Uganda: Still an African Success Story?
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Special Sessions for Sexual and Gender Cases 788 Sexual and Gender Based Violence Cases Cleared in 40 Days
Issue 12 |January 2019 Special sessions for sexual and gender cases 788 Sexual and Gender Based Violence cases cleared in 40 days Key highlights for the 21st Annual Judges’ Ben Kiwanuka Memorial year 2018 Conference - Concept Lecture rekindles fond memories THROUGH THE LENS Top representatives of the Executive, Legislature and the Top representatives of the Executive, Legislature and the Judiciary at the 2018 Opening of the New Law Year event Judiciary at the 2018 Opening of the New Law Year event at the Judiciary headquarters in Kampala on January 29, at the Judiciary headquarters in Kampala on January 29, 2018. The event is a State function. 2018. The event is a State function. Justice and Constitutional Affairs Minister, Kahinda Otafiire, The Principal Judge, Dr. Yorokamu Bamwine, inspects an is joined by Justice, Law and Order Sector stakeholders at inmates’ food stall at Luzira Prison Complex during a hands- the commissioning of Mitooma Justice Centres on August 30, on Plea Bargain training on May 2, 2018. Looking on is the 2018. Commissioner (Custodial Sentences), Robert Munanura. High Court Judge (Judiciary Projects/Execution & Bailiffs Secretary to Judiciary, Kagole Expedito Kivumbi, in a Division), Gadenya Paul Wolimbwa, displays the Sudreau Global candid talk with Judiciary senior management staff during Justice Award 2018 that he received in recognition of his a team building exercise at the High Court Gardens in contribution to the Justice Sector in Uganda, June 21, 2018. Kampala on September 6, 2018. INSIDE. The best is yet to come 2 21st Annual Judges’ Conference - Concept 5 Judiciary highlights for the year 2018 20 788 cases cleared in 40-day SGBV sessions 25 Ben Kiwanuka Memorial Lecture rekindles he New Year is a time for looking back and for fond memories looking forward. -
69 ACRONYMS ADFL Alliance Des Forces Démocratiques Pour La
ACRONYMS ADFL Alliance des Forces Démocratiques pour la Liberation du Congo CDR Coalition pour la Défense de la Republique. Extremist party during Habyarimana’s regime that had a key role in the genocide CIA Central Intelligence Agency (U.S.) CNDD Conseil National pour la Defénse de la Démocratie (Burundi) DIP Division of International Protection (UNHCR) DoD Department of Defense (U.S.) DSP Division Speciale Présidentielle. Elite force in the Zairian army ex-FAR Ex-Forces Armées Rwandaises. Former Rwandan Armed Forces under late President Habyarimana FAZ Forces Armées Zairoises ICRC International Committee of the Red Cross Interahamwe Means “those who work together”. Civilian militia of MRND, during Habyarimana’s regime. Had a key role in the genocide. Another militia, called Impuzamugambi, was organised by the CDR MNF Multinational Force MRND Mouvement Revolutionnaire National pour le Développement et la Démocratie. Habyarimana’s party NGO Nongovernmental Organization NSC National Security Council (U.S.) PRM Population, Refugee, and Migration Bureau (U.S. State Department) RDR Rassemblement pour le Retour et la Démocratie RPA Rwandan Patriotic Army RPF Rwandan Patriotic Front RTLMC Radio Television Libre des Mille Collines (Rwanda) SRSG Special Representative of the Secretary-General (U.N.) SURB Special Unit for Rwanda and Burundi. Set up within UNHCR Geneva as focal point for the crisis in the Great Lakes region UNAMIR United Nations Assistance Mission to Rwanda UNDP United Nations Development Programme UNHCHR United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund USAID United States Agency for International Development WFP World Food Programme ZCSC Zairian Camp Security Contingent. -
Role of Media in Curbing Corruption: the Case of Uganda Under President Yoweri K
Economic & Social Affairs DESA Working Paper No. 72 ST/ESA/2009/DWP/72 January 2009 Role of media in curbing corruption: the case of Uganda under President Yoweri K. Museveni during the “no-party” system Monica Nogara Abstract Free, independent and hard-hitting media can play an important role in curbing corruption. Media in Uganda has enjoyed considerable freedom in this regard since Museveni came to power in 1986. The evolving power structure and a changing media landscape, however, have presented both challenges and opportunities for media’s watchdog role on corruption. This paper will explore how this environment defined such role between 1986 and 2006 during Museveni’s “no-party” rule. It argues that, although media won important battles to promote accountability in public offices, the regime’s complex power structure has consistently challenged their role as an instrument of public accountability. JEL Classification: D72, D73, D81, D82, D83, H11, K40, L82 Keywords: corruption, media, press freedom, governance, rule of law Monica Nogara is currently Economic Affairs Officer in the Office for ECOSOC Support and Coordination. E-mail: [email protected] Comments should be addressed by email to the author. Contents Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 1 The role of media in curbing corruption ............................................................................. 2 The case of Uganda under President Yoweri K. Museveni ............................................................ -
Africa-China-US Trilateral Dialogue
Africa-China-U.S. Trilateral Dialogue Summary Report The Brenthurst Foundation Chinese Academy of Social Sciences Council on Foreign Relations Leon H. Sullivan Foundation Africa-China-U.S. Trilateral Dialogue Summary Report The Council on Foreign Relations is an independent, nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher dedicated to being a resource for its members, government officials, business executives, journalists, educators and students, civic and religious leaders, and other interested citizens in order to help them better understand the world and the foreign policy choices facing the United States and other countries. Founded in 1921, the Council carries out its mission by maintaining a diverse membership, with special programs to promote interest and develop expertise in the next generation of foreign policy leaders; convening meetings at its headquarters in New York and in Washington, DC, and other cities where senior government officials, members of Congress, global leaders, and prominent thinkers come together with Council members to discuss and debate major international issues; supporting a Studies Program that fosters independent research, enabling Council scholars to produce articles, reports, and books and hold roundtables that analyze foreign policy issues and make concrete policy recommendations; publishing Foreign Affairs , the preeminent journal on international affairs and U.S. foreign policy; sponsoring Independent Task Forces that produce reports with both findings and policy prescriptions on the most important foreign policy topics; and providing up-to-date information and analysis about world events and American foreign policy on its website, CFR.org. THE COUNCIL TAKES NO INSTITUTIONAL POSITION ON POLICY ISSUES AND HAS NO AFFILIATION WITH THE U.S. -
African Studies Quarterly
African Studies Quarterly Volume 8, Issue 2 Spring 2005 Neither Peace nor Justice: Political Violence and the Peasantry in Northern Uganda, 1986-1998 ADAM BRANCH Abstract: Uncertainty abounds concerning the 19-year conflict in Northern Uganda between the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) and the Ugandan government. Two questions have received the most attention and could have the most bearing on efforts to resolve the conflict: first, why has the Ugandan government been unable or unwilling to end the war for nineteen years? Second, why has the LRA chosen to use extreme violence against the Acholi instead of trying to build popular support? First, this article addresses these questions, arguing that the debate has failed to take into account the political agency of the Acholi peasantry in the conflict and the relations between the peasantry and government, on the one hand, and the peasantry and the LRA, on the other. By putting the Acholi peasantry and its relations with government and rebels at the center of the analysis, the longevity of the war and the tendency by both rebels and government to use violence against the peasantry can be made sense of as a consequence of both sides' failure to realize an effective popular mobilization among the Acholi. Second, the article traces historically these failures of popular mobilization and the paths by which both the Ugandan government and the LRA came to see the population as a threat and potential enemy instead of as a potential support base. Third, by putting the people at the center of the analysis of the conflict, the groundwork is laid for putting the people at the center of the resolution of the conflict, transcending the current tendency of conflict resolution agendas to focus only on elites, treating the civilian population as passive bystanders or victims. -
27 June 2007 Accra, GHANA REPORT of the FOURTEENTH
AFRICAN UNION UNION AFRICAINE UNIÃO AFRICANA P. O. Box 3243, Addis Ababa, ETHIOPIA Tel.: 00251-11-5517700 Cable: AU, ADDIS ABABA Website: www.africa- union.org PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVES’ COMMITTEE Fourteenth Ordinary Session 25 - 27 June 2007 Accra, GHANA PRC/RPT (XIV) REPORT OF THE FOURTEENTH ORDINARY SESSION OF THE PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVES’ COMMITTEE PRC/Rpt (XIV) Page 1 REPORT OF THE FOURTEENTH ORDINARY SESSION OF THE PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVES’ COMMITTEE I. INTRODUCTION 1. The Fourteenth Ordinary Session of the Permanent Representatives’ Committee (PRC) was held at the Headquarters of the African Union (AU) in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, from 18 to 20 June 2007 and in Accra, Ghana, from 25 to 27 June 2007 under the Chairmanship of H.E. Mr. John Evonlah Aggrey, Ambassador of the Republic of Ghana, Chairperson of the PRC. 2. The following Member States attended the meeting: Algeria, Angola, Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Congo, Côte d’Ivoire, Democratic Republic of Congo, Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Libya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, SADR, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, Sudan, Swaziland, Tanzania, Togo, Tunisia, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe. II. OPENING CEREMONY a) Remarks by the Chairperson of the Permanent Representatives’ Committee at the Accra Session 3. H.E. Mr. John Evonlah Aggrey, Ambassador of Ghana, in his capacity as Chairperson of the PRC, welcomed the participants to Accra. He stated that this session was a continuation of the PRC’s deliberations, which had started in Addis Ababa. -
Representations of the Rwandan Genocide
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Stellenbosch University SUNScholar Repository Bearing Witness to Trauma: Representations of the Rwandan Genocide Karin Samuel Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of English at the Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Dr. Meg Samuelson March 2010 DECLARATION By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the owner of the copyright thereof (unless to the extent explicitly otherwise stated) and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. December 2009 Copyright © 2009 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved 2 ABSTRACT This thesis will examine representations of the Rwandan genocide and its aftermath in selected literary and filmic narratives. It aims in particular to explore the different ways in which narrative devices are used to convey trauma to the reader or viewer, thus enabling them to bear witness to it. These include language, discourse, image, structure and perspectives, on the one hand, and the framing of the genocide on screen, on the other hand. The thesis argues that these narrative devices are used to provide partial insight into the trauma of the genocide and/or to produce empathy or distance between readers and viewers and the victims, perpetrators and survivors of the genocide. Particular attention is paid to the ways in which the selected novels and films advance the human dimension of the genocide. This will shift both victims and perpetrators out of the domain of statistics and evoke emotional engagement from readers and viewers. -
Status Competition in Africa: Explaining the Rwandan
ACCEPTED MANUSCRIPT—NOT THE VERSION OF RECORD. PLEASE DO NOT CITE OR CIRCULATE WITHOUT THE AUTHOR’S PERMISSION. STATUS COMPETITION IN AFRICA: EXPLAINING THE RWANDAN- UGANDAN CLASHES IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO 1 HENNING TAMM ABSTRACT Yoweri Museveni’s rebels seized power in Uganda in 1986, with Rwandan refugees making up roughly a quarter of his troops. These refugees then took power in Rwanda in 1994 with support from Museveni’s regime. Subsequently, between 1999 and 2000, the Rwandan and Ugandan comrades-in-arms turned on each other in a series of deadly clashes in the Democratic Republic of Congo, a country they had invaded together only one year earlier. What explains these fratri- cidal clashes? This article contends that a social-psychological perspective focused on status competition between the Rwandan and Ugandan ruling elites provides the most compelling an- swer. Long treated as ‘boys’, the new Rwandan rulers strove to enhance their social status vis-à- vis the Ugandans, seeking first equality and then regional superiority. Economic disputes over Congo’s natural resources at times complemented this struggle for status but cannot explain all of its phases. The article draws on interviews with senior Rwandan, Ugandan, and former Con- golese rebel officials, and triangulates them with statements given to national and regional newspapers at the time of the clashes. More broadly, it builds on the recently revitalized study of status competition in world politics and makes a case for integrating research on inter-African relations. IN AUGUST 1999, AND AGAIN IN MAY AND JUNE 2000, Rwandan and Ugandan troops fought each other in Kisangani, a large city in north-eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). -
African Studies Quarterly
African Studies Quarterly Volume 8, Issue 2 Spring 2005 Neither Peace nor Justice: Political Violence and the Peasantry in Northern Uganda, 1986-1998 ADAM BRANCH Abstract: Uncertainty abounds concerning the 19-year conflict in Northern Uganda between the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) and the Ugandan government. Two questions have received the most attention and could have the most bearing on efforts to resolve the conflict: first, why has the Ugandan government been unable or unwilling to end the war for nineteen years? Second, why has the LRA chosen to use extreme violence against the Acholi instead of trying to build popular support? First, this article addresses these questions, arguing that the debate has failed to take into account the political agency of the Acholi peasantry in the conflict and the relations between the peasantry and government, on the one hand, and the peasantry and the LRA, on the other. By putting the Acholi peasantry and its relations with government and rebels at the center of the analysis, the longevity of the war and the tendency by both rebels and government to use violence against the peasantry can be made sense of as a consequence of both sides' failure to realize an effective popular mobilization among the Acholi. Second, the article traces historically these failures of popular mobilization and the paths by which both the Ugandan government and the LRA came to see the population as a threat and potential enemy instead of as a potential support base. Third, by putting the people at the center of the analysis of the conflict, the groundwork is laid for putting the people at the center of the resolution of the conflict, transcending the current tendency of conflict resolution agendas to focus only on elites, treating the civilian population as passive bystanders or victims. -
The South African, African Union and Caribbean Diaspora Conference Report Contents
2 THE SOUTH AFRICAN, AFRICAN UNION AND CARIBBEAN DIASPORA CONFERENCE REPORT Contents FOREWORD 7 INTRODUCTION Towards Unity and United Action 8 SUMMARY OF THE PROCEEDINGS 14 OPENING STATEMENT Dr Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, Minister of Foreign Affairs, South Africa 34 STATEMENT BY Mr. K.D. Knight, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade, Jamaica 40 Report Commissioned by STATEMENT BY The Department of Foreign Affairs Mr Patrick Mazimhaka, Deputy Chairperson, African Union 42 Tel: +27 12 351 1000 Website: http://www.dfa.gov.za OPENING ADDRESS BY Pictures: Department of Foreign Affairs and GCIS Mr P.J. Patterson, Prime Minister of Jamaica 45 Page 78: A child in traditional gear at a cultural event during the AU diaspora conference held in KEYNOTE ADDRESS BY Senegal 2005. Dr Pallo Jordan, Minister of Arts and Culture, RSA 50 Inside front cover picture: A woman performing a dance at a cultural event during the AU diaspora conference held in Senegal 2005. KEYNOTE ADDRESS BY Dr. The Honourable Ralph Gonsalves, Prime Minister of St Vincent and the Grenadines 61 Report Prepared by The Africa Institute of South Africa CONFERENCE STATEMENT AND PLAN OF ACTION 70 PO Box 630, Arcadia, Pretoria, South Africa CLOSING STATEMENT BY Cnr Edmond St & Bailey Lane, Arcadia Tel: +27 12 304-9700 Dr Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, Minister of Foreign Affairs, RSA 76 Fax: + 27 12 323-8153 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.ai.org.za Foreword The South African, African Union and Carib- and to initiate dialogue on common challenges; strengthen bean Diaspora Conference was held in Kingston, partnerships and co-operation between the peoples of the Jamaica from 16 – 18 March 2005. -
United Nations Development Programme Uganda
United Nations Development Programme Uganda 2019 ANNUAL REPORT DELIVERING TOGETHER TO TRANSFORM UGANDA UNDP Uganda Annual Report 2019 Publisher: UNDP Uganda Published by the UNDP Communications Unit Photographs: UNDP Uganda 2019 Graphic Design: David Lloyd © 2020 United Nations Development Programme Plot 11, Yusuf Lule Road, Nakasero P.O.BOX 7184, Kampala, Uganda. Phone: +256417 112100/30 +256414 344801 Email: [email protected] Facebook: UNDPUganda Website: www.ug.undp.org Medium: @UNDPUganda Twitter: @UNDPUganda YouTube: UNDPinUganda About UNDP Uganda | i About UNDP Uganda The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) is the leading United Nations organization committed to ending injustices of poverty, inequality and climate change globally. Working with our broad network of experts and partners in 170 countries, we help nations to build integrated, lasting solutions for the people and the planet. In Uganda, UNDP is committed to supporting the Government to achieve sustainable development outcomes, create opportunities for empowerment, protect the environment, minimize natural and man-made disasters, build strategic partnerships, and improve the quality of life for all citizens, as set out in the UNDP Uganda Annual Report 2019 UNDP Uganda’s Transformative Country Programme. The year Publisher: UNDP Uganda 2019 brought UNDP Uganda close to the end of the United Published by the UNDP Communications Unit Nations Development Assistance Framework (UNDAF) for the Photographs: UNDP Uganda 2019 period 2016-2020 and the transitioning to a new development Graphic Design: David Lloyd framework premised on partnerships and cooperation. © 2020 United Nations Development Programme UNDP also laid the foundation for the realisation of the Plot 11, Yusuf Lule Road, Nakasero 2020-2030 Decade of Action and is supporting the country to P.O.BOX 7184, Kampala, Uganda. -
Chapter 1: Overview of the African Union and Continental Decision
Civil Society Organisations and the African Union chapter 1 7 chapter 1 Overview of the African Union and continental decision-making structures and processes 1.1 The Emergence of a New Civil society activists argue this commitment to a “people- Pan-Africanism led” Union represents a new political opportunity to engage at continental level towards a golden age of human A number of commentators have highlighted the rights, democratic governance and socio-economic emergence in recent years of a ‘new Pan-Africanism’. development for Africa’s peoples.To capitalise on this According to this view, the new Pan-Africanism remains opportunity to influence policy, they argue, civil society committed to the long aspired-to African unity and must engage with the AU itself.“The AU norms provide solidarity, while taking this aspiration to an unprecedented legitimacy, especially in those countries that are not very new level – manifested by the recognition that development, open,” argues think tank head Funmi Olonisakin.“The peace and security, and democracy are intertwined and moment the AU puts a stamp of approval on anything, it interdependent. opens doors in country”. Abdul-Raheem agrees:“If you look at the structure of the AU, a certain level of This recognition provided the impetus for the demise of continental coordination is intended. It is basically built the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and the birth of like a continental government. Regionalism is a reality in its successor continental organisation, the African Union Africa and therefore anybody who wants to engage with (AU), launched in Durban, South Africa in July 2002.