Preparing Brexit: No Deal Joe Owen Maddy Thimont Jack Jill Rutter
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854 Final ANNEXES 1 to 3 ANNEXES to The
EUROPEAN COMMISSION Brussels, 25.12.2020 COM(2020) 854 final ANNEXES 1 to 3 ANNEXES to the Proposal for a REGULATION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND OF THE COUNCIL on the Brexit Adjustment Reserve EN EN ANNEX I Allocation method for the pre-financing of the Brexit Adjustment Reserve The pre-financing of the Brexit Adjustment Reserve shall be distributed between the Member States according to the following methodology: 1. Each Member State’s share from pre-financing of the Brexit Adjustment Reserve is determined as the sum of a factor linked to the fish caught in the waters that belong to the UK Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) and a factor linked to trade with the UK. 2. The factor linked to fish caught in the UK EEZ is used to allocate EUR 600 million. The factor linked to trade is used to allocate EUR 3 400 million. Both amounts are expressed in 2018 prices. 3. The factor linked to fisheries is determined on the basis of the following criterion and by applying the following steps: a) share of each Member State of the total value of the fish caught in the UK EEZ; b) these shares are increased for Member States with fisheries that have an above average dependency on the fish caughts in the UK EEZ and decreased for the ones that have a below average dependency as following: (i) for each Member State, the value of fish caught in UK EEZ as a percentage of the total value of fish caught by that Member State is expressed as an index of the EU average (index of dependency); (ii) the initial share of the value of fish caught in the UK EEZ is adjusted by multiplying it with the Member State’s index of dependency; (iii) these adjusted shares are rescaled to ensure that the sum of all Member States’ shares equals 100%. -
The Brexit Vote: a Divided Nation, a Divided Continent
Sara Hobolt The Brexit vote: a divided nation, a divided continent Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Hobolt, Sara (2016) The Brexit vote: a divided nation, a divided continent. Journal of European Public Policy, 23 (9). pp. 1259-1277. ISSN 1466-4429 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2016.1225785 © 2016 Routledge This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/67546/ Available in LSE Research Online: November 2016 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. The Brexit Vote: A Divided Nation, a Divided Continent Sara B. Hobolt London School of Economics and Political Science, UK ABSTRACT The outcome of the British referendum on EU membership sent shockwaves through Europe. While Britain is an outlier when it comes to the strength of Euroscepticism, the anti- immigration and anti-establishment sentiments that produced the referendum outcome are gaining strength across Europe. -
Singapore on the Thames : Model for a Post‑Brexit UK?
This document is downloaded from DR‑NTU (https://dr.ntu.edu.sg) Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. Singapore on the Thames : Model for a Post‑Brexit UK? Martin, David 2020 Martin, D. (2020). Singapore on the Thames : Model for a Post‑Brexit UK? (RSIS Commentaries, No. 020). RSIS Commentaries. Singapore: Nanyang Technological University. https://hdl.handle.net/10356/137261 Nanyang Technological University Downloaded on 30 Sep 2021 07:03:19 SGT Singapore on the Thames: Model for a Post-Brexit UK? By David Martin SYNOPSIS Last week, the UK formally exited the European Union. As it charts a new destiny outside the EU post-Brexit, the domestic debate is whether it should adopt the Singapore model of economic self-reliance. Can ‘Singapore on the Thames’ work? COMMENTARY ‘SINGAPORE ON the Thames’ has become an unfortunate shorthand for what many Brexiteers laud as a model for Britain’s economy, now that it has formally left the European Union on 31 January 2020. Unfortunate for Singapore because it promotes a flawed view of its economic success and an international image it could do without. Unfortunate for the United Kingdom because the version of the Singapore model it promotes is both undeliverable and certain to make any trade deal with the EU more difficult, if not impossible, to deliver. Singapore’s Image in Britain The image of Singapore being promoted is that of a low tax (even tax haven), unregulated, small government laissez faire paradise. The advocates of ‘Singapore on the Thames’ either ignore or are ignorant of the fact that on top of a relatively low tax rate the Central Provident Fund compels workers and employers to contribute 37% of wages and salaries. -
BREXIT DIVORCE BILL” Eulalia Rubio | Senior Research Fellow, Jacques Delors Institute
TRIBUNE 21 NOVEMBER 2017 UNDERSTANDING THE “BREXIT DIVORCE BILL” Eulalia Rubio | Senior research fellow, Jacques Delors Institute T he UK’s financial settlement, or so-called “Brexit divorce bill”, refers to the expected payment the United Kingdom has to make to the EU to honour its share of the financial commitments jointly undertaken by EU countries while the UK was a member of the European Union. In media and in public discussions, there is some con- remaining EU-27 should adjust the MFF to reflect the fusion with regard to the nature of this payment and fact that one of the biggest net contributors is leaving. the legal and political arguments supporting the EU’s However, enlargement differs from withdrawal in that claim. The UK media tends to label this payment as an it is a decision adopted unanimously by EU member “exit bill” the EU is imposing on the UK to open trade states, not imposed by one of them on the others. talks. Brexit bill talks are also frequently portrayed as classical, zero-sum money negotiations. In reality, dis- It is also important to note that part of spending com- agreements on the amount of the bill hide more pro- mitments linked to this MFF will be executed after found discrepancies regarding the nature and compo- 2020. This is the famous RAL or “Reste-à-Liquider”, sition of this payment and, ultimately, in relation to the that is, the amount of spending authorised in EU nature of EU membership and the purpose of Brexit annual budgets but still not executed. -
Background, Brexit, and Relations with the United States
The United Kingdom: Background, Brexit, and Relations with the United States Updated April 16, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL33105 SUMMARY RL33105 The United Kingdom: Background, Brexit, and April 16, 2021 Relations with the United States Derek E. Mix Many U.S. officials and Members of Congress view the United Kingdom (UK) as the United Specialist in European States’ closest and most reliable ally. This perception stems from a combination of factors, Affairs including a sense of shared history, values, and culture; a large and mutually beneficial economic relationship; and extensive cooperation on foreign policy and security issues. The UK’s January 2020 withdrawal from the European Union (EU), often referred to as Brexit, is likely to change its international role and outlook in ways that affect U.S.-UK relations. Conservative Party Leads UK Government The government of the UK is led by Prime Minister Boris Johnson of the Conservative Party. Brexit has dominated UK domestic politics since the 2016 referendum on whether to leave the EU. In an early election held in December 2019—called in order to break a political deadlock over how and when the UK would exit the EU—the Conservative Party secured a sizeable parliamentary majority, winning 365 seats in the 650-seat House of Commons. The election results paved the way for Parliament’s approval of a withdrawal agreement negotiated between Johnson’s government and the EU. UK Is Out of the EU, Concludes Trade and Cooperation Agreement On January 31, 2020, the UK’s 47-year EU membership came to an end. -
No-Deal Brexit – What Does It Mean?
No-deal Brexit – what does it mean? Jeff Twentyman 19 September 2019 / The road to the exit (currently) 23 May 2019 12 April 2019 European 9 September 2019 End of first 4 September 2019 Parliament • Royal Assent for European extension to • European Union elections Union (Withdrawal) (No 2) Act Article 50 (Withdrawal (No 6) Bill – ruling out a no-deal 2019 23 June 2016 Brexit passes all stages • Second Government motion Brexit referendum - in House of Commons calling for an early general 51.9% in favour of 14 November 2018 • Government’s motion election defeated leaving the EU Brexit deal agreed by calling for an early • Prorogation of Parliament for 5 UK and EU negotiators 7 June 2019 General Election weeks to 14 October Theresa May 23 July 2019 defeated steps down Boris Johnson 2016 2017 2018 2019 appointed 5 / 6 September 2019 • House of Lords pass The 29 March 2019 3 September 2019 European Union Original Brexit • start of new Parliamentary term (Withdrawal) (No 6) Bill 29 March 2017 date 15 January, 13 March, • MP’s vote to take control UK triggers of House of Commons “Article 50” 29 March 2019 “Meaningful votes” – 27 March 2019 business Government defeated MPs’ “indicative • Start of legal proceedings votes” to overturn planned inconclusive prorogation / No-deal Brexit – what does it mean? 2 The road to the exit (currently) (cont’d) 14 October 2019 Start of new Parliamentary session and Queen’s Speech (if no general election called) 19 October 2019 31 December 2020 Latest date for the End of transition period PM to send a letter (unless -
No Deal Brexit: Issues, Impacts and Implications
NONO DEAL BREXIT ISSUES, IMPACTS, IMPLICATIONS NO DEAL BREXIT: ISSUES, IMPACTS, IMPLICATIONS Foreword By law, the UK will leave the European Union at 11pm UK time on 31 October. This situation could, of course, change. The British government could decide to revoke Article 50 altogether. Alternatively, if the UK makes otheran request, the European Council, acting unanimously, could agree to another extension of the Article 50 process. As we saw in April, the European Council will ultimately determine the length of any such extension. But, qually,e the UK Government is not bound to accept any extension offered by the EU. At the time of writing, however, it is hard to imagine circumstances in which Boris Johnson would either revoke or request an extension. There still remains the possibility that parliament might attempt to prevent a no deal outcome, which we discuss in our recent Endgame Report. Yet for the moment a no deal outcome remains a real possibility, and one for which both the UK and the EU will need to prepare. If the UK leaves the EU without a Withdrawal Agreement, it will become a ‘third country’ – that is, no longer a Member State - with respect to the EU as of 11pm UK time on 31 October 2019. EU law will cease to apply to the UK from that moment onwards. In what follows, we attempt to draw together what we know to assess what no deal means, how prepared we (and the EU) are, what the impacts might be, and the broader implications. There is much we do not, and indeed cannot, know about these issues but, given the centrality of the no deal debate, it is clear that this should not prevent people from considering what it might mean for the country. -
Brexit Tax Competition Between the UK and the EU27
Brexit: tax competition between the UK and the EU27 Since the outcome of the Brexit referendum there has been speculation about whether any UK/EU trade agreement would allow the UK to position itself as a tax haven. The UK/EU Trade and Cooperation Agreement imposes a number of restrictions on the UK, including subsidy controls and commitments to maintain certain OECD tax standards. Outside of these restrictions, opportunities remain for the UK to make its tax regime more competitive as compared to its EU27 neighbours, but it seems likely that divergences between the tax regimes of these jurisdictions will in any event develop over time. Throughout the various stages of the Brexit negotiations, there has been speculation about what the final terms of any trade agreement would say about tax; in particular, whether the deal might allow the UK to position itself as the media-dubbed ‘Singapore-on-Thames’. The broad idea being that the UK could set itself up as a tax haven boldly neighbouring the EU27 jurisdictions by aggressively reducing its corporate tax rate, offering targeted tax incentives to attract businesses to the UK and diluting rules countering tax avoidance. The question is whether the Brexit trade deal, as agreed at the eleventh hour, allows for this. The ‘Singapore-on-Thames’ concept can be traced back to comments made by the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, Philip Hammond, in January 2017, that in the event of a no-deal Brexit the UK would be forced to change its economic model to remain competitive. Boris Johnson, in his capacity as both foreign secretary and subsequently prime minister, fanned the flames of this idea with comments about seizing the opportunity of Brexit to reform the UK’s tax system and simplify regulation. -
Brexit, Systemic Risk, and a Warning for a Changing World
Brexit, Systemic Risk, and a Warning for a Changing World David Korowicz 1. Introduction It was only after the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union that people began to seriously consider how it might be achieved. Some had assumed it would be trivial. For them, even waiting out the two-year official notice period prior to departure was an indulgence that displayed an unpatriotic lack of resolve. Most were not so sanguine. But on all sides, there was a general unawareness of just how complex and risk-laden the departure would be. This only gradually came into view. Months after the run- down had been triggered it was discovered that over 759 treaties would have to be renegotiated. There was growing alarm that the intricate web of Just-In-Time logistics that enable industry, supermarkets and medical care could be profoundly disrupted, especially if the UK left without a deal. Each week new concerns came to the fore, for example, how do you slaughter millions of livestock and dispose of the carcases if the market for them evaporates? When the scale of the potential disruption became clearer, military contingency planners were drafted into various government departments to help direct the response. As the first (March 29th) departure date approached, leaked Cabinet Office documents emphasised that Operation Yellowhammer, the contingency command and control structure, could be overwhelmed in the case of a no-deal exit. Sources quoted said that the planning was ‘too little, too late’, echoing the warnings of business and union leaders about the preparedness of their companies. -
Preparing for a No Deal Brexit Introduction the Risk of the UK
Preparing for a No Deal Brexit Introduction The risk of the UK leaving the EU without a deal remains very real, even though Parliament has passed an Act to try and prevent such a prospect. The Act, which Parliament passed before it was prorogued on 10 September, requires the Prime Minister to write to the EU requesting an extension to Article 50 until the end of January 2020 if the form of the UK leaving the EU has not been agreed by Parliament by 19 October 2019. All 27 Member States must agree to the extension. Until we know for certain that an extension has been agreed and accepted, the risk of a no deal exit by 31 October remains a very real prospect. Securing an extension to enable further negotiations between the UK Government and the EU 27 about a possible Withdrawal Agreement might – in the worst case scenario – do no more than delay the risk of a no deal exit by a few months. It is for this reason the Welsh Government will continue to prepare for a no deal exit. The potential impacts of a no deal exit are significant and far-reaching. This paper sets out the Welsh Government’s overview of the main strategic risks of no deal for Wales and explains the actions we are putting in place to mitigate them as far as is possible. These include assumptions set out in the Operation Yellowhammer documents, published by the UK Government on 11 September. We have always said that leaving the EU without a deal would be catastrophic for Wales and should not be considered an acceptable outcome – it should be avoided at all costs. -
Boris Johnson Gets Short Shrift from European Union Leaders in Brexit Talks
ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ – ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ AA-AA ﭼﻮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷـﺪ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺒـــــــﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻦ ﻣــــﺒﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺗﻦ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ www.afgazad.com [email protected] ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎی ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﯽ European Languages By Richard Tyler 18.09.2019 Boris Johnson gets short shrift from European Union leaders in Brexit talks Boris Johnson’s first visit to meet senior European Union (EU) figures since he took power in July ended with the UK prime minister sent packing without receiving any concessions on Brexit. After meeting Johnson, his host, Luxembourg Prime Minister Xavier Bettel, was forced to address the press alone next to an empty podium—as Johnson had crept out the back door to avoid noisy protesters. Speaking to the Mail on Sunday in advance of his trip, Johnson had sought to present a tough-guy image, ridiculously evoking the Marvel superhero, the Incredible Hulk. He told the paper that if Brexit negotiations broke down, he would ignore the Commons vote ordering him to delay the UK’s exit from the EU on October 31. Like the Hulk, Britain www.afgazad.com 1 [email protected] would break out of the “manacles” of the EU, adding, “The madder Hulk gets, the stronger Hulk gets.” The European Parliament’s Brexit coordinator Guy Verhofstadt dubbed his comment “infantile,” asking, “Is the EU supposed to be scared by this?” with an EU diplomat saying Johnson less resembled the green giant than “Rumpelstiltskin,” who loses his power when his true name is revealed. -
The Realities of Trade After Brexit
The realities of trade after Brexit A new perspective from Baker McKenzie As companies consider their strategies for life in a post-Brexit world, there remains great uncertainty about the UK’s future trading relationship with the European Union. In this report, Baker McKenzie goes behind the headlines to uncover what the impact of ‘hard Brexit’ would be in four sectors that are key to UK manufacturing and to our clients: the automotive, technology, healthcare and consumer goods industries. For the purposes of this study, a hard Brexit is one in which the UK leaves the EU customs union and bilateral tariffs revert to WTO ‘Most Favoured Nation’ levels for all UK-EU trade in goods. This would be a ‘worst case’ scenario, which the UK is seeking to avoid, however, this model allows us to draw the strongest possible contrast between continued membership of the Single Market and each of the various ‘options’ posited for post-Brexit Britain. It is important to note that this research is limited to the above hard Brexit scenario and does not account for currency fluctuations, trade agreements with the EU or third countries, or any other measures such as state aid that could offset the potential losses associated with exiting the Single Market. Our findings shed new light on the real costs of Brexit, in both monetary and human terms, and uncover details about the level of dependency that exists between the EU and the UK. We also explore some overlooked but crucial issues for the business community, including the impact that non-tariff barriers will have on post-Brexit Britain.