DOCSLIB.ORG

Harold Wilson, Lyndon B Johnson and Anglo-American Relations 'At the Summit', 1964-68 Colman, Jonathan

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Harold Wilson, Lyndon B Johnson and Anglo-American Relations 'At the Summit', 1964-68 Colman, Jonathan www.ssoar.info A 'special relationship'? Harold Wilson, Lyndon B Johnson and Anglo-American relations 'at the summit', 1964-68 Colman, Jonathan Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Monographie / monograph Zur Verfügung gestellt in Kooperation mit / provided in cooperation with: OAPEN (Open Access Publishing in European Networks) Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Colman, J. (2004). A 'special relationship'? Harold Wilson, Lyndon B Johnson and Anglo-American relations 'at the summit', 1964-68.. Manchester: Manchester Univ. Press. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-271135 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de A ‘special relationship’? prelims.p65 1 08/06/2004, 14:37 To Karin prelims.p65 2 08/06/2004, 14:37 A ‘special relationship’? Harold Wilson, Lyndon B. Johnson and Anglo- American relations ‘at the summit’, 1964–68 Jonathan Colman Manchester University Press Manchester and New York distributed exclusively in the USA by Palgrave prelims.p65 3 08/06/2004, 14:37 Copyright © Jonathan Colman 2004 The right of Jonathan Colman to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Published by Manchester University Press Oxford Road, Manchester M13 9NR, UK and Room 400, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk Distributed exclusively in the USA by Palgrave, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010, USA Distributed exclusively in Canada by UBC Press, University of British Columbia, 2029 West Mall, Vancouver, BC, Canada V6T 1Z2 British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data applied for ISBN 0 7190 7010 4 hardback EAN 978 0 7190 7010 5 First published 2004 13 12 11 10 09 08 07 06 05 04 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Typeset by Freelance Publishing Services, Brinscall www.freelancepublishingservices.co.uk Printed in Great Britain by Biddles Ltd, King’s Lynn prelims.p65 4 08/06/2004, 14:37 Contents Acknowledgements page vi Abbreviations vii Introduction 1 1 The approach to the summit 20 2 The Washington summit, 7–9 December 1964 37 3 From discord to cordiality, January–April 1965 53 4 ‘A battalion would be worth a billion’? May–December 1965 75 5 Dissociation, January–July 1966 100 6 A declining relationship, August 1966–September 1967 121 7 One ally among many, October 1967–December 1968 147 Conclusion: Harold Wilson and Lyndon B. Johnson: a ‘special relationship’? 167 Select bibliography 182 Index 188 prelims.p65 5 08/06/2004, 14:37 Acknowledgements I would like to thank Dr Michael Hopkins of Liverpool Hope University College for supervising the PhD dissertation upon which this book is based and for commenting on some of the draft manuscript chapters. Professor John Young of Nottingham University suggested the original idea for the research. He and Dr Matthew Stibbe of Liverpool Hope were respectively the external and internal examiners of the dissertation and both made invaluable comments. Mr Michael O’Grady provided further constructive criticism of the PhD thesis and of the draft manuscript and has been a kind and encouraging mentor for a long time. Thanks are due to the departments of History and American Studies at Liverpool Hope for their help and encouragement over the years, especially to Dr Janet Hollinshead in the former department. At the University of Liverpool Dr Nigel Ashton and Dr Michael Hughes provided useful comments on the early stages of the PhD project. Dr Clive Jones and Professor Caroline Kennedy-Pipe were both very helpful and supportive when I was an MA student at the University of Leeds some years ago. More recently, the Department of International Politics at the University of Wales Aberystwyth has provided a wonderfully congenial and stimulating environment in which I could revise the draft manuscript. Professor Len Scott of this department kindly read and commented upon some of the early chapters. The anonymous reviewers for Manchester University Press were meticulous and constructive in their evaluations of the book proposal and of the draft manuscript. Professor John Dumbrell’s expressions of support for the book have been much appreciated. I am also grateful to Liverpool Hope University College, the University of Liverpool and the Richard Stapeley Educational Trust for help with university fees and the cost of the research. The archivists at the Lyndon B. Johnson Library in Austin, Texas; US National Archives at College Park, Maryland; the Virginia Historical Society in Richmond, Virginia; the Public Record Office (now the National Archives) at Kew; and the Bodleian Library, Oxford, were all efficient and helpful. Mrs Frieda Warman-Brown kindly granted me permission to examine the private papers of her father, George Brown, at the Bodleian. Thanks also to the interlibrary loans service at Burnley Central Library, of which I made extensive use over the years. My parents have from the beginning provided essential support for my academic career. Any limitations of this work are entirely my own responsibility. prelims.p65 6 08/06/2004, 14:37 Abbreviations ANF Atlantic Nuclear Force BAOR British Army of the Rhine CIA Central Intelligence Agency EEC European Economic Community EFTA European Free Trade Association FCO Foreign and Commonwealth Office FO Foreign Office GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade GCHQ Government Communications Headquarters GNP Gross National Product HMG Her Majesty’s Government IMF International Monetary Fund MLF Multilateral Force NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organisation NHS National Health Service NORAD North American Air Defence Command NSA National Security Agency (US) NSC National Security Council NSF National Security File SEATO South East Asia Treaty Organisation UDI Unilateral Declaration of Independence UN United Nations prelims.p65 7 08/06/2004, 14:37 prelims.p65 8 08/06/2004, 14:37 Introduction In the years 1964–68, the Labour government of Harold Wilson coincided with the Democratic presidency of Lyndon B. Johnson. David Bruce, US Ambassador to London 1961–69, regarded the relationship between Wilson and Johnson as an especially interesting one, because ‘seldom if ever have two heads of state been such long-time master politicians in the domestic sense as those two’.1 Many writers have commented on the Wilson–Johnson relationship, usually highlighting the undoubted strains therein. Ritchie Ovendale, for example, ar- gues that although they were ‘initially effusive in their reciprocal praise’, the two leaders soon ‘viewed each other with some suspicion’. The President ‘thought that Wilson was too keen to cross the Atlantic to bolster his domestic position’, and believed ‘that the British Prime Minister was too clever by half’.2 British Ambassador to Washington in the 1980s, Robin Renwick, states that ‘no per- sonal rapport developed between Johnson and Wilson, hard as Wilson tried to cultivate the impression that there was one’.3 According to Raymond Seitz, US Ambassador to London during the 1990s, Johnson ‘could barely conceal his disdain for Harold Wilson. He once referred to him as “a little creep”.’ Yet Wilson ‘thought his friendship with Johnson was harmony itself’.4 John Dickie maintains that ‘Even the most ardent Atlanticists were surprised at the sudden cooling of the Special Relationship so soon after the end of the Kennedy– Macmillan era’. In particular, Wilson’s prime ministership ‘set the scene for a decline which continued for fifteen years until Margaret Thatcher rekindled the special warmth of the partnership with Ronald Reagan’.5 The literature of the Anglo-American ‘special relationship’ For the purpose of this work the Anglo-American ‘special relationship’ is de- fined as unusually close institutional bonds, frequent consultation and concerted policies between the governments of Britain and the United States, and, in the most rarefied sense, to regular, cordial and productive mutual dealings between prime ministers and presidents. The field of Anglo-American relations has at- tracted much attention from academics, among whom it is accepted that the world wars, especially the second, enabled the United States to displace Britain intro.p65 1 08/06/2004, 14:38 2 A ‘special relationship’? as the leading ‘great power’. David Dimbleby and David Reynolds note that in both conflicts Britain was among the first to become involved, and both times ‘at the point of exhaustion she [was] saved by the United States … although undefeated, Britain’s power [was] diminished and her economy weakened’.6 There is some uncertainty about the precise origin of the term ‘special relationship’ as a reference to Anglo-American bonds, but Winston Churchill certainly used the expression in February 1944 when he wrote that it was his ‘deepest conviction that unless Britain and the United States are joined in a Special Relationship including Combined Staff Organisation and a wide measure of reciprocity in the use of bases – all within the ambit of a world organisation – another destruc- tive war will come to pass’.7 The expression entered the public domain as a result of Churchill’s ‘Iron Curtain’ speech of March 1946, when it was used as a ‘prescriptive’ reference to close cooperation between Britain and the United States.8 In their coverage of the relationship over first two post-war decades, most writ- ers do tend to regard the adjective ‘special’ as at least partially warranted. The American academic and foreign policy practitioner Henry Kissinger, for ex- ample, notes how effectively British diplomats brought their influence to bear upon American policymakers.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Father of the House Sarah Priddy
    BRIEFING PAPER Number 06399, 17 December 2019 By Richard Kelly Father of the House Sarah Priddy Inside: 1. Seniority of Members 2. History www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary Number 06399, 17 December 2019 2 Contents Summary 3 1. Seniority of Members 4 1.1 Determining seniority 4 Examples 4 1.2 Duties of the Father of the House 5 1.3 Baby of the House 5 2. History 6 2.1 Origin of the term 6 2.2 Early usage 6 2.3 Fathers of the House 7 2.4 Previous qualifications 7 2.5 Possible elections for Father of the House 8 Appendix: Fathers of the House, since 1901 9 3 Father of the House Summary The Father of the House is a title that is by tradition bestowed on the senior Member of the House, which is nowadays held to be the Member who has the longest unbroken service in the Commons. The Father of the House in the current (2019) Parliament is Sir Peter Bottomley, who was first elected to the House in a by-election in 1975. Under Standing Order No 1, as long as the Father of the House is not a Minister, he takes the Chair when the House elects a Speaker. He has no other formal duties. There is evidence of the title having been used in the 18th century. However, the origin of the term is not clear and it is likely that different qualifications were used in the past. The Father of the House is not necessarily the oldest Member.
    [Show full text]
  • A Look at Presidential Power and What Could Have Been John T
    Southern Illinois University Carbondale OpenSIUC Honors Theses University Honors Program 8-1992 The Difference One Man Makes: A Look at Presidential Power and What Could Have Been John T. Sullivan Follow this and additional works at: http://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/uhp_theses Recommended Citation Sullivan, John T., "The Difference One Man Makes: A Look at Presidential Power and What Could Have Been" (1992). Honors Theses. Paper 60. This Dissertation/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the University Honors Program at OpenSIUC. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of OpenSIUC. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Difference One Man Makes: A Look at Presidential Power and What Could Have Been By John T. Sullivan University Honors Thesis Dr. Barbara Brown July 1992 A question often posed in theoretical discussions is whether or not one person can make a difference in the ebb and flow of history. We might all agree that if that one person were a President of the United states, a difference could be made; but how much? While the presidency is the single most powerful position in the U.s. federal system of government, making it a formidable force in world affairs also, most scholars agree that the presidency, itself, is very limited, structurally. The success of a president in setting the nation along a desired course rests with the ingredients brought to the position by the person elected to it. Further, many events occur outside the control of the president. Fortune or failure depends upon how the individual in office reacts to these variables.
    [Show full text]
  • 'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
    ‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath.
    [Show full text]
  • Notes to the Introduction I the Expansion of England
    NOTES Abbreviations used in the notes: BDEE British Documents of the End of Empire Cab. Cabinet Office papers C.O. Commonwealth Office JICH journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History Notes to the Introduction 1. J. C. D. Clark, '"The Strange Death of British History?" Reflections on Anglo-American Scholarship', Historical journal, 40: 3 (1997), pp. 787-809 at pp. 803, 809. 2. S. R. Ashton and S. E. Stockwell (eds), British Documents of the End of Empire, series A, vol. I: Imperial Policy and Colonial Practice, 1925-1945, part I: Metro­ politan Reorganisation, Defence and International Relations, Political Change and Constitutional Reform (London: HMSO, 1996), p. xxxix. Some general state­ ments were collected, with statements on individual colonies, and submitted to Harold Macmillan, who dismissed them as 'scrappy, obscure and jejune, and totally unsuitable for publication' (ibid., pp. 169-70). 3. Clark,' "The Strange Death of British History"', p. 803. 4. Alfred Cobban, The Nation State and National Self-Determination (London: Fontana, 1969; first issued 1945 ), pp. 305-6. 5. Ibid., p. 306. 6. For a penetrating analysis of English constitutional thinking see William M. Johnston, Commemorations: The Cult of Anniversaries in Europe and the United States Today (New Brunswick and London: Transaction Publishers, 1991). 7. Elizabeth Mancke, 'Another British America: a Canadian Model for the Early Modern British Empire',]ICH, 25: 1 (January 1997), pp. 1-36, at p. 3. I The Expansion of England 1. R. A. Griffiths, 'This Royal Throne ofKings, this Scept'red Isle': The English Realm and Nation in the later Middle Ages (Swansea, 1983), pp.
    [Show full text]
  • A COUNTRY at WAR the ORIGIN, EVOLUTION, and FUTURE of CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS in the UNITED STATES by Joseph Luis Harper Viñas
    A COUNTRY AT WAR THE ORIGIN, EVOLUTION, AND FUTURE OF CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES by Joseph Luis Harper Viñas A thesis submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Government Baltimore, Maryland December 2018 © 2018 Joseph Luis Harper Viñas All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT The purpose of this research is to study the erosion of civil-military relations in the United States in order to determine whether it affects national security. The overall construct is regarding civil-military relations, not only between civilian and military government officials, but also those relationships with the citizenry in the United States. In order to study this, civil-military relations will be looked at through three different lenses. First of all, it is important to learn about the origins of civil-military relations in the United States and what the Founding Fathers thought of these relations. In order to do this, a look at the separation of powers between the Executive and Legislative branches of government will be examined, as well as what the Founding Fathers felt regarding having a standing army in the United States during times of peace. The second point regarding these relations will be studied by looking at the evolution of civil-military relations with regards to the civil-military gap. Accession numbers provided by the Department of Defense will be analyzed in order to determine if the US military is representative of its citizens. Accession numbers from the post-Vietnam all volunteer force up until recent times will be used.
    [Show full text]
  • Richard Neustadt
    !RICHARD NEUSTADT Presidential Power and the Modern President From this often-read book comes the classic concept of presidential power as "the power to persuade. " Richard Neustadt observed the essence of presidential power when working in the executive branch during Franklin Roosevelt's term as president. He stayed to serve under President Truman. It is said that President Kennedy brought Presidential Power with him to the White House, and Neustadt worked briefly for JFK. The first half of the excerpt, in which he shows how presidents' well-developed personal characteristics permit successful persuasive abilities, comes from the book's first edition. The excerpt's closing pages reflect Neustadt's recent musings on the nation, on world affairs, and on the challenges presidents face. IN THE EARLY summer of 1952, before the heat of the campaign, President [Harry] Truman used to contemplate the problems of the general-become-President should [Dwight David] Eisenhower win the forthcoming election. "He'll sit here," Truman would remark (tapping his desk for emphasis), "and he'll say, 'Do this! Do that!' And nothing will happen. Poor Ike-it won't be a bit like the Army. He'll find it very frustrating." Eisenhower evidently found it so. "In the face of the continuing dissidence and disunity, the President sometimes simply exploded with exasperation," wrote Robert Donovan in comment on the early months of Eisenhower's first term. "What was the use, he demanded to know, of his trying to lead the Republican Party. ..... And this reaction was not limited to early months alone, or to his party only.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    Notes Introduction 1. It is important to note that whilst the international context of German foreign policy changed virtually overnight with the end of the Cold War, the content of German foreign policy was resistant to wholesale changes. To this end Eberwein and Kaiser state, ‘To a certain extent, when Germany was unified and attained full sovereignty, its position in international politics changed overnight’, in Eberwein, W.-D. and Kaiser, K. (eds) (2001), p. 3, Germany’s New Foreign Policy: Decision-making in an Interdependent World (Basingstoke: Palgrave). Banchoff contends that, ‘The collapse of the Soviet bloc and reunifi- cation transformed the context of German foreign policy’ in Banchoff, T. (1999), p. 131, The German Problem Transformed: Institutions, Politics and Foreign Policy, 1945–1995 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press). 2. Ladrech, R. (1994), ‘Europeanization of domestic politics and institutions: the case of France’, Journal of Common Market Studies, 32/1: 69–88; Miskimmon, A. and Paterson, W. E. (2003), ‘Foreign and Security Policy: On the Cusp Between Transformation and Accommodation’, in K. Dyson and K. H. Goetz (eds) (2003), German, Europe and the Politics of Constraint (Oxford: Proceedings of the British Academy/Oxford University Press), pp. 325–345; Lüdeke, A. (2002), Europäisierung der deutschen Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik: Konstitutive und opera- tive Europapolitik zwischen Maastricht und Amsterdam (Opladen: Leske ϩ Budrich); Schmalz, U. (2004), Deutschlands europäisierte Aussenpolitik (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag); Smith, M. E. (2000), ‘Conforming to Europe: The Domestic Impact of EU Foreign Policy Co-operation’, Journal of European Public Policy, 7/4: 613–631; Torreblanca, J. I. (2001), ‘Ideas, Preferences and Institutions: Explaining the Europeanization of Spanish Foreign Policy’, Arena Working Papers, WP01/26, University of Oslo.
    [Show full text]
  • Phenomenal Women
    A Preet Kaur Gill Angela Rayner Marion Phillips Maureen Colquhoun Shabana Mahmood Dawn Butler Barbara castle Margaret beckett Betty boothryod Jennie lee Harriet harman Jo Cox Marsha De Cordova Apsana Begum Diane Abbott Mo mowlam ellen wilkinson PHENOMENAL WOMEN Maureen Colquhoun MP was the first openly lesbian MP •Dawn Butler MP was the first elected Black female minister •Shabana Mahmood MP was one of the first female Muslim MPs • Apsana Begum MP was the first hijab-wearing Muslim MP •Preet Gill MP was the first female Sikh MP •Marion Phillips MP was the first female Jewish MP •Marsha De Cordova mp is Labour Shadow Women & Equalities minister • Barbara Castle MP only woman to have held the office of First Secretary of State • Ellen Wilkinson MP leading figure in the Jarrow Crusade of 1936 • Jo Cox MP a passionate campaigner for the rights of women and children • Mo Mowlam MP oversaw the negotiations which led to the 1998 Good Friday Agreement • Harriet Harman MP the first ever Minister for Women • Margaret Beckett MP she was elected Deputy Leader of the Labour Party in 1992, becoming the first woman to hold that role. • Betty Boothroyd MP the only woman to have served as Speaker, and one of the only two living former Speakers of the House of Commons. • Jennie Lee mp becoming the youngest woman member of the House of Commons. At the time of the by-election, women under the age of 30 were not yet able to vote. • Diane Abbott MP Abbott is the first black woman elected to Parliament, and the longest-serving black MP in the House of Commons.
    [Show full text]
  • 34-Everett-Declaration-Iso-Mtn
    Case 2:17-cv-01297-MJP Document 34 Filed 09/14/17 Page 1 of 5 1 The Honorable Marsha J. Pechman 2 3 4 5 6 7 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT WESTERN DISTRICT OF WASHINGTON 8 AT SEATTLE 9 10 RYAN KARNOSKI, et al., Case No. 2:17-cv-01297-MJP 11 Plaintiffs, 12 v. DECLARATION OF SAMANTHA EVERETT IN SUPPORT OF 13 DONALD J. TRUMP, in his official capacity as PLAINTIFFS’ MOTION FOR President of the United States, et al., PRELIMINARY INJUNCTION 14 Defendants. NOTE ON MOTION CALENDAR: 15 October 6, 2017 16 ORAL ARGUMENT REQUESTED 17 18 I, Samantha Everett, swear under penalty of perjury under the laws of the United States to 19 the following: 20 1. I am counsel of record for Plaintiffs in this action, am over age 18, and competent 21 to be a witness. I am making this Declaration based on facts within my own personal knowledge. 22 I provide this Declaration in support of Plaintiffs’ Motion for Preliminary Injunction. 23 2. Attached hereto as Exhibit 1 is a true and correct copy of Department of Defense 24 Press Briefing by Secretary Carter on Transgender Service Policies, dated June 30, 2016, 25 available at https://www.defense.gov/News/Transcripts/Transcript-View/Article/822347/ 26 department-of-defense-press-briefing-by-secretary-carter-on-transgender-service/. 27 3. Attached hereto as Exhibit 2 is a true and correct copy of a Statement by 28 Secretary Carter on DOD Transgender Policy, dated July 13, 2015, available at DECLARATION OF SAMANTHA EVERETT IN 2101 Fourth Avenue, Suite 1500 SUPPORT OF PLAINTIFFS’ MOTION FOR NEWMAN DU WORS LLP Seattle, Washington 98121 PRELIMINARY INJUNCTION - 1 (206) 274-2800 [2:17-cv-01297-MJP] Case 2:17-cv-01297-MJP Document 34 Filed 09/14/17 Page 2 of 5 1 https://www.defense.gov/News/News-Releases/News-Release-View/Article/612778.
    [Show full text]
  • Leopold and Wolfgang Mozart's View of the World
    Between Aufklärung and Sturm und Drang: Leopold and Wolfgang Mozart’s View of the World by Thomas McPharlin Ford B. Arts (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy European Studies – School of Humanities and Social Sciences University of Adelaide July 2010 i Between Aufklärung and Sturm und Drang: Leopold and Wolfgang Mozart’s View of the World. Preface vii Introduction 1 Chapter 1: Leopold Mozart, 1719–1756: The Making of an Enlightened Father 10 1.1: Leopold’s education. 11 1.2: Leopold’s model of education. 17 1.3: Leopold, Gellert, Gottsched and Günther. 24 1.4: Leopold and his Versuch. 32 Chapter 2: The Mozarts’ Taste: Leopold’s and Wolfgang’s aesthetic perception of their world. 39 2.1: Leopold’s and Wolfgang’s general aesthetic outlook. 40 2.2: Leopold and the aesthetics in his Versuch. 49 2.3: Leopold’s and Wolfgang’s musical aesthetics. 53 2.4: Leopold’s and Wolfgang’s opera aesthetics. 56 Chapter 3: Leopold and Wolfgang, 1756–1778: The education of a Wunderkind. 64 3.1: The Grand Tour. 65 3.2: Tour of Vienna. 82 3.3: Tour of Italy. 89 3.4: Leopold and Wolfgang on Wieland. 96 Chapter 4: Leopold and Wolfgang, 1778–1781: Sturm und Drang and the demise of the Mozarts’ relationship. 106 4.1: Wolfgang’s Paris journey without Leopold. 110 4.2: Maria Anna Mozart’s death. 122 4.3: Wolfgang’s relations with the Weber family. 129 4.4: Wolfgang’s break with Salzburg patronage.
    [Show full text]
  • Sro.Sussex.Ac.Uk
    A University of Sussex PhD thesis Available online via Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/ This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Please visit Sussex Research Online for more information and further details ‘Campaigning in poetry, governing in prose?’ The development of Conservative Party immigration policy in government and in opposition since 1945 Rebecca Partos Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics University of Sussex September 2016 2 Statement I hereby declare that this thesis has not been and will not be, submitted in whole or in part to another University for the award of any other degree. Signature: 3 University of Sussex Rebecca Partos Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics ‘Campaigning in poetry, governing in prose?’ The development of Conservative Party immigration policy in government and in opposition since 1945 Summary This thesis seeks to explain the development of the British Conservative Party’s immigration policy from 1945 to 2015. It draws on Gamble’s contrasting of the ‘politics of power’ versus the ‘politics of support’ to consider the extent to which Conservative immigration policy is influenced by periods in government and periods in opposition.
    [Show full text]
  • The UK's EU Vote
    BRUEGEL POLICY CONTRIBUTION ISSUE 2015/08 JUNE 2015 THE UK’S EU VOTE: THE 1975 PRECEDENT AND TODAY’S NEGOTIATIONS EMMANUEL MOURLON-DRUOL Highlights • The United Kingdom's European Union Referendum Bill, introduced in the House of Commons on 28 May 2015, legislates for the holding of a referendum before 31 December 2017 on the UK’s continued EU membership. UK prime minister David Cameron is opening negotiations with other EU member states to try to obtain an EU reform deal that better suits UK interests. Both the negotiations and the out- come of the referendum pose major challenges for the UK and the EU. • It will not be the first time that a UK government has staged a referendum following a renegotiation of its terms of EU membership. The first such referendum took place on 5 June 1975 after nearly a year of renegotiations, and the ‘yes’ won with 67.2 percent of the vote. Notwithstanding obvious differences, the conduct of today’s renegotiations should bear in mind this precedent, and in particular consider (a) how much the UK government can get out of the negotiations, in particular with respect to potential Treaty changes; (b) why political marketing is central to the Telephone referendum’s outcome; (c) how the UK administration’s internal divisions risk derai- +32 2 227 4210 ling the negotiations; and (d) why the negotiations risk antagonising even the UK’s [email protected] best allies. www.bruegel.org Emmanuel Mourlon-Druol ([email protected]) is a Visiting Scholar at Bruegel, Fellow at the Adam Smith Business School, University of Glasgow and Visiting Professor at the Université Libre de Bruxelles.
    [Show full text]