DOCSLIB.ORG

(Dis)Claiming Mestizofilia: Chicana/Os Disarticulating Euromestizaje by Agustín Palacios a Dissertation Submitted in Partial S

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
(Dis)Claiming Mestizofilia: Chicana/Os Disarticulating Euromestizaje by Agustín Palacios a Dissertation Submitted in Partial S (Dis)Claiming Mestizofilia: Chicana/os Disarticulating Euromestizaje By Agustín Palacios A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Ethnic Studies in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Laura E. Pérez, Chair Professor José Rabasa Professor Nelson Maldonado-Torres Universtiy of California, Berkeley Spring 2012 Copyright by Agustín Palacios, 2012 All Rights Reserved. Abstract (Dis)Claiming Mestizofilia: Chicana/os Disarticulating Euromestizaje by Agustín Palacios Doctor of Philosophy in Ethnic Studies University of California, Berkeley Professor Laura E. Pérez, Chair This dissertation investigates the development and contradictions of the discourse of mestizaje in its key Mexican ideologues and its revision by Mexican American or Chicana/o intellectuals. Great attention is given to tracing Mexico’s dominant conceptions of racial mixing, from Spanish colonization to Mexico’s post-Revolutionary period. Although mestizaje continues to be a constant point of reference in U.S. Latino/a discourse, not enough attention has been given to how this ideology has been complicit with white supremacy and the exclusion of indigenous people. Mestizofilia, the dominant mestizaje ideology formulated by white and mestizo elites after Mexico’s independence, proposed that racial mixing could be used as a way to “whiten” and homogenize the Mexican population, two characteristics deemed necessary for the creation of a strong national identity conducive to national progress. Mexican intellectuals like Vicente Riva Palacio, Andrés Molina Enríquez, José Vasconcelos and Manuel Gamio proposed the remaking of the Mexican population through state sponsored European immigration, racial mixing for indigenous people, and the implementation of public education as a way to assimilate the population into European culture. I argue that although Mexican Americans inherited this Eurocentric formulation of mestizaje, by the mid-1960s their specific social position as a negatively racialized and economically exploited population in the United States allowed self-identified Chicana/o activists and intellectuals to depart significantly from, and in some cases, clearly critique inherited Eurocentric conceptions of racial mixing and racist views of indigenous people. Chicano/a discourse of mestizaje and indigeneity is not an uncritical reproduction of dominant Mexican mestizofilia and indigenismo, it is a collective, and sometimes deeply personal, exploration of mixed race ancestry that sought to recuperate, and in some cases, center the indigenous. Chicano/as’ historical and practical context made some of their claims to indigeneity, including those dealing with spirituality, not only oppositional, but also decolonizing. Through an interdisciplinary approach grounded in Chicano/a studies, this study critically examines a broad array of texts by Mexican and Chicana/o intellectuals, including political speeches, historical texts, and literature. 1 Dedication To the memory of Alfred Arteaga (1950 – 2008), and to all the women who have nurtured and guided me, including Professor Laura E. Pérez, my mom Rosa López, mi nana Oliva Luna, and mi amorcito corazón Alejandra Oseguera. i Acknowledgements First and foremost I must recognize the Chair of my committee, Laura E. Pérez, for her guidance, support, and encouragement during this arduous process. I am grateful for all her constructive criticisms, edits, and for not giving up on me, even when I was ready to give up on myself. I will also like to thank the other members of my committee, Professor Nelson Maldonado-Torres and Professor José Rabasa, for all their comments and ideas. Although they both had moved to work with, and inspire, students at other universities, they did not abandon me in this project. I also need to thank my mentor Alfred Arteaga, who from 2001 to his passing in 2005 helped me in more ways that I can mention. His passion for life and poetry continues to inspire me. I would also like to express my gratitude to my family and friends. My wife Alejandra has always been supportive, without her taking care of our two children while I sneaked away to work on my dissertation, I would never had finished. And to my life-long best friend José López, who was always ready to listen to my ideas. Lastly, to my mother, compared to the amount of work and sacrificed she gave to raise my sister and me, writing a dissertation is no big deal. ii Table of Contents Chapter One. The Chicana/o (Dis)Claiming of Mestizofilia 1 Chapter Two. Making “Indians” and “Mestizos” in Colonial Society 27 Chapter Three. Mestizofilia and Indigenismo During the Porfiriato 50 Chapter Four. (R)Evolutionary Mexico: José Vasconcelos and Manuel Gamio 73 Chapter Five. (An)Other Geography: Aztlán 102 Works Cited 124 ! iii CHAPTER ONE The Chicana/o (Dis)Claiming of Mestizofilia Mestizofilia, a term coined by contemporary Mexican historian Agustín Basave Benítez (1992), refers to the nationalist ideology formulated by white and mestizo elites after Mexico’s independence. This ideology proposed that racial mixing could be used as a way to “whiten” and homogenize the Mexican population, two characteristics deemed necessary for the creation of a strong national identity and national progress. Although Mexican Americans inherited this Eurocentric formulation of mestizaje in the 19th and early 20th century, by the Civil Rights era their specific social position as a negatively racialized and economically exploited population in the United States allowed Chicana/o activists and intellectuals to depart significantly from, and in some cases, clearly critique inherited Latin American but sill Eurocentric conceptions of racial mixing and racists view of indigenous people, dark “mixed” people, and other “people of color.” Chicanos/as of the 1960s and 1970s both claimed and disclaimed Mexico’s official discourses of mestizaje.1 This dissertation traces the dominant configurations of cultural and biological mixing, referred to in Latin America since Spanish colonization as mestizaje, in the work of Mexican and Chicano/a intellectuals. By interrogating this transnational intellectual history, this dissertation seeks to make a critical intervention into contemporary Chicana/o and U.S. Latina/o discourse on mestizaje and indigeneity. This discursive history entailed the examination of a broad array of texts, including political speeches, historical texts, and literature. Historically, “Chicana/o” refers to the political and cultural identity that emerged out of the Chicano/a Movement(s) of the 1960s and 70s. An important sector of Chicana/o intellectuals not only actively rejected Anglo-centric assimilation, but they did so by proposing a re-valorization of Mexican and indigenous history and culture, while affirming the civil and human rights of people of Mexican descent in the United States.2 Chicano/a historians re-interpreted Mexican and United States history in ways that included the voices and experiences of previously marginalized and racialized groups, particularly those of indigenous and Mexican descent. As Chicana scholar Norma 1 The Merriam-Webster's Dictionary of Law (1996) defines disclaim as: “to reject or relinquish a claim to (as an interest in an estate)” and disclaimer as “a refusal or disavowal of something that one has a right to claim; specif: a relinquishment or formal refusal to accept an interest or estate” (140 - 141). 2 Although the terms “Chicana” and “Chicano” have at times been used as synonyms for Mexican American, in this dissertation I use them to refer to those who self- identify as Chicana/o and who hold a political position critical of forced assimilation and U.S. racism. In their Dictionary of Mexican American History (1981), Matt S. Meier and Feliciano Rivera defined “Chicano” as a “controversial term made popular by activists in the 1960s referring to Mexican Americans and especially to those who demonstrate a militant pride in their ethnicity” (83). 1 Alarcón notes in her essay “Chicana Feminism: In the Tracks of ‘The’ Native Woman” (1990): The appropriation and recodification of the term Chicano from the oral culture was a stroke of insight precisely because it unsettled all of the identities conferred by previous historical accounts. … Thus, the demand for a Chicano/a history became a call for the recovery and re-articulation of the record to include the stories of race/class relations of the silenced, against whom the very notions of being Mexican or not-Mexican, being American or not-American, being a citizen or not a citizen had been constructed. (63-64) For movimiento era Chicana scholars like María Linda Apodaca, this meant retelling women’s historical roles in ways that did not reaffirm the racism and/or sexism of patriarchal nationalist narratives like those sometimes found in el movimiento. In her 1977 essay, “The Chicana Woman: An Historical Materialist Perspective,” Apodaca included class in the analysis of gender and sexual oppression of Chicanas, an oppression that also translated into exclusion from the historical record: The two basic factors discouraging [historical] analysis of the Chicana are (1) a class society based on private property with the need for inheritance and (2) male chauvinism. Interestingly enough, these two aspects not only discourage analysis, but in the real world are the material and ideological basis for the subjugation of women and other working-class people. (72)
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Chicano Movement
    The Chicano Movement By Fawn-Amber Montoya, Ph.D. The Chicano Movement represented Mexican Americans’ fight for equal rights after the Second World War. The rights that they desired included equality in education and housing, representation in voting, equal conditions in labor, and the recognition and celebration of their ethnic heritage. The Chicano Movement includes leaders such as Cesar Chavez, United Farm Workers (UFW) who worked to achieve better sanitation and wages for farm workers. Chavez advocated non violent action as the best method of achieving the goals of the UFW. He encouraged striking, boycotting, and marching as peaceful methods to achieve one’s goals. While the UFW was formed in California Chavez encouraged and participated in boycotts and strikes throughout the Southwestern United States. In New Mexico, Reyes Lopez Tijerina fought to regain lands that had been taken from Hispanics after the Mexican-American War. Tijerina believed that if the government and Anglo land owners failed to return lands unlawfully or unethically taken from Mexican Americans after the war in 1848, then Chicanos should use force. In Texas, Jose Angel Gutierrez assisted in the formation of La Raza Unida party which encouraged Mexican Americans to participate in voting, and to run for local, state, and national positions of leadership. La Raza Unida brought together Chicanos throughout the Southwest, but was most successful in Crystal City Texas, where the party was successful in electing local Chicanos to the school board. Rudulfo “Corky “ Gonzalez assisted in establishing the Crusade for Justice in Colorado. The Crusade aided high school and university students in gaining more representation at Colorado universities and establishing Chicano Studies courses and programs in high schools and universities.
    [Show full text]
  • WHAT IS Mecha
    The official national symbol of MEChA is an eagle holding a machete-like weapon and a stick of dynamite. WHAT IS MEChA The acronym MEChA stands for "Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlan." or "Chicano Student Movement of Aztlan." MEChA is an Hispanic separatist organization that encourages anti-American activities and civil disobedience. The radical members of MEChA who refer to themselves as "Mechistas," romanticize Mexican claims to the "lost Territories" of the Southwestern United States -- a Chicano country called Aztlan. In its national constitution, MEChA calls for self-determination by its members to liberate Aztlan. MEChA's national constitution starts out: "Chicano and Chicana students of Aztlán must take upon themselves the responsibilities to promote Chicanismo within the community, politicizing our Raza with an emphasis on indigenous consciousness to continue the struggle for the self-determination of the Chicano people for the purpose of liberating Aztlán." These anti-American "Mechistas" live with the false illusion that they are being racially discriminated against because they are Latinos while totally dismissing the idea that maybe it is their ideology that is being discriminated against. At the MEChA National Conference on March 15 - 18, 2001, the official "MEChA Philosophy" was ratified. An excerpt from the document states: "as Mechistas, we vow to work for the liberation of Aztlan." The MEChA Clubs on each of the Santa Barbara high school campuses are not the only ones. MEChA groups exist on 90 percent of the public high school, college and university campuses in the Southwestern United States. WHAT IS AZTLAN? The myth of Aztlan can best be explained by California's Santa Barbara School District's Chicano Studies textbook, "The Mexican American Heritage" by East Los Angeles high school teacher Carlos Jimenez.
    [Show full text]
  • RACE and the NEWS Coverage of Martin Luther King Day and Dia De Los Muertos in Two California Dailies
    RACE AND THE NEWS Coverage of Martin Luther King Day and Dia de los Muertos in two California dailies Regina M. Marchi News coverage of multicultural celebrations has been categorized as stereotypical and apolitical*portraying racial minorities in festive, non-threatening ways that appeal to Anglo audiences without challenging the political system that oppresses people of color. Analyzing 10 years of Martin Luther King Day and Day of the Dead celebration coverage in the Los Angeles Times and the San Francisco Chronicle, this paper concludes that a significant number of celebration stories discuss serious political issues affecting people of color in ways that contradict the assumptions of racial equality and peaceful coexistence generally associated with multi- cultural projects. Because of the ‘‘sphere of consensus’’ status of these ‘‘soft’’ news stories, non-elite sources and oppositional perspectives are prominent in ways that are not typical of ‘‘hard’’ political news. KEYWORDS multiculturalism; non-elite sources; public rituals; race in the news; racial stereotypes; soft news; sphere of consensus Introduction News coverage of multicultural celebrations is widely considered to be apolitical because of its focus on children, family entertainment, and ‘‘exotic’’ cultural performances that stand out from the everyday conventions of mainstream Anglo Americans. Such news falls within the journalistic realm of the ‘‘sphere of consensus,’’ which Dan Hallin defines as ‘‘the region of motherhood and apple pie: in its bounds lie those social objects not regarded by journalists and by most of the society as controversial’’ (1994, p. 53). Typically accompanied by photos, news on ethnic festivals such as Chinese New Year, Native American pow-wows, or Cinco de Mayo has evolved from relatively rare (pre-1980s)1 to routine fare at newspapers across the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • Art for La Causa
    Art for La Causa The civil rights era of the 1960s, in which marginalized groups demanded equal rights, dramatically altered American society. Galvanized by the times in which they lived, Latino artists became masters of socially engaged art, challenging prevailing notions of American identity and affirming the mixed indigenous, African, and European heritage of Latino communities. Many artists reinvigorated mural and graphic traditions in an effort to reach ordinary people where they lived and worked. Whether energizing genres like history painting, or creating activist posters or works that penetrated bicultural experiences, Latino artists shaped and chronicled a turning point in American history. The Latino Civil Rights movement began around the same time as the African American Civil Rights movement during the 1960s. The Latino community founds its voice in civil rights activist Cesar Chavez in their quest for equality. Chavez, inspired by Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr., implemented peaceful protest strategies in the effort to expand civil and labor rights for Latinos. The marches, strikes, and fasts that Chavez and others employed aided in raising awareness of unfair labor practices, such as low wages and poor working conditions facing the Latino community. These issues became compelling motivation for Latino artists to use their talents to raise awareness and engage others for La Causa. Their artwork, which began as an expression of public art forms, fueled ongoing political activism and a greater sense of cultural pride. Political banners and posters carried during marches and protests were some of the first art forms of the movement. While Emanuel Martinez’s Farm Workers Altar is an excellent example of early public art of the movement, Carmen Lomas Garza’s Camas para Sueños exudes cultural pride in depicting a scene of everyday life in a Mexican American family.
    [Show full text]
  • Reconsidering the Relationship Between New Mestizaje and New Multiraciality As Mixed-Race Identity Models1
    Reconsidering the Relationship Between New Mestizaje and New Multiraciality as Mixed-Race Identity Models1 Jessie D. Turner Introduction Approximately one quarter of Mexican Americans marry someone of a different race or ethnicity— which was true even in 1963 in Los Angeles County—with one study finding that 38 percent of fourth- generation and higher respondents were intermarried.1 It becomes crucial, therefore, to consider where the children of these unions, a significant portion of the United States Mexican-descent population,2 fit within current ethnoracial paradigms. As such, both Chicana/o studies and multiracial studies theorize mixed identities, yet the literatures as a whole remain, for the most part, non-conversant with each other. Chicana/o studies addresses racial and cultural mixture through discourses of (new) mestizaje, while multiracial studies employs the language of (new) multiraciality.3 Research on the multiracially identified population focuses primarily on people of African American and Asian American, rather than Mexican American, backgrounds, whereas theories of mestizaje do not specifically address (first- and second- generation) multiracial experiences. In fact, when I discuss having parents and grandparents of different races, I am often asked by Chicana/o studies scholars, “Why are you talking about being multiracial as if it were different from being mestiza/o? Both are mixed-race experiences.” With the limitations of both fields in mind, I argue that entering these new mixed-identity discourses into conversation through an examination of both their significant parallels and divergences accomplishes two goals. First, it allows for a more complete acknowledgement and understanding of the unique nature of multiracial Mexican-descent experiences.
    [Show full text]
  • Afro-Latinx Transnational Identities: Adults in the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles Area Koby Heramil [email protected]
    The University of San Francisco USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center Master's Theses Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects Fall 12-15-2017 Afro-Latinx Transnational Identities: Adults in the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles Area Koby Heramil [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.usfca.edu/thes Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons, Education Commons, and the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Heramil, Koby, "Afro-Latinx Transnational Identities: Adults in the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles Area" (2017). Master's Theses. 262. https://repository.usfca.edu/thes/262 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects at USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Afro-Latinx Transnational Identities: Adults in the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles Area Koby Heramil University of San Francisco November 2017 Master of Arts in International Studies Afro-Latinx Transnational Identities: Adults in the San Francisco Bay and Los Angeles Area In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS in INTERNATIONAL STUDIES by Koby Heramil November 21, 2017 UNIVERSITY OF SAN FRANCISCO Under the guidance and approval of the committee, and approval by all the members, this thesis project has been accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree. APPROVED: Adviser Date 12-21-2017 ________________________________________ ________________________ Academic Director Date ________________________________________ ________________________ !ii Nomenclature (For this study) 1.
    [Show full text]
  • American Nationalisms HIST384, Fall 2011 Monday, Thursday, 10:50­12:05; HUM 111
    American Nationalisms HIST384, Fall 2011 Monday, Thursday, 10:50­12:05; HUM 111 Instructor: Reynolds J. Scott­Childress ​ Office Hours: Monday, 9:15 – 10:15; Wednesday, 9:15 – 11:15; Thursday, ​ 1:45 – 2:45; and by appointment Office: 1012 JFT ​ E­mail: [email protected] ​ ​ Phone: x3727 ​ COURSE OBJECTIVES AND REQUIREMENTS American Nationalisms has three primary goals. The first is to examine the ​ ways different groups of people from outside the white Anglo­Saxon Protestant stereotype have tried to imagine themselves as Americans in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The second is to contemplate how we ourselves invent, maintain, and revise an American identity. The third is to develop a writing voice for explaining the ways these two imaginative projects intersect and diverge. Course Requirements • Attend class regularly and promptly. If you know you will miss a class beforehand, contact me. The earlier you let me know, the better I can help you make up the work. • Finish reading assignments Before the Date Assigned. You are expected to be able to answer questions orally about the reading materials. • Satisfactorily complete fifteen journal entries and three papers. • You must be absolutely clear on the University’s policy regarding academic ​ ​ integrity, particularly the section on plagiarism, which is quoted just below. Both active and passive plagiarism will be subject to disciplinary action. Students who plagiarize in any manner or form will receive a final grade of “F” for the course. SUNY New Paltz Policy on Academic Integrity Students are expected to maintain the highest standards of honesty in their college work.
    [Show full text]
  • Chicano Studies Research Center Annual Report 2018-2019 Submitted by Director Chon A. Noriega in Memory of Leobardo F. Estrada
    Chicano Studies Research Center Annual Report 2018-2019 Submitted by Director Chon A. Noriega In memory of Leobardo F. Estrada (1945-2018) 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. DIRECTOR’S MESSAGE 3 HIGHLIGHTS 5 II. DEVELOPMENT REPORT 8 III. ADMINISTRATION, STAFF, FACULTY, AND ASSOCIATES 11 ​ IV. ACADEMIC AND COMMUNITY RELATIONS 14 ​ V. LIBRARY AND ARCHIVE 26 ​ VI. PRESS 43 ​ VII. RESEARCH 58 ​ VIII. FACILITIES 75 ​ APPENDICES 77 ​ 2 I. DIRECTOR’S MESSAGE The UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center (CSRC) was founded in 1969 with a commitment to foster multi-disciplinary research as part of the overall mission of the university. It is one of four ethnic studies centers within the Institute of American Cultures (IAC), which reports to the UCLA Office of the Chancellor. The CSRC is also a co-founder and serves as the official archive of the Inter-University Program for Latino Research (IUPLR, est. 1983), a consortium of Latino research centers that now includes twenty-five institutions dedicated to increasing the number of scholars and intellectual leaders conducting Latino-focused research. The CSRC houses a library and special collections archive, an academic press, externally-funded research projects, community-based partnerships, competitive grant and fellowship programs, and several gift funds. It maintains a public programs calendar on campus and at local, national, and international venues. The CSRC also maintains strategic research partnerships with UCLA schools, departments, and research centers, as well as with major museums across the U.S. The CSRC holds six (6) positions for faculty that are appointed in academic departments. These appointments expand the CSRC’s research capacity as well as the curriculum in Chicana/o and Latina/o studies across UCLA.
    [Show full text]
  • Colorado Heritage Magazine “Heading the History Colorado Board Is Profoundly • Discounts on Lectures, Tours and Gift Shop and Café Important to Me,” She Says
    The Magazine of History Colorado March/April 2015 ElMovimiento TheChicano Movement inColorado At the History Colorado Center and Inside This Issue ALSO IN THIS ISSUE n The 1968 Exhibit n 1960s-Themed Programs and Happenings n Spring Programs Around the State Colorado Heritage The Magazine of History Colorado Edward C. Nichols Steve Grinstead Managing Editor President and CEO Liz Simmons Editorial Assistance History Colorado Center Darren Eurich, State of Colorado/IDS Graphic Designer 1200 Broadway Jay DiLorenzo and Aaron Marcus Photographic Services Denver, Colorado 80203 303/HISTORY William J. Convery State Historian Administration Public Relations Colorado Heritage (ISSN 0272-9377), published by History 303/866-3355 303/866-3670 Colorado, contains articles of broad general and educational Membership Group Sales Reservations interest that link the present to the past. Heritage is distributed 303/866-3639 303/866-2394 bimonthly to History Colorado members, to libraries, and to Museum Rentals Archaeology & Historic Preservation institutions of higher learning. Manuscripts must be documented 303/866-4597 303/866-3392 when submitted, and originals are retained in the Publications Research Librarians State Historical Fund office. An Author’s Guide is available; contact the Publications 303/866-2305 303/866-2825 office. History Colorado disclaims responsibility for statements of Education Support Us fact or of opinion made by contributors. 303/866-4686 303/866-4737 Postage paid at Denver, Colorado All History Colorado members receive Colorado Heritage as a History Colorado on the Web benefit of membership. Individual subscriptions are available through the Membership office for $40 per year (six issues). HistoryColorado.org For details about membership write to Membership Office, History Colorado Center, or email us at [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • Leg Council to Settle on La Raza and MECHA
    S.B. County sues state for I.V. riots By MIKE PASENI Santa Barbara County has initiated a class action, suit on behalf of the county tax payers against the state for damages suffered in the Isla Vista riots of 1970. Donald Vickers of the County Counsel Office said the suit is based on two points: first, under state statutes the state should reimburse the county for extraordinary expenses, which would include the overtime payments of the County Sheriffs Department and equipment damage; second, the county maintains that the suppression of riots is a matter of statewide concern and therefore it is a violation of equal protection laws to burden the tax payers of this county alone with the costs incurred by the riots. Also playing a part are the facts that the riot started on the UCSB campus, which is state property, then spilled over onto county property and that the county insurance carrier will not cover the claims against the county for police brutality and other abuse. The county is calling for a reimbursement of approximately $1.5 million with the provision that this figure may be adjusted upon the attainment of more information. Should this amount be awarded to the county, it will produce indirect benefits to the tax payers, as the costs have already been paid for in county funds. If reimbursement is not granted, it will be county tax payers who pick up the tab for suppressing the Isla Vista riots. The action was filed in Los Angeles Superior Court specifically against the state, Governor Reagan and State Finance Director Vern Orr.
    [Show full text]
  • A Finding Aid to the Tomás Ybarra- Frausto Research Material on Chicano Art, 1965-2004, in the Archives of American Art
    A Finding Aid to the Tomás Ybarra- Frausto Research Material on Chicano Art, 1965-2004, in the Archives of American Art Gabriela H. Lambert, Rosa Fernández and Lucile Smith 1998, 2006 Archives of American Art 750 9th Street, NW Victor Building, Suite 2200 Washington, D.C. 20001 https://www.aaa.si.edu/services/questions https://www.aaa.si.edu/ Table of Contents Collection Overview ........................................................................................................ 1 Administrative Information .............................................................................................. 1 Autobiographical Note...................................................................................................... 2 Scope and Content Note................................................................................................. 2 Arrangement..................................................................................................................... 4 Names and Subjects ...................................................................................................... 4 Container Listing ............................................................................................................. 5 Series 1: Subject Files, 1965-2004.......................................................................... 5 Tomás Ybarra-Frausto research material AAA.ybartoma Collection Overview Repository: Archives of American Art Title: Tomás Ybarra-Frausto research material Identifier: AAA.ybartoma Date: 1965-2004 Creator:
    [Show full text]
  • The Chicanos: As We See Ourselves
    The Chicanos: As We See Ourselves Item Type book; text Publisher University of Arizona Press (Tucson, AZ) Rights Copyright © 1979 by The Arizona Board of Regents. The text of this book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License (CC BY- NC-ND 4.0), https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. Download date 04/10/2021 03:12:25 Item License http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/632291 As We See Ourselves As~ See Ourselves Arnulfo D. Trejo, editor Fausto Avendano Sylvia Alicia Gonzales Roberto R. Bacalski-Marttnez Manuel H. Guerra David Ballesteros Guillermo Lux Jose Antonio Burciaga Martha A. Ramos Rudolph 0. de la Garza Reyes Ramos Ester Gallegos y Chavez Carlos G. Velez-I. Maurilio E. Vigil The University of Arizona Press Tucson & London About the Editor . ARNULFO D. TREJO, professor of library science at the University of Arizona, is author of Diccionario etimológico latinoamericano del léxico de la delincuencia and Bibliografía Chicana: A Guide to Information Sources. He has also edited Quién es Quién: a Who’s Who of Spanish Heritage Librarians in the United States. He received an M.A. in Spanish languge and literature from the Universidad de las Américas, Mexico; an M.A. in Library Science from Kent State University, and a Ph.D. from the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico. He was born in Durango, Mexico, in 1922, and grew up in Tucson, Arizona. He has published articles in both English and Spanish in various professional journals.
    [Show full text]