Interim Report of the Commission of Enquiry Into the Rapid Depreciation
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Quest for Liberation in South Africa: Contending Visions and Civil Strife, Diaspora and Transition to an Emerging Democracy
Scientia Militaria, South African Journal of Military Studies, Vol 30, Nr 2, 2000. http://scientiamilitaria.journals.ac.za The Quest for Liberation in South Africa: Contending Visions and Civil Strife, Diaspora and Transition to an Emerging Democracy Ian Liebenberg Introduction: Purpose of this contribution To write an inclusive history of liberation and transition to democracy in South Africa is almost impossible. To do so in the course of one paper is even more demanding, if not daunting. Not only does "the liberation struggle" in South Africa in its broadest sense span more than a century. It also saw the coming and going of movements, the merging and evolving of others and a series of principled and/or pragmatic pacts in the process. The author is attempting here to provide a rather descriptive (and as far as possible, chronological) look at and rudimentary outline to the main organisational levels of liberation in South Africa since roughly the 1870' s. I will draw on my own 2 work in the field lover the past fifteen years as well as other sources • A wide variety of sources and personal experiences inform this contribution, even if they are not mentioned here. Also needless to say, one's own subjectivities may arise - even if an attempt is made towards intersubjecti vity. This article is an attempt to outline and describe the organisations (and where applicable personalities) in an inclusive and descriptive research approach in See Liebenberg (1990), ldeologie in Konjlik, Emmerentia: Taurus Uitgewers; Liebenberg & Van der Merwe (1991), Die Wordingsgeskiedenis van Apartheid, Joernaal vir Eietydse Geskiedenis, vol 16(2): 1-24; Liebenberg (1994), Resistance by the SANNC and the ANC, 1912 - 1960, in Liebenberg et al (Eds.) The Long March: The Story of the Struggle for Liberation in South Africa. -
EB145 Opt.Pdf
E EPISCOPAL CHURCHPEOPLE for a FREE SOUTHERN AFRICA 339 Lafayette Street, New York, N.Y. 10012·2725 C (212) 4n-0066 FAX: (212) 979-1013 S A #145 21 february 1994 _SU_N_D_AY-.::..:20--:FEB:.=:..:;R..:..:U..:..:AR:..:.Y:.....:..:.1994::...::.-_---.". ----'-__THE OBSERVER_ Ten weeks before South Africa's elections, a race war looks increasingly likely, reports Phillip van Niekerk in Johannesburg TOKYO SEXWALE, the Afri In S'tanderton, in the Eastern candidate for the premiership of At the meeting in the Pretoria Many leading Inkatha mem can National Congress candidate Transvaal, the white town coun Natal. There is little doubt that showgrounds three weeks ago, bers have publicly and privately for the office of premier in the cillast Wednesday declared itself Natal will fall to the ANC on 27 when General Constand Viljoen, expressed their dissatisfaction at Pretoria-Witwatersrand-Veree part of an independent Boer April, which explains Buthelezi's head ofthe Afrikaner Volksfront, Inkatha's refusal to participate in niging province, returned shaken state, almost provoking a racial determination to wriggle out of was shouted down while advo the election, and could break from a tour of the civil war in conflagration which, for all the having to fight the dection.~ cating the route to a volkstaat not away. Angola last Thursday. 'I have violence of recent years, the At the very least, last week's very different to that announced But the real prize in Natal is seen the furure according to the country not yet experienced. concessions removed any trace of by Mandela last week, the im Goodwill Zwelithini, the Zulu right wing,' he said, vividly de The council's declaration pro a legitimate gripe against the new pression was created that the king and Buthelezi's nephew. -
Caught Between a Rock and Hard Place the State of Play for South Africa’S Beleaguered Development State
11 / 2009 Caught between a rock and hard place The state of play for South Africa’s beleaguered development state Saliem Fakir A brief introduction to the politics financial crisis has brought about an interregnum in The post-Polokwane period heralded a new economic policy thinking. era for the ANC. It hasn’t been called as such but This despite the fact that the Zuma era comes with an internal coup and revolution did take place. a greater emphasis for a developmental state and more For many it brought fears of political and intervention within the economy. economic uncertainty. Zuma had the taint of All the talk of budget restraint and deficits is corruption tagged upon him long before he got forcing a movement to the centre rather than the elected as president. left. It has become a useful excuse to beat leftist The pre-Polokwane era had a distinct etch on tendencies from within the alliance partners. the framing of the economy and the Zuma era was One can always revert to the status quo by saying expected to take a left turn. However, any concrete prudence is needed in the face of a global evdence of this is still to be seen. financial meltdown. Zuma’s rise to power was facilitated through Nonetheless, there is no real policy that one can concerted support from the ANC’s left-leaning distinctly point to for South Africa – a point which alliance partners – the South African Communist will be discussed in further detail later. Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). -
From SAA Bailout Critics | Citypress Public Enterprises Minister Pr
Gordhan shocked by ‘lack of insight, financial literacy’ from SAA bailout critics | Citypress Public Enterprises Minister Pravin Gordhan has slammed any critics of the latest bailout for the ailing SAA, taking particular aim at the DA. 2020-10-29 05:45:00 PM Source City Press Public Enterprises Minister Pravin Gordhan has slammed any critics of the latest bailout for the ailing SAA, taking particular aim at the DA. Public Enterprises Minister Pravin Gordhan has welcomed the government’s commitment to provide R10.5 billion to be used to finalise the business rescue plan and restructuring of South African Airways. Public Enterprises Minister Pravin Gordhan has welcomed the government’s commitment to provide R10.5 billion to be used to finalise the business rescue plan and restructuring of South African Airways (SAA).In a statement on Thursday, Gordhan slammed any critics of the latest bailout for the ailing airline, taking particular aim at the DA. “The minister is shocked and disappointed with the DA, other parties and some analysts’ lack of insight, financial literacy and understanding of governance processes. Worse, the DA ignores the suffering of SAA employees and the threat of losing their jobs,” the department said. “In order to hide their knowledge of the aviation sector and its economics, the DA and their partners manipulate facts to fabricate false ideas about SAA.”Read:Treasury defends airline bailout as state seeks partnersThe ministry said it believed the completion of the business rescue process was the only path to a viable and sustainable national carrier – one which supports job preservation and the ability to bring the airline back from the brink of collapse to a position where employees, suppliers and business partners could continue to contribute to the economy. -
The New Cabinet
Response May 30th 2019 The New Cabinet President Cyril Ramaphosa’s cabinet contains quite a number of bold and unexpected appointments, and he has certainly shifted the balance in favour of female and younger politicians. At the same time, a large number of mediocre ministers have survived, or been moved sideways, while some of the most experienced ones have been discarded. It is significant that the head of the ANC Women’s League, Bathabile Dlamini, has been left out – the fact that her powerful position within the party was not enough to keep her in cabinet may be indicative of the President’s growing strength. She joins another Zuma loyalist, Nomvula Mokonyane, on the sidelines, but other strong Zuma supporters have survived. Lindiwe Zulu, for example, achieved nothing of note in five years as Minister of Small Business Development, but has now been given the crucial portfolio of social development; and Nathi Mthethwa has been given sports in addition to arts and culture. The inclusion of Patricia de Lille was unforeseen, and it will be fascinating to see how, as one of the more outspokenly critical opposition figures, she works within the framework of shared cabinet responsibility. Ms de Lille has shown herself willing to change parties on a regular basis and this appointment may presage her absorbtion into the ANC. On the other hand, it may also signal an intention to experiment with a more inclusive model of government, reminiscent of the ‘government of national unity’ that Nelson Mandela favoured. During her time as Mayor of Cape Town Ms de Lille emphasised issues of spatial planning and land-use, and this may have prompted Mr Ramaphosa to entrust her with management of the Department of Public Works’ massive land and property holdings. -
Section 3: China's Strategic Aims in Africa
SECTION 3: CHINA’S STRATEGIC AIMS IN AFRICA Key Findings • Beijing has long viewed African countries as occupying a cen- tral position in its efforts to increase China’s global influence and revise the international order. Over the last two decades, and especially under General Secretary of the Chinese Com- munist Party (CCP) Xi Jinping’s leadership since 2012, Beijing has launched new initiatives to transform Africa into a testing ground for the export of its governance system of state-led eco- nomic growth under one-party, authoritarian rule. • Beijing uses its influence in Africa to gain preferential access to Africa’s natural resources, open up markets for Chinese exports, and enlist African support for Chinese diplomatic priorities on and beyond the continent. The CCP flexibly tailors its approach to different African countries with the goal of instilling admira- tion and at times emulation of China’s alternative political and governance regime. • China is dependent on Africa for imports of fossil fuels and commodities constituting critical inputs in emerging technology products. Beijing has increased its control of African commodi- ties through strategic direct investment in oil fields, mines, and production facilities, as well as through resource-backed loans that call for in-kind payments of commodities. This control threatens the ability of U.S. companies to access key supplies. • As the top bilateral financier of infrastructure projects across Africa, China plays an important role in addressing the short- age of infrastructure on the continent. China’s financing is opaque and often comes with onerous terms, however, leading to rising concerns of economic exploitation, dependency, and po- litical coercion. -
Africa's Soft Power : Philosophies, Political Values, Foreign Policies and Cultural Exports / Oluwaseun Tella
“This seven-chapter book is a powerful testimonial to consummate African scholarship. Its analysis is rigorous, insightful, lucid and authoritative, providing fresh perspectives on selected uniquely African philosophies, and the potential ities, deployment and limitations of soft power in Africa’s international relations. The author rigorously Africanises the concept, broadening its analytic scope from its biased Western methodology, thus brilliantly fulfilling that great African pro verb made famous by the inimitable Chinua Achebe: ‘that until the lions have their own historians, the history of the hunt will always glorify the hunter’. This is truly an intellectual tour de force.” W. Alade Fawole, Professor of International Relations, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. “This book addresses an important tool in the arsenal of foreign policy from an African perspective. African states have significant soft power capacities, although soft power is not always appreciated as a lever of influence, or fully integrated into countries’ foreign policy strategies. Tella takes Nye’s original concept and Africanises it, discussing Egypt, Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa via their respective philosophies of Pharaonism, Harambee, Omolúwàbí and Ubuntu. This study is a critical contribution to the literature on African foreign policies and how to use soft power to greater effect in building African agency on the global stage.” Elizabeth Sidiropoulos, Chief Executive, South African Institute of International Affairs, Johannesburg, South Africa. “Soft power is seldom associated with African states, given decades bedevilled by coup d’états, brazen dictatorships and misrule. This ground-breaking book is certainly a tour de force in conceptualising soft power in the African context. -
JULY 29-AUGUST 1, 2014 the Aspen Institute Is an Educational and Policy Studies Organization Based in Washington, DC
JULY 29-AUGUST 1, 2014 The Aspen Institute is an educational and policy studies organization based in Washington, DC. Its mission is to foster leadership based on enduring values and to provide a nonpartisan venue for dealing with critical issues. The Institute has campuses in Aspen, Colorado, and on the Wye River on Maryland’s Eastern Shore. It also maintains offices in New York City and has an international network of partners. For more information, visit www.aspeninstitute.org. The Aspen Global Leadership Network (AGLN) is a worldwide community of successful, high-integrity, entrepreneurial leaders, called Aspen Global Leadership Fellows. Because of their demonstrated leadership accomplishments and abilities, these Fellows have been selected to be part of one of 12 active or sector-specific Fellowships around the world. These Fellowships include or are modeled after the Aspen Institute’s flagship values-based leadership program, the Henry Crown Fellowship Program, launched in 1997. Fellows enter their program having demonstrated a great deal of personal success. They leave it inspired to make a greater mark on their communities and the world; to move, as we say, “from success to significance.” In between, they are provided with an intimate forum for deep introspection, probing dialogue, and interactive problem-solving. The Aspen Global Leadership Network is designed to spur these Fellows to stretch themselves — to take their leadership to greater heights and broaden their impact to include society at large. The Network connects Fellows through events like the Aspen Action Forum so that they can learn from, collaborate with, and support one another. The Aspen Global Leadership Network includes nearly 1,900 Fellows from 48 countries — and is growing. -
NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY DEVELOPMENT South Africa Case
NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY DEVELOPMENT South Africa Case Study Working Paper (Preliminary Draft) Mr. Peter Daniels March 2019 1. INTRODUCTION The 2015 Defence Review of South Africa was concluded after a consultative process with various stakeholders in the defence environment and the general public. The need for such consultative processes in part arises from the constitutional imperative of accountability, responsiveness and openness.1 This was however not the first consultative process followed with a defence policy in democratic South Africa. It was preceded by a 1996 White Paper on Defence entitled “Defence in Democracy” and a 1998 Defence Review. These two policy documents were instrumental in focusing the direction and emphasis of the South African military in a post-Apartheid era. As Greg Mills puts it, “South Africa’s 1994 transition to democracy meant, among other changes, adopting a new approach to defence with the creation of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF).”2 South Africa has a National Security Strategy,3 that was adopted by Cabinet in 2013, but it has been classified top secret.4 Given its security classification not everybody is aware of it,5 and it is not in a form that could be effectively consulted by the security sector. 6 The country has however realised the importance of such a policy guideline to ensure the protection of its national interests. Reference to both the National Security Policy and National Security Strategy, is made in the White Paper on Defence, the White Paper on Intelligence and the White Paper on South African Participation in International Peace Missions.7 The lack of an integrated, more inclusive and widely accessible national security policy has been criticised on a number of occasions especially by the South African National Defence Force. -
Two Cheers? South African Democracy's First Decade
Review of African Political Economy No.100:193-202 © ROAPE Publications Ltd., 2004 Two Cheers? South African Democracy’s First Decade Morris Szeftel The contributions in this issue mark the tenth anniversary of democracy and political liberation in South Africa. They are a selection of the papers originally presented to a Workshop organised in September 2003 in Johannesburg by the Democracy and Governance section of the Human Sciences Research Council of South Africa. We are grateful to Roger Southall, its director, and to John Daniel for organising the conference, agreeing to a joint publication of papers with ROAPE and co-editing this issue. All the contributors are scholars and activists living and working in South Africa. It is fitting that an assessment of the first decade of democracy in South Africa should also be the 100th issue of The Review of African Political Economy. From its beginnings in 1974, ROAPE’s commitment to the liberation and development of Africa always had the struggle for a democratic South Africa as one of its central themes. Alongside many others, contributors to the journal consistently viewed the fight against racial capitalism in South Africa as critical for the future of Africa as a whole; indeed, as one which defined ideas of justice and decency for all humanity. Writing on the 75th anniversary of the founding of the ANC, the editors argued that ‘its principles, expressed through the Freedom Charter, have come to stand for a democratic alternative in South Africa. It is the white state which today represents barbarism; the principles of the Charter which represent decency and civilisation’ (Cobbett et al, 1987:3). -
South Africa
SOUTHERN AFRICA PROJECT SOUTH AFRICA: TIlE COUNTDOWN TO ELECTIONS Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law 1450 G Street, N.W., Suite 400 • Washington, D.C. 20005 • (202) 662-8342 Issue 5: I anuary 28, 1994 ANC ANNOUNCES NATIONAL LIST FOR NATIONAL ASSEMBLY On January 24th, the African National Congress made public its National Election List for the National Assembly. As reported in the previous issue of Countdown, names will be drawn from the list below to fill seats in the legislature in the order that they appear on the list. Prominent people not appearing on the list such as ANC Deputy Secretary General Jacob Zuma have chosen to serve at the provincial level. [See Issue 4]. Profiles of nominees and lists submitted by other parties will appear in subsequent issues of Countdown. I. Nelson R Mandela 40. Mavivi Manzini 79 . Elijah Barayi 2. Cyril M Ramaphosa 41. Philip Dexter 80. Iannie Momberg 3. Thabo Mbeki 42. Prince lames Mahlangu 81. Prince M. Zulu 4. Ioe Siovo 43. Smangaliso Mkhatshwa 82. Elias Motswaledi 5. Pallo Iordan 44. Alfred Nzo 83. Dorothy Nyembe 6. lay Naidoo 45. Alec Erwin 84. Derek Hanekom 7. Ahmed Kathrada 46. Gregory Rockman 85. Mbulelo Goniwe 8. Ronnie Kasrils 47. Gill Marcus 86. Melanie Verwoerd 9. Sydney Mufamadi 48. Ian van Eck 87. Sankie Nkondo 10. Albertina Sisulu 49. Thandi Modise 88. Pregs Govender II. Thozamile Botha 50. Shepherd Mdladlana 89 . Lydia Kompe 12. Steve Tshwete 51. Nkosazana Zuma 90. Ivy Gcina 13. Bantu Holomisa 52. Nosiviwe Maphisa 91. Ela Ghandi 14. IeffRadebe 53. R. van den Heever 92. -
The Impact of the Global Recession on South Africa (ARI)
Area: Subsaharan Africa / International Economy & Trade ARI 114/2009 Date: 17/7/2009 The Impact of the Global Recession on South Africa (ARI) Hein Marais * Theme: This paper examines the impact of the global economic recession on South Africa’s economy and society, the ways in which the country’s government has chosen to respond to that crisis, and its likely social and political fall-out. Summary: Despite initial official denials, South Africa’s economy has entered in its first recession in almost two decades. The recession is predicted to last into 2010 and the social impact is likely to prove punishing. The African National Congress (ANC), re- elected to office in April, has pledged to cushion the shock with a package of measures that include an overhauled industrial policy. But a shift to the left in economic policy is highly unlikely, and the ANC remains ambivalent about further expanding its social grant system for the poor. A vibrant, ongoing tradition of social protest means that the political fall-out of the recession is difficult to predict. Analysis: Introduction South Africans have been known to think themselves different from the rest of Africa, a notion the Ugandan intellectual Mahmood Mamdani famously railed against in the 1990s as ‘South African exceptionalism’.1 But it is not often that they believe they are inoculated against the effects of a global calamity. And yet, until well into 2009, South Africa’s political and business elites seemed to languish in a state of denial and were broadcasting predictions of another year of positive economic growth, even as credit markets around the world asphyxiated and global demand dissolved.