after last congress of former Communist Party 1992 Jan. 6, 1992 -- Niyazov says no plans to set up armed forces for five years (Jan. 7, 1992 -- dip. relations w/ China) Jan. 13, 1992 -- Niyazov decree transforms Turkmeninform into Turkmen Press Jan. 28, 1992 -- Danatar Kopekov who was head of State Security Committee, appointed Defense Minister Jan. 28, 1992 -- President Niyazov issues decree forming Defense Ministry Feb. 7, 1992 -- UN Security Council recommends admitting Turkmenistan to UN Feb. 19, 1992 -- At session of parliament, Niyazov proposes draft for new constitution Feb. 16(?), 1992 -- Niyazov visits Tehran for ECO meeting, Turkmenistan admitted to ECO at conference Feb. -
Central Asia's Crisis of Governance
Central Asia’s Crisis of Governance January 2012 By Philip Shishkin Bernard Schwartz Fellow Map of Central Asia Russian Federation KAZAKHSTAN Lake Balkhash Aral Sea Georgia Caspian Sea Ysyk Köl UZBEKISTAN KYRGYZSTAN Armenia Azerbaijan TURKMENISTAN TAJIKISTAN China Afghanistan Iran India Pakistan Iraq Kuwait Nepal Bahrain Qatar U.A.E. Arabian Sea Oman Saudi Arabia Arabian Sea Yemen Bay of Bengal 2 Table of Contents The Region . 4 The Countries . 7 Kazakhstan: Electoral Authoritarianism . 7 Kyrgyzstan: The Land of Perpetual Revolution . 11 Tajikistan: A Failing State . 14 Turkmenistan: A Desert Kingdom Fueled by Gas . 17 Uzbekistan: A Police State with Strategic Significance . 21 The Role of Foreign Powers . 25 China . 25 Russia . 28 The United States and the European Union . 31 Conclusion . 35 About the Author . 36 Asia Society Advisory Group on Central Asia . 37 3 The Region Located in a strategically important neighborhood “the Stans” in Western parlance, the five nations amid China, Russia, Afghanistan, and Iran, of post-Soviet Central Asia share historical and sitting atop vast deposits of oil, gas, gold, and political similarities, though there are and uranium, post-Soviet Central Asia is crucial differences, too . Oil-rich Kazakhstan, home to some 50 million people living in five for instance, is a far cry from the poor and countries: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, fractious state of Tajikistan . And the ongoing Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan . For centuries, political ferment in Kyrgyzstan offers a stark the region has drawn the attention of the world’s contrast to the sterile political atmosphere of superpowers as they seek leverage over their foes, Uzbekistan . -
The Elite in Post- Soviet and Post-Niyazow Turkmenistan: Does Political Culture Form a Leader?
THE ELITE IN POST- SOVIET AND POST-NIYAZOW TURKMENISTAN: DOES POLITICAL CULTURE FORM A LEADER? SLAVOMÍR HORÁK THE INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES, CHARLES UNIVERSITY IN PRAGUE Abstract: This article analyses the transformation of the Turkmenistani elite, focusing on the period after the 2006 death of the first president, Saparmyrat Niyazow (“Turkmenbashy”). I argue that the process of elite formation in highly centralized systems, such as that in Turkmenistan, is determined by the character of the first leader, who has a long-lasting impact on the local political culture. The uniqueness of Turkmenbashy and the political culture he founded were based on his solitude and isolation both from the domestic and outside worlds. Even if such a situation is hardly likely to occur again in the future, his legacy is transferrable to subsequent generations of leadership in the country. Turkmenbashy’s successor, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedow, has followed political tradition as a successful way of holding onto the reins of power, notwithstanding some minor changes due to the new leader’s different roots in the traditional structures of Turkmen society. 371 372 Demokratizatsiya ince the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Turkmenistan has been Sconsidered one of the most bizarre regimes in the post-Soviet area and one of the closest to the totalitarian ideal.1 In attempting to understand the character of the Turkmen regime after 1991, scholars usually pay attention to the legacy of the pre-Soviet period and the Soviet regime.2 The trans- formation of tribal Turkmen society into a regional-based kinship backed by the Russian and then Soviet authorities has contributed considerably to the current regime’s character. -
Tajikistan on the Road to Totalitarianism Andrea Schmitz
NO. 10 FEBRUARY 2019 Introduction Tajikistan on the Road to Totalitarianism Andrea Schmitz Rather overshadowed by ongoing violence in Afghanistan and an unexpected political opening in Uzbekistan, Tajikistan is witnessing the emergence of a totalitarian system focused entirely on the president. Alongside legal moves and key appointments, ideo- logical propaganda plays a central role. Two main trends are involved: the presenta- tion of President Emomali Rahmon as bringer of peace and guarantor of national unity, and the establishment of a canon of “national” norms and values designed to enforce social and ideological homogeneity. The spectre of Islamic fundamentalism is instru- mentalised to consolidate the ruling ideology, while surveillance and sanctioning enforce behavioural conformity. Unlike the neighbouring Central Asian servative and the economically marginal- republics, Tajikistan’s consolidation as an ised. After entering parliament in 2000 the independent state after the collapse of the IRP grew to become the strongest opposi- Soviet Union was interrupted by a civil tion force, claiming about forty thousand war (1992–1997). That event remains an active members in 2014. important point of reference for the post- communist elite under President Emomali Rahmon, who came to power on the back Elimination of Opposition of the war. The externally mediated 1997 peace agreement with the United Tajik President Rahmon, whose supporters are Opposition (UTO) forced Rahmon to share organised in the People’s Democratic Party power with his former adversaries. The (PDP, the de facto successor to the Soviet-era Islamic Renaissance Party (IRP) played an Communist Party), has increasingly ignored especially prominent role, having reorgan- the peace agreement since the end of the ised itself after being the strongest group civil war. -
The Soviet Legacy and Leader Cults in Post-Communist Central Asia: the Example of Turkmenistan
University of Wollongong Research Online Faculty of Arts - Papers (Archive) Faculty of Arts, Social Sciences & Humanities 1-1-2006 The Soviet legacy and leader cults in Post-Communist Central Asia: the example of Turkmenistan Stephen M. Brown University of Wollongong, [email protected] Konstantin Sheiko University of Wollongong, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/artspapers Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons, and the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Brown, Stephen M. and Sheiko, Konstantin, The Soviet legacy and leader cults in Post-Communist Central Asia: the example of Turkmenistan 2006, 1-13. https://ro.uow.edu.au/artspapers/603 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] 1 The Soviet Legacy and Leader Cults in Post-Communist Central Asia: the example of Turkmenistan1 Stephen Brown and Konstantin Sheiko University of Wollongong While a new wave of democratic revolutions was widely expected in the aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union, progress towards democratisation has proven slow. In many parts of the world, including Central Asia, victory in what Francis Fukuyama claimed was the last of history’s battles has proved elusive.2 Perhaps the most striking feature of the politics of Central Asia since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 has been the durability of the leader cults that have grown up around Presidents Nasultan Nazarbayev in Kazakhstan, Islam Karimov in Uzbekistan, and Saparmurat Niyazov in Turkmenistan.