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2013 Beyond the : A Comprehensive Guide to L'Arada, an Original Song Cycle by Joseph Canteloube Karen Coker Merritt

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COLLEGE OF MUSIC

BEYOND THE AUVERGNE:

A COMPREHENSIVE GUIDE TO L'ARADA,

AN ORIGINAL SONG CYCLE BY JOSEPH CANTELOUBE

By

KAREN COKER MERRITT

A Treatise submitted to the College of Music in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Music

Degree Awarded: Fall Semester, 2013

Karen Coker Merritt defended this treatise on November 12, 2013. The members of the supervisory committee were:

Douglas Fisher Professor Directing Treatise

Matthew Shaftel University Representative

Larry Gerber Committee Member

Valerie Trujillo Committee Member

The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and certifies that the treatise has been approved in accordance with university requirements.

ii

To my parents Warren Coker and Beverly Sink, who gave me the gift of music.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The completion of this treatise would not have been possible without considerable assistance from several sources. First, I would like to acknowledge my treatise director Douglas Fisher, whose enthusiasm for the works of Joseph Canteloube helped guide me towards this topic. His expertise in editing has been invaluable throughout the writing process, and his general knowledge of all things musical has awed me from the moment I first stepped into his Opera Literature course at FSU. Secondly, for bringing the themes of L'Arada to life, my deepest thanks are also extended to Eric Jenkins, an extraordinary pianist and collaborative artist. This treatise would not have been possible without his substantial donation of time and talents, especially given the complete lack of recordings of these songs. My gratitude is also extended to Dr. William Calin at the University of Florida, who graciously provided his help with the Occitan pronunciation of these songs, as well as clarification on the troubled history of the language. And finally, I would like to express my deepest thanks to my husband Gregory, whose patience, support, and proofreading skills have been called upon frequently throughout the life of this project.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Figures ...... vii List of Tables ...... viii List of Musical Examples ...... ix Abstract ...... xi 1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1 Significance of the Project ...... 1 1.2 Sources ...... 2 2. JOSEPH CANTELOUBE (1879-1957) ...... 4 2.1 Early Life: Regionalist Roots and the Budding Musician ...... 4 2.2 The Schola Cantorum Years: 1907-1914 ...... 8 2.3 The Composer: 1918-1957 ...... 16 3. ANTONIN PERBOSC (1861-1944) ...... 23 3.1 Shared Ideals ...... 23 3.2 The Collaboration ...... 26 4. OCCITAN: THE LANGUAGE OF L’ARADA ...... 27 4.1 Origins...... 27 4.2 Orthography ...... 29 4.3 Modern Demographics...... 30 4.4 Pronunciation Guide ...... 31 4.4.1 Introduction to Occitan Pronunciation ...... 33 4.4.2 Word Stress ...... 34 4.4.3 Vowels ...... 34 4.4.4 Final Consonants ...... 35 4.4.5 Consonant Groups ...... 37 4.5 Pronunciation Charts ...... 39 5. THE POETRY ...... 44 5.1 Overview of Perbosc’s L’Arada ...... 44 5.1.1 Sonnet Form ...... 45 5.1.2 Campèstre ...... 46 5.2 A Comparison of the Collections: Poetry vs. Songs ...... 48

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6. THE MUSIC: L’ARADA AS A WHOLE ...... 50 6.1 Historical Context ...... 50 6.2 Common Compositional Elements ...... 52 6.2.1 Form ...... 54 6.2.2 Harmony ...... 54 6.2.3 Melody ...... 55 6.2.4 Counterpoint ...... 56 6.2.5 Rhythm ...... 56 6.2.6 Accompaniment ...... 57 6.2.7 The Dual Language Issue ...... 57

7. THE SONGS OF L’ARADA: IPA, TRANSLATION & COMMENTARY ...... 58 7.1 “Los lauraires” ...... 58 7.2 “La canson dels boiers” ...... 72 7.3 “La mosada”...... 79 7.4 “L’Ibèrnada” ...... 85 7.5 “Mal sosc” ...... 94 7.6 “Lauraires e trobaires” ...... 100 8. COPYRIGHT ISSUES ...... 107 9. CONCLUSION ...... 109 APPENDIX A: POETIC TRANSLATIONS ...... 110 APPENDIX B: PERMISSION LETTER: PRESSES UNIVERSITAIRES DE ...... 113 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 114 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH ...... 117

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LIST OF FIGURES

4.1 Geographic Distribution of Occitan in France ...... 28

4.2 Historic Linguistic ...... 30

vii

LIST OF TABLES

4.1 Single Vowels ...... 39

4.2 Double Vowel Combinations (Glides) ...... 40

4.3 Triple Vowel Combinations ...... 40

4.4 Single Consonants ...... 41

4.5 Consonant Clusters Part 1 (bd-qu) ...... 42

4.6 Consonant Clusters Part 2, (rd-xc) ...... 43

4.7 Pronunciation Exceptions in Common Words ...... 43

5.1 Comparison Chart of Poetry Collection and Song Cycle ...... 48

6.1 Completion Dates for the Songs of L'Arada ...... 50

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LIST OF EXAMPLES

7.1 Added-note Harmonies, Chromaticism, and the Second Appearance of the Plower’s Theme ...... 63

7.2 Comparison with Pange lingua ...... 64

7.3 The Plower’s Theme ...... 64

7.4 The Plower’s Theme, Simplified ...... 65

7.5 The Herdsman’s Motif, Simplified ...... 65

7.6 Third Appearance of the Plower’s Theme ...... 66

7.7 Fourth Appearance of the Plower’s Theme ...... 66

7.8 First Appearances of the Sun Theme ...... 67

7.9 The Sun Theme, Simplified ...... 67

7.10 The Birdsong Motif...... 68

7.11 Interwoven Thematic Material ...... 69

7.12 The Campèstre Theme ...... 70

7.13 The Blended Lines Concept ...... 76

7.14 The Improvisatory Rhythmic Effect ...... 77

7.15 Overlapping Themes ...... 78

7.16 Separation of Poetic Lines 2 and 3 ...... 82

7.17 Setting of the Second Quatrain of “La mosada” ...... 83

7.18 The Poet’s Theme ...... 84

7.19 First Interlude of “L’Ibèrnada” ...... 89

7.20 The Second Quatrain of “L’Ibèrnada” ...... 91

7.21 The Yoke ...... 92

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7.22 The Volta of “Mal sosc” ...... 98

7.23 The Campèstre Theme of “Mal sosc” ...... 99

7.24 Organization of Lines 11-13 in “Lauraires e trobaires”...... 104

7.25 The Herdsman’s Motif in the Opening Bars of “Lauraires e trobaires” ...... 105

7.26 The Piano Texture of “Lauraires e trobaires” ...... 105

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ABSTRACT

This treatise is meant to increase awareness of a lesser-known work by Joseph Canteloube entitled L'Arada, a cycle of six songs for voice and piano based on the sonnets of Occitan poet Antonin Perbosc. The cycle is unique in that it represents an original vocal composition by Canteloube, with freely composed music not based on pre-existing folk melodies. Background information to the cycle is provided through 1) biographical sketches of both the composer and the poet, 2) general discussions of the poetry collection and the cycle as a whole, and 3) an overview of Occitan pronunciation. The final section of the treatise addresses the performance of the songs more directly, providing word-for-word translations, IPA transcriptions, and musical commentary for each piece.

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

1.1 Significance of the Project French composer Marie-Joseph Canteloube de Malaret (1879-1957) made a life’s work of collecting, transcribing, and arranging folksongs. Accordingly, he is now remembered primarily for his most popular folksong arrangements: those contained within the Chants d’Auvergne. And while this collection may indeed represent the crowning achievement of the composer’s work, the fact remains that a vast repertoire of Canteloube’s songs remain virtually untouched. While several of Canteloube’s songs are undoubtedly worthy of closer scrutiny and more frequent performances, the cycle L'Arada emerges as a particularly intriguing work within his repertoire. The six songs within this cycle are frequently mentioned as warranting more attention, and for several reasons.1, 2 First, their status as an example of Canteloube’s original music is somewhat rare, meaning that these songs are completely free-formed, and not quoted from pre-existing melodic material. Secondly, Canteloube chooses a unique source of text for these settings: the Occitan poems of Antonin Perbosc. And finally, given that the songs were composed from 1918-1922 and published in 1923, their status as predecessors to the Chants d’Auvergne makes them additionally interesting, in the sense that one gains further insight into the early development of Canteloube’s compositional style. The purpose of this study is to bring a new measure of attention to these lesser-known works, and to facilitate new, well-informed performances of these songs. A thorough background will be provided to this effect, including biographical sketches of the composer and poet as well as the historical context of the songs. Ensuing chapters will address the performance of the songs more directly, by providing a general overview of the Occitan

1 Richard Langham Smith, "Canteloube, Joseph," Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online (Oxford University Press), accessed September 21, 2013, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.fsu.edu/subscriber/article/grove/music/04763. 2 Graham Johnson and Richard Stokes, A French Song Companion (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), 53- 54. 1 language and its pronunciation, as well as specific musical commentary, IPA transcriptions, and word-for-word translations for each song.

1.2 Sources Several French sources were consulted in researching this document, but the majority of biographical information was drawn from the only two biographies published on Canteloube: Françoise Cougniaud-Raginel’s Joseph Canteloube: Chantre de la terre of 1988, and Jean- Bernard Cahours d’Aspry’s 2000 publication of Joseph Canteloube: Chantre d’Auvergne et d’ailleurs. The ideas and information contained within this document are based upon my own translation of these documents. The pronunciation for the Occitan text of each song was discussed in person with Dr. William C. Calin at the University of Florida, who is an expert in both medieval and modern Occitan studies. In addition, several written resources regarding Occitan pronunciation were consulted, which are identified and discussed in Chapter 4. The IPA provided in Chapter 7 is based upon my own transcriptions of Calin’s recitation, combined with the rules researched in the printed resources. In a late phase of research for this treatise, an additional resource became available on the topic of L’Arada: Elizabeth Mary Pauly’s 1995 DMA Project The Solo Vocal Music of Joseph Canteloube.3 Pauly focuses on certain selections from the Chants d’Auvergne as well as L'Arada, with the latter study involving Nos. 1, 4, and 6 out of the six songs within the cycle. The song discussions in Pauly’s document revolve around a more theoretical discussion of the pieces, primarily concerning the identification and analysis of the recurring themes of the cycle, but also addressing other compositional aspects of the pieces such as harmony and form. While the motives identified by Pauly had been previously identified by this author before seeing her research, it was reassuring to observe that the same motives appear within her own analysis. In addressing the Occitan pronunciation of the pieces, Pauly’s dissertation also includes an appendix on the basic pronunciation of the language. Her appendix is organized differently than that contained within this document, and it is slightly less extensive in that it is based solely on Pierre Bec’s publications on this topic. To that end, some instances of repeated information

3 Elizabeth Mary Pauly, “The Solo Vocal Music of Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957)” (DMA project, University of Minnesota, 1995). 2 occur between these two discussions, as Bec’s information was one of three main sources used for the chapter on Occitan pronunciation included here. While Pauly includes an IPA transcription for four lines of one of the songs in her discussion, Chapter 7 of this treatise provides more extensive pronunciation assistance, in the form of full word-for-word translations and IPA for all songs within the cycle. An updated, more in-depth study of L'Arada is further justified by the availability of several new resources that have been published since Pauly’s 1995 dissertation, including the new biography on Canteloube by Cahours d’Aspry mentioned above. In addition, Xavier Ravier’s book L'Arada/ L'arée contains a complete reproduction of all twelve poems of Antonin Perbosc’s collection, which were no longer in print before its publication in 2000. Therefore, we are now able to examine the songs of L'Arada in a new context, by comparing them directly with the original poetry of Antonin Perbosc.

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CHAPTER 2 JOSEPH CANTELOUBE (1879-1957)

The legacy of Joseph Canteloube is inseparable from the genre of French folksong, and therefore no biographical sketch would be complete without a discussion of what led him to become a champion of this genre. As it happens, this discussion is also relevant in terms of examining the original work of L’Arada, in that certain folk elements are still observable within its construction. But in addition to these folk elements, this particular cycle demonstrates the fact that Canteloube was knowledgeable in many other methods of composition as well. Therefore it is necessary to provide a thorough background to Canteloube’s compositional development within the context of examining L'Arada. Biographers generally propose that Canteloube’s affinity for folksong may be traced back to one major theme: his passionate love for the provincial regions of southern France. He was an early adopter of this form of nationalism, often labeled as “regionalism.” This ideology encompasses not only his love of the physical landscape and nature of this region, but the people and customs within it as well. These inclinations are significant within the context of L'Arada, as the title itself is a term that translates loosely as “plowed land,” evoking the atmosphere of nature and of peasant workers. It will become apparent that these regionalistic elements are also intertwined with his compositional style, determining the genres in which he chose to compose, and even the compositional methods used. Thus, the most informed performance of L’Arada should begin with understanding the roots of these regionalistic ideals.

2.1 Early Life: Regionalist Roots and the Budding Musician Both of Canteloube’s parents had strong ties to the southern regions of France. His mother was descended from a deep-rooted family of the Ardèche and Provence, and his father hailed from a wealthy, landed family who had maintained the large estate of “Malaret” near Bagnac in the district of Lot since the 18th century.4 At the time of Canteloube’s birth on October 21, 1879, the family resided in Annonay in the Ardèche district, in the region of what is

4 Jean-Bernard Cahours d'Aspry, Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957): chantre d'Auvergne et d'ailleurs (Biarritz: Śguier, 2000), 24. 4 now the Rhône-Alpes. Joseph’s father, Jules Canteloube, had settled the family in this area following his appointment as director of the Societé generale, a large international banking company.5 An only child, Canteloube enjoyed music from his youngest days in Annonay. His mother, née Marie Garidel,6 was a fine pianist, who “played for hours in front of the ecstatic infant.”7 She was passionate about music, and was in the habit of organizing small amateur gatherings of musicians to perform chamber music at their home in Annonay.8 Marie herself is thought to have given her son his earliest piano instruction,9 but the lessons that are most frequently cited as his first are those that began at age six with Ms. Amélie Doetzer. Cahours d’Aspry provides special insight into how these studies began. There were in fact two Doetzer sisters, Polish refugees, one of whom often attended Marie’s amateur concerts. This sister was known in the area as a popular piano teacher, and had many students. Seeing the rapid progress of her son, Marie asked Ms. Doetzer to take over piano lessons for young Joseph. Doetzer agreed, but seeing for herself the true talent of the boy in the first lesson, she realized that this student would truly be in the best hands with her older sister, a highly accomplished pianist who was reclusive and did not habitually give lessons. The elder Ms. Doetzer wanted to hear Canteloube play before agreeing to teach him, and the boy complied. At the “audition,” young Canteloube played Bach, Beethoven, and two pieces by Chopin. “When he had finished, the old lady came to him and embraced him and cried, then turning to her sister, she implored: ‘Leave this child to me, it is I who will take care of him.’”10 Canteloube described the elder Ms. Doetzer, Amélie, in his notes as being “lost in mysterious reflections, in dear memories.”11 Little by little, Canteloube learned that his teacher Amélie Doetzer had once herself been a student of Chopin, and later his lover, based on letters

5 Fraņoise Cougniaud-Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre (B́ziers: Socít́ de musicologie de Languedoc, 1988), 17-18. 6 Cougniaud-Raginel presents the mother’s name as “Jośphine Garidel”, while Cahours d’Aspry identifies her as “Marie Garidel.” She will be referred to in this document as “Marie” in keeping with the most recent source. 7 Cougniaud-Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre, 17. “…jouait pendant des heures devant l'enfant extasié.” 8 Ibid, 17. See also Cahours d'Aspry, Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957): chantre d'Auvergne et d'ailleurs, 20. These gatherings are alternately referred to as réunions, soirées, or concerts. 9 Ibid. See also Cahours d'Aspry, Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957): chantre d'Auvergne et d'ailleurs, 20. 10 Cahours d'Aspry, Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957): chantre d'Auvergne et d'ailleurs, 21. “Quand il eut fini, la vielle demoiselle vint à lui et l’embrassa en pleurant, puis se retournant vers sa soeur, elle l’implora: “Laisse-moi cet enfant; c’est moi qui m’en occuperai.” 11 Ibid. “perdue dans de mystérieuses réflexions, de chers souvenirs.” 5 she had kept and showed to Canteloube.12 Thus, young Joseph became aware that the exercises he had been practicing were in fact written personally by Chopin.13 Canteloube was raised with strict Catholic discipline from his parents and provided with a formal education. But within the framework of this discipline, the family enjoyed languid, happy times in the Auvergne each summer at the family estate of Malaret. Here, young Joseph took long walks with his father in the mountains, where:

He listened, while walking, to the dance couplets in the villages, the songs of the full wind in the valley, the pastoral chants in the heights, breathing in nature and the life of this Auvergne that plunged its roots deeper and deeper into his heart.14

The Auvergne region lies on the Massif-Central, a large elevated plateau consisting of mountains and valleys formed by a large chain of dormant volcanoes knows as La Chaîne des Puys. The idyllic landscape includes hills, gorges, oak forests, pastures, rivers, waterfalls, and lakes, and it remains one of the most sparsely populated areas of France.15 Canteloube spent his youth in this rural landscape, until he was sent to boarding school near Lyon (Oullins) for secondary school at the age of twelve.16 Soon after his enrollment in Oullins in 1891, a series of tragedies occurred within Canteloube’s family. First, in 1892, his paternal grandmother passed away, leaving Joseph’s parents the family estate of Malaret. Having always spent their summers there, the family now relocated their main residence to the region of Lot, roughly one mile from the Auvergne. Two years later came the passing of his maternal grandfather who had lived near Joseph in Annonay.

12 Cougniaud-Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre, 17. Cougniaud-Raginel refers to Amélie Doetzer as “dernière amie de coeur de Chopin.” The letters referenced are mentioned in Cahours d’Aspry, Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957): chantre d'Auvergne et d'ailleurs, 22. 13 Langham Smith, "Canteloube, Joseph." 14 Cougniaud-Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre, 18. “Il écoutait au passage les couplets de danse dans les vilages, les chansons de plein vent dans les vallées, les mélopées pastorales sur les hauteurs, respirant la nature et la vie de cette Auvergne qui plongeait de plus en plus ses raciness en son coeur.” Although Cougniaud- Raginel’s descriptions exhibit a degree of subjective imagination, they do reflect how the naturalistic environment became engrained in Canteloube’s artistic thinking. 15 Encyclopedia Britannica Online, "Auvergne," accessed Sep. 21, 2013, www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/45249/Auvergne 16 Cahours d'Aspry, Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957): chantre d'Auvergne et d'ailleurs, 25. 6

And finally in 1896, at the age of 17, Canteloube suffered the death of his own father.17 Soon after his father’s death, Canteloube completed his baccalaureate in philosophy in Oullins, and returned to stay with his mother at Malaret for 15 months. This period of mourning at Malaret came to represent Canteloube’s second “love affair” with the Auvergne, as Cougniaud-Raginel recounts the composer’s “true revelation of nature and music” during this time.18 All music lessons had ceased upon his entry into boarding school in Oullins, which had therefore represented a veritable desert in terms of two essential elements of happiness in his life: nature and music. It became clear in subsequent years that Canteloube was reluctant to deprive himself of these elements ever again. Canteloube’s walks during this 15-month period covered much more ground and lasted much longer than those taken as a young boy with his father, simply because he was no longer restricted to what his young legs could endure.19 It was during this period that Canteloube began to hear the songs of Quercy,20 of the Rouergue,21 and to travel farther into the Auvergne, all the while absorbing the sounds of nature and the singing of the peasants. His mother, worried about her son’s lack of contact with the rest of the world during this period, arranged a position for him in 1899 with his father’s bank in . Canteloube began the position, but his prospects as a banker were cut short after only six months, when he received a letter informing him that his mother was gravely ill. He returned to Malaret once again, and she died shortly thereafter in May of 1900. At age 21, Canteloube found himself with no immediate family. Given these circumstances, it is logical to conclude that the composer’s fervent love of his homeland was closely tied to early memories of his parents. Following his mother’s death, Canteloube continued to reconnect with the southern French countryside as the sole occupant of Malaret, where his mourning manifested itself once again into a period of long walks, and silent meditation. This period of quietude gradually subsided, finally ending with his marriage to Charlotte Marthe Calaret in September of 1901.

17 The death of Canteloube’s father is documented in both Cougniaud-Raginel, (20), and Cahours d’Aspry (25), but neither source mentions the cause of death for Jules Canteloube, aged 51 at the time. 18 Cougniaud-Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre, 20. “…véritable révélation de la nature et de la musique.” 19 Cahours d'Aspry, Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957): chantre d'Auvergne et d'ailleurs, 25. 20 Quercy is a former French province, now comprised of the departments of Lot and Tarn-et-Garonne, in the region of the Midi-Pyrénées. 21 Rouergue is a former French province, now known as the department of Aveyron in the region of the Midi- Pyrénées. 7

Malaret became a bustling household once again with the arrival of twin sons Guy and Pierre, born in 1903. This happy time of new family and of re-connecting with his cherished homeland marked the end of Canteloube’s “early life,” for it was during this period, specifically in 1901, that the composer became acquainted with someone who would literally alter the course of his life: Vincent d’Indy (1851-1931).

2.2 The Schola Cantorum Years: 1907-1914 The eventual result of this new relationship was the young composer’s entrance into the the Schola Cantorum in , but it took years for d’Indy to convince Canteloube to make this transition. The relationship began in 1901 when the two were made aware of each other by l’abb́ Fayard, an occasional participant in the amateur concerts organized by Canteloube’s mother at Malaret. After seeing some of Canteloube’s early compositions, Father Fayard asked his friend Vincent d’Indy to review them.22 In April of 1902, the correspondence between Canteloube and d’Indy began, and for the next four years it would continue. The correspondence became a method of instruction; Canteloube would send his compositions, (quite often piano- vocal settings of Verlaine poems), to d’Indy, who would critique them and return them to Canteloube, who would in turn revise them accordingly. Throughout the correspondence, d’Indy urged Canteloube to move to Paris and study with him in an official capacity at the Schola Cantorum. But Canteloube, accustomed to his life in the rural isolation of Malaret, feared leaving his beloved countryside for a move to the city. He finally agreed to move to Paris in 1906, and enrolled at the Schola in 1907.23 This time in Paris from 1907 until the start of the World War I in 1914 had a profound effect upon the composer. While the curriculum at the Schola was certainly the most overt influence during this period, the personal relationships formed there were also of great significance. As founder and instructor at the school, d’Indy continued to be a major influence throughout this time, and the friendship of fellow student Déodat de Séverac (1872-1921) also proved to be a momentous development.24 Canteloube eventually wrote biographies on both

22 Cougniaud-Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre, 22. Canteloube wrote a select few compositions during his early years at Malaret. The first was a set of piano variations entitled Pensées d’automne, dated 1893, followed by another keyboard piece composed in remembrance of his mother in 1900: March funèbre. These were the pieces first submitted to d’Indy for review. 23 Ibid, 22-23. 24 Ibid, 26. 8 men, exhibiting his profound respect for each. (These were the only biographies written by Canteloube, apparently ranking in importance above his own incomplete memoirs.) In order to comprehend the environment at the Schola Cantorum during Canteloube’s tenure there, it is first necessary to understand the ideals upon which this institution was based. The very name Schola Cantorum is Latin for “school of singers,” but in the context of d’Indy’s devout Catholicism, it was most likely a reference to “a medieval Roman choir…charged with providing the music for papal ceremonies and services.”25 Given this explicit reference, it comes as no surprise that religious music was indeed the foundation of musical training at this institution. It was founded in 1894 by d’Indy along with the Parisian choirmaster Charles Bordes and organist Alexandre Guilmant. The founding of the school was in large part a reaction against the Conservatoire de Paris: the famous, well-established and government-sponsored musical conservatory of Paris. These three men perceived a trend transpiring at the Conservatoire, one that had embraced vocal music in the form of mélodie and opera to the extent that it not only neglected religious music, but shunned it outright. D’Indy had in fact been hired as part of a commission to implement reforms at the Conservatoire, and after carefully developing a proposal for a new curriculum, the committee’s efforts were dismissed when the government cited a lack of funds to implement the reforms. This had led some scholars to extrapolate that d’Indy’s bitterness from this rejection was a catalytic event in his formation of the Schola Cantorum.26 The resulting goals of the school were simple: to re-awaken the tradition of instrumental forms and the training of church musicians. From its inception, this institution carried a heavier dogma behind its curriculum. D’Indy, as an influential founder of the institution, openly declared that the most important role of the Schola was to combat what he believed to be the mercenary nature of the compositions produced by the Conservatoire. He felt adamantly that making music should be a soul-fulfilling endeavor, and that to use it as a means of making money was a crude pursuit. His thoughts on

25 Alex Lingas, "Schola Cantorum,” The Oxford Companion to Music. Oxford Music Online (Oxford University Press), accessed July 23, 2013, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.fsu.edu/subscriber/article/opr/t114/e5983. 26 Andrew Thomson and Robert Orledge, "d’Indy, Vincent,” Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online (Oxford University Press), accessed September 7, 2013, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.fsu.edu/subscriber/article/grove/music/13787. 9 this subject are aptly summarized in the following excerpt from Canteloube’s own biography of d’Indy:

Art is not a business . . . the goal of Art should not be for profit or personal glory, two manifestations of egotism…but it is social, and consists to serve humanity by raising its spirits through education. There is, therefore, no more beautiful profession than that of the artist. As a consequence, it is necessary to give to the students more than technical training; one must give them an artistic education constituting a second degree; a true spiritual education, a doctrine.27

This new form of teaching at the Schola Cantorum encompassed several aspects of study: a return to Gregorian chant, Renaissance polyphony, and the solo instrumental forms of the Baroque and Classical periods. The inclusion of instrumental music within the curriculum, especially symphonic music, was a particularly controversial affair to those at the Conservatoire, who deemed this genre to be “an inherently ‘lower’ genre.”28 Based on these studies of older art forms, the specific compositional techniques that were advocated at the Schola included a clear emphasis on counterpoint over harmony, as well as: “conjunct melodies, modality, stark harmonies, cyclic technique, and religious or regionalist references.” D’Indy’s emphasis on counterpoint was legendary, as was his equally adamant dismissal of the study of harmony.29 D’Indy was a fervent Nationalist, and his personal ideals often influenced his own compositional style, as well as the techniques taught at the Schola Cantorum. For instance, one scholar addresses the Schola Cantorum’s emphasis on religious music, (and by extension polyphony/counterpoint), as a manifestation of d’Indy’s nationalism, in the sense that it represented a defense of the church against the increasingly anti-clerical Republicans.30

27 Joseph Canteloube, Vincent d’Indy (Paris: H. Laurens, 1951), 93. “L’Art n’est pas un métier…Le but de l’Art ne doit pas être le profit ni la gloire personnelle, deux manifestations de l’égoïsme, mais il est social et consiste à server l’humanité en élevant son esprit par l’ensiegnement. Il n’y a donc pas de mission plus belle que celle de l’artiste. Par consequent il faut donner aux élèves plus qu’une instruction technique; il faut leur donner une education artistique constituant comme un second degré, une veritable education spirituelle, une doctrine...” 28 Jane F. Fulcher, French Cultural Politics & Music: From the Dreyfus Affair to the First World War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 31. 29 Andrew Thomson and Robert Orledge, "d’Indy, Vincent.” 30 Fulcher, French Cultural Politics & Music: From the Dreyfus Affair to the First World War, 27. 10

In addition, d’Indy’s incorporation of folk music into his compositions was seen as a reflection of his Nationalistic ideals, in that it referenced the French purity inherent within the ancient tradition of folksong. He believed that any “foreign element” was potentially responsible for the demise of the “common idea,” and therefore exalted the pure heritage of the French provincial peasants.31 In light of these ideals regarding racial purity, the writings of Wagner resonated strongly with d’Indy.32 However, given d’Indy’s aversion to “foreign elements”, this admiration of Wagner did not translate into the literal promotion of his music in France. Rather, it engendered an aspiration for d’Indy to assume a similar role in France, meaning that he would promote his own Nationalistic ideals through his music, and through the methods taught at the Schola Cantorum. The most obvious technique borrowed by d’Indy was Wagner’s use of cyclic motives. In addition, (and as referenced in the preceding paragraph), Wagner’s völkisch ideology was also influential, as evident in d’Indy’s encouragement of using folk sources at the Schola.33 In summary, d’Indy’s influence upon Canteloube was twofold: first, Canteloube demonstrably utilized compositional techniques advocated by d’Indy, and secondly, his passionate nationalism also made its mark upon the young composer. This latter aspect became more evident over the course of time, culminating in a very clear involvement with the Nationalist movement in World War II. During the Schola Cantorum years, this sense of nationalism was largely reflected through his regionalism, or his great sense of pride in his southern provincial heritage. We may observe this influence of regionalism more closely through Canteloube’s relationship with fellow regionalist Déodat de Séverac, a colleague and close friend throughout this period. The first documented meeting of Canteloube and Séverac occurred on Halloween of 1904, during one of Canteloube’s trips to visit d’Indy in Paris. By April of 1905, an epistolary relationship had begun between the two young composers. With Canteloube’s move to Paris in 1906, they became neighbors. Canteloube recalls their companionship during that time: “I very

31 Fulcher, French Cultural Politics & Music: From the Dreyfus Affair to the First World War, 29. 32 Ibid, 32. See also Andrew Thomson and Robert Orledge, "d’Indy, Vincent.” 33 Barry Millington, “Wagner,” Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online (Oxford University Press), accessed September 27, 2013,http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.fsu.edu/subscriber/article/grove/music/29769pg1. Wagner’s völkisch ideology promoted “a return to a remote primordial world where peasants of true Germanic blood lived as a true community.” 11 often woke him up in the morning, and, after a quick coffee at the nearby bar, we unfailingly walked and strolled around Paris and the vicinity, even the Bois [de Boulogne],34 talking about art, about our dear ideas of regionalism, of our musical projects…”35 There is no mystery regarding Séverac’s profound influence during this time. Canteloube declared as much in the pages destined for his memoirs, the notes for which indicate his intention to include a chapter entitled “Influence de Séverac: Les paysans (le vrai people)”, or “Influence of Séverac: the Peasants (the True People).”36 Canteloube seems to have taken one suggestion quite literally: the exhortation in Śverac’s 1907 Schola Cantorum graduate thesis that encouraged his fellow composers to: “Do as I do, my friends! Sing of your country, your land!”37 A primary theme of this thesis was a plea for his colleagues to “seek inspiration from the diverse resources of the regional folk traditions,” in order to avoid the encroaching Germanic influence upon French music.38 Canteloube quickly heeded this proposal, publishing his first arrangement of folksongs in 1909: the Chants populaires de Haute-Auvergne et de Haut-Quercy. The enduring legacy of Canteloube’s involvement with folksong is well-documented; Cahours d’Aspry classifies this piece of advice from Śverac as Canteloube’s “chemin de Damas,” or “road to Damascus.”39 Although the nudge towards regional folksong represents one of Śverac’s largest contributions to Canteloube’s style, another significant point of influence remains: the freedom to compose in more than one style, and to be completely independent of any particular scholastic doctrine. In order to understand the importance of this independence, a full understanding of the rift between the “Debussyists” and the “d’Indyists” is essential. This debate centered on a theme previously acknowledged in the discussion of d’Indy: the Conservatoire’s high regard for harmony, or “vertical” style, versus the Schola’s “horizontal” emphasis on counterpoint. Śverac’s thesis actually represented the first clear classification of these two antithetical groups,

34 The “Bois de Boulogne” was (and is) a large public park located near Paris’s 16th arrondissement. 35 Joseph Canteloube, Déodat de Séverac, (B́ziers: Socít́ de musicologie de Languedoc, 1984), 17. “J’allais bien souvent le réveiller le matin, et, après le café rapide sur un zinc voisin, nous allions nous promener et marcher infailliblement dans Paris ou aux environs, voire au Bois, parlant d’art, de nos idées chères de regionalisme, de nos projets de musiciens…” 36 Cahours d'Aspry, Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957): chantre d'Auvergne et d'ailleurs, 35. 37 Ibid. 38 Pierre Guillot, "Séverac, Déodat de, Baron de Beauville," Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online (Oxford University Press), accessed September 8, 2013, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.fsu.edu/subscriber/article/grove/music/25524. 39 Cahours d'Aspry, Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957): chantre d'Auvergne et d'ailleurs, 37. 12 and within the same breath it was the first to publicly criticize both groups for being so exclusively dogmatic. In doing so, he also managed to become one of the first composers to avoid placing himself firmly on either side. In this way, he liberated himself from either school and freely employed both “vertical” and “horizontal” techniques throughout his compositions.40 The following quote from Canteloube’s biography of Śverac summarizes the latter’s sense of independence:

In an era where intellectualism is overdeveloped, one sees the most strange and foolish doctrines flourishing, each opposed to one another; one sees the spreading of the most absurd and ridiculous fashions. In these moments, one experiences a powerful enchantment, a true joy, to meet an independent artist, that is to say free from all scholastic prejudice, indifferent to the new doctrines and methods, giving the priority to feeling over intelligence and loving with true love one’s land, one’s race, and one’s country.41

While the beginning of this quote successfully captures the individuality of Séverac, the last lines present a connection between the ideals of regionalism and nationalism. While regionalism may literally be defined as a deep love for one’s region, this quote identifies how it was also an intrinsic part of nationalism.42 Although Séverac became involved with a more separatist form of regionalism, Canteloube’s regionalistic ideals were much broader, and less political, stemming from a cultural pride that was closely tied to the concepts of ancestral roots, nature, peasantry, and race.43

40 Robert Waters, Déodat de Séverac: Musical Identity in Fin De Siècle France (Aldershot, England: Ashgate, 2008), 10, 13. 41 Joseph Canteloube, Déodat de Séverac, 9. “A une époque où l’intellectualité et trop développée l’on voit fleurir les doctrines les plus étranges le plus folles, s’opposant les unes aux autres; l’on voit se répandre les modes les plus saugrenues, les plus ridicules. A de tels moments, l’on éprouve un charme puissant, une joie réelle, à rencontrer un artiste indépendant, cest-à-dire libéré de tout préjugé d’école, indifferent aux doctrines et aux modes nouvelles, donnant au sentiment la primauté sur l’intelligence et aimant de véritabel amour sa terre, sa race et sons pays.” 42 For those unfamiliar with the system of French administrative divisions, the progression from large to small is rendered as: nation/pays, region, departement, arrondisements, cantons, and communes. 43 Séverac actively fought in the debate against a nationalized education system, and disapproved of both the centralized French government as well as the consolidated national musical identity represented by the Conservatoire. 13

These were the precise sentiments expressed by the Occitan poet Frédéric Mistral, founder and leader of the Félibrige. This group of seven poets, or félibres,44 was dedicated to preserving and promoting the culture of southern provincial France, and this organization is now viewed as “one of the most important manifestations of régionalisme in late nineteenth century France.”45 Mistral’s proposal of the “Pan-latin concept” considered the southern provinces of France as one federation, united by a linguistic commonality of Latin-based languages. Séverac and Mistral met in 1905, when both participated in the “Congrès des chants populaires,” an event organized to promote both sacred music and folksong in France, and the two men went on to develop a friendship thereafter.46 Canteloube’s own identification with regionalism is very much in accordance with this “Mistralian” concept, in that it stemmed from an intense love of his own home region and the nature contained within it. It is clear that this regionalism became political over time, given Canteloube’s involvement with the government during World War II, but within the context of L'Arada, his regionalistic views were uncomplicated, closely centered around the beauty of the land and culture of southern France. Cahours d’Aspry summarizes his position below:

Canteloube is [considered] a regionalist because he wanted to be the champion of the Auvergne as d’Indy was of the Vivarais, Bordes of the Basque Country, Séverac of Languedoc and Catalonia, Paul Le Flem of Brittany, and Castèra of Landes and the Béarn.47

Canteloube’s regionalism demonstrates itself frequently within his compositions of the Schola Cantorum period; his arrangement of folksongs is an obvious example of this trend. But his original works are often equally demonstrative of these values, specifically in terms of the subject matter chosen by Canteloube.

44 Robert Waters, Déodat de Séverac: Musical Identity in Fin de Siècle France, 64. The term “félibres” refers to a Proveņal tale in which Jesus uses “li sét félibres de la léi”, or “seven doctors of the law” to defend himself in the temple. 45 Ibid, 65. 46 Ibid, 63-67. 47 Cahours d'Aspry, Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957): chantre d'Auvergne et d'ailleurs, 47. “Canteloube est regionaliste parce qu’il voulut etre le chantre de l’Auvergne, comme d’Indy le fut du Vivarais, Bordes du Pays basque, Severac du Languedoc et de la Catalogne, Paul Le Flem de la Bretagne, Castera des Landes et du Bearn.” 14

And finally, there remains one additional source of influence during this period that cannot be ignored: that of the Impressionists at the Conservatoire. Cahours d’Aspry states that “despite their criticisms of this musical milieu, [Śverac and Canteloube] did not miss out on informing themselves on what was happening around them.”48 Cougniaud-Raginel goes into great detail concerning the busy schedule of concerts and salon evenings that the two would attend: on certain Sundays they would frequent concerts at either the Théâtre du Châtelet or the Conservatoire, or go to the Salle Pleyel for the premieres offered by the Société Nationale de Musique. Other Sundays, they would attend the salon of Blanche Selva, who often hosted Paul Dukas among other Schola Cantorum affiliates. On Thursday nights they would frequent the home of the Castéra brothers, who were known to receive a variety of French musicians including Maurice Ravel. There is no doubt that Canteloube was exposed to the music of Debussy and the other Impressionists at these concerts, and there is also no doubt that he performed it from time to time. Debussy himself once commented upon Canteloube’s playing of his own works: “You are one of the rare [interpreters] to play these pieces as I wish. To prove to you the truth of what I just told you, I’m going to play these pieces for you myself, and you will see that they had to be played that way.”49 This quote is significant that it not only speaks to Canteloube’s awareness of Impressionistic techniques, but also his ability to interpret them. Canteloube composed a number of significant works in a variety of genres during his tenure at the Schola Cantorum from 1907 to 1914. The first composition to gain significant attention during this period was the public performance of Dans le montagne for piano and violin in March of 1907, for the Société Nationale de Musique. Critic Fraņois Sternay observed: “this work stems from the same vein as the suite for piano En Languedoc by Monsieur de Séverac… the melodic line is very pure, and the love of nature is very powerfully expressed.”50 The symphonic poem Vers la Princesse lointaine was composed from 1910-1911, based on a play by Edmond Rostand. It was an unsuccessful venture by all accounts, but it is intriguing to note that one of its primary criticisms was its excessive likeness to Wagner.

48 Cahours d'Aspry, Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957): chantre d'Auvergne et d'ailleurs, 41. “…malgré leurs critiques envers le milieu musical, nos musiciens paysans ne manquaient pas de s’informer sur ce qui se faisait autour d’eux.” 49 Ibid, 63. “Vous êtes un des rares à jouer ces pieces comme je le desire. Pour vous prouver la vérite de ce que je viens de vous dire, je vais vous jouer moi-même les pieces et vous verrez que c’est bien ainsi qu’il fallait les jouer.” 50 Cougniaud-Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre, 33. “Cette oeuvre procède de la meme veine que la suite pour piano “En Languedoc”, de Monsieur de Séverac...la ligne mélodique est très pure, et l'amour de la nature est tres puissamment exprimé.” 15

Canteloube also produced his first major vocal compositions during this period. His first set of folksong arrangements was produced in 1909 with the Chants populaires de Haute Auvergne et de Haut-Quercy. Three major original works for voice and orchestra were also undertaken while in residence at the Schola. L’Eglogue d’Automne was a symphonic poem for voice and orchestra, composed in 1911 with text by Roger Frêne. French poet René Chalupt declared that this piece “evokes all the landscapes of the earth and of the soul, in a nuanced, delicate way, with a perfect accuracy of affect.”51 Au printemps, with text by soprano Maggie Teyte, was composed in 1914 but premiered in 1919. Although the subject matter of this work is undeniably romantic, the influence of d’Indy is present in its highly contrapuntal nature. 52 And finally Tryptique, Canteloube’s third setting of a Frêne text, was composed in 1914 and premiered in 1923. Canteloube returns to a theme close to his heart with this setting, finding inspiration in “the best source: nature.”53 The compositions mentioned above only represent a small selection of Canteloube’s entire output from these first years in Paris, but one can observe from this sample that Canteloube was actively employing several sources of influence: the compositional techniques learned from d’Indy at the Schola Cantorum, as well as Séverac’s proclivity towards regionalism and compositional independence. This vital era in Canteloube’s life was brought to a close by the necessity to relocate with the onset of World War I, but the influences from this period remain evident throughout the remainder of his career.

2.3 The Composer: 1918-1957 The war years of 1914-1918 resulted in a predictably dry period for Canteloube in terms of composition, as he was stationed as a secretary with a military unit in . But the location of this assignment would prove to be serendipitous, as it provided the opportunity to meet the Montauban native Antonin Perbosc, whose poetry the composer would set to music in L'Arada.54

51 Cougniaud-Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre, 33. “…évoque tous les paysages de la terre et de l'ame, de façon nuancée et délicate avec une parfaite justesse de toucher.” 52 Maggie Teyte assumed the role of Mélisande in Debussy’s Pelléas et Mélisande in 1908, following Mary Garden’s creation of the role. She and Canteloube met in Paris in 1913. 53 Cougniaud-Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre, 38. “…la meilleure source, la nature.” 54 Cahours d'Aspry, Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957): chantre d'Auvergne et d'ailleurs, 61. This relationship will be examined more closely in Chapter 3. 16

As World War I drew to a close, Canteloube was reluctant to return to the city life of Paris, enjoying rural life in the southern provincial region of the Midi-Pyrénées and making plans to either stay in Montauban or settle in Bordeaux.55 Although he remained in Montauban after the war, composition was still not a priority for Canteloube in these years before his eventual return to Paris at the end of 1921. Rather, he embarked upon a series of performances during this period, accompanying numerous concerts with the violinist Gaston LeFeuve, (his friend and former Schola professor), as well as several concerts with various singers.56 He also took on his first and only composition student during this period, an 18-year-old named Henri Sauguet. The latter months of this period in Montauban were dominated by concerts given in honor of his dear friend Déodat de Séverac, who died in March of 1921. Upon his return to Paris in December of that year, Canteloube became highly engaged in the Parisian music scene throughout the inter-war years, acting as composer, performer, and even lecture-recitalist.57 In 1925, Canteloube co-founded the organization L’Auvergnate de Paris: La Bourée. Members included poets, doctors, and other artists of southern France, whose goal was “to keep the folklore of [the ] region alive, and to raise the awareness and appreciation of its beauty.”58 As a composer, Canteloube demonstrated his true liberation during this period, combining any and all compositional methods including those inherited from Wagner, d’Indy, Séverac, and even the Impressionists. In terms of subject matter, his intentions grew more sharply focused, as Canteloube became increasingly concentrated on the regionalist themes of Mistral: ancestral roots, nature, peasantry, and race. His use of Impressionistic tools is the most progressive development in this era of composition, as Canteloube avoids the limitations of any single compositional method (Schola vs. Conservatoire) by simultaneously embracing a variety of influences. Experimental harmonies and orchestral effects begin to appear consistently within his works, juxtaposed to and interwoven with contrapuntal passages. In the last year of his life, Canteloube acknowledged the

55 Ibid, 63. 56 See Cougniaud-Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre, 43-46 for a full summary of the works performed during this period. The repertoire of these concerts varied widely, including works by Frescobaldi, Couperin, Bach, Handel, Mozart, Schumann, Franck, d’Indy, Śverac, Debussy, Duparc, Ravel, and many others. 57 Ibid, 51. Canteloube was involved in a series of radio broadcasts from the Eiffel Tower in 1924-1925. The programs were delivered in the form of lecture-recitals on various composers including Scarlatti, Corelli, Séverac, Weber, and Roussel. 58 Ibid, 61. “…maintenir vivant le folklore de cette region et d’en faire connaître et apprécier les beautés.” 17 mindless separation of these two compositional styles in his 1957 article addressing the divide of “modern music” and the audience:

Around 1905-1910, everyone was shouting just like today about modern music. This has never interested me: the only thing that counts is the result. During the period of which I speak, some went for vertical music (the Debussyists), the others for horizontal music (la Schola). [Some] reveled in the search of rare harmonies; [others] for the superimposition of the most subtle counterpoint. [The music] that either of these groups made was, certainly, much less unpleasant to listen to than that which certain contemporaries are now making . . . They only thought, and now again, only think about the process, about the composition of the music, and not of the music itself, of what it is, of what it expresses.59

As a mature composer, Canteloube allowed himself to be concerned with only one goal: the overall expressivity of his music. Canteloube’s two operas debuted during this period: Le Mas in 1925, and Vercingétorix in 1933. Both operas borrowed folk elements in their melodic structures, and both used overt allusions to Mistralian ideals in their plot derivations. Canteloube wrote his own libretto for Le Mas (or “Farmhouse” in Occitan), which is the tale of two orphaned cousins, one of whom (Marie) is raised in the country by her grandfather, the other (Jan) in the city with his wealthy grandparents.60 The crux of the plot revolves around Jan returning to the farmstead and eventually renouncing his city life in order to save it. Canteloube said of the opera: “The

59 Joseph Canteloube, “Comment juger le divorce opposant la musique moderne et le public?” in Pour ou contre la musique moderne?, edited by Bernard Gavoty and Daniel Lesur. (Paris: Flammarion, 1957), as quoted in Cahours d'Aspry, Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957): chantre d'Auvergne et d'ailleurs, 40. “Vers 1905-1910, on pérorait, comme aujourd’hui sur la musique moderne. Cela ne m’a jamais passionné: seul compte le résultat. À l’époque dont je parle, les uns tenaient pour la musique vertical [les debussyists], les autres pour la musique horizontale [la Schola]. Ceux-ci se délectaient dans les recherches d’harmonies rares, ceux-là dans la superpositions des contrepoints les plus subtils. Ce que faisaient les uns et les autres était, certes, beaucoup moins désagréable à entendre que ce que font certains contemporains… On ne songeait, et on ne songe encore, qu’au proceed, à l’écriture de la musique, non à la musique elle-même, à ce qu’elle est, à ce qu’elle exprime.” 60 The Grove Music Online article cites these two characters as siblings, but according to Cougniaud-Raginel and Cahours d’Aspry, the two central characters are indeed first cousins, each the sole child of two brothers who have deceased shortly before the opera begins. 18 principal character, invisible but always present, is in fact the homeland, the country.”61 Vercingétorix also presents a highly regionalistic plot, literally singing the praises of the Gallic hero by the same name who hailed from the clan of what is now the Auvergne region. Vercingétorix was a legendary hero of France, said to have fought against the Roman invasion by Julius Caesar. In this legend, (promoted as a true story by the government of Napoleon III), the French were defeated, but Vercingétorix saves the lives of his Arverni clan by offering himself as a sacrifice. The libretto for this work was written by the writer J. H. Louwyck and French politician Étienne Clémental. Cougniaud-Raginel recounts the following quote from a critic’s commentary on this opera:

The libretto of Vercingétorix is exactly what Richard Wagner would have written if this author of Siegfried had been a French citizen. The same deep preoccupation with ethnicity, the same philosophic and historic views…on the past and the future of a race, the same moral and religious mysticism, the same theory of abnegation and of redemption by sacrifice, the same concept of heroism, the same suspicion of human love, and the same exaltation of Parsifalian chastity.62

This inter-war period also marked the true beginning of Canteloube’s avid folksong collection and arrangement, with the first four volumes of the beloved Chants d’Auvergne published from 1924-1930. The composer began to venture outside of France for source material during this time, as seen in the 1926 collection of La pastorale roumaine, which presented Romanian folksongs in the form of a ballet with song. With the onset of World War II, Canteloube moved to Vichy, France in 1941. The strong implication with this relocation is that the composer was, at some level, in collusion with the

61 Cahours d'Aspry, Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957): chantre d'Auvergne et d'ailleurs, 20. “Le personage principal, invisible mais toujours present, est au fond la terre natale, le pays.” 62 Émile Vuillermoz, “Théâtre de l’Opéra: Vercingétorix, épopée lyrique en quatre actes,” in L’Excelsior (Paris, June 26, 1933), as quoted in Cougniaud-Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre, 87. “Le livret de Vercingétorix is exactement celui que Richard Wagner aurait écrit si l’auteur de Siegfried avait été citoyen français. Mêmes préoccupations d’ethnicité profonde, mêmes vues philosophiques et historiques…sur le passé et l’avenir d’une race, même mysticisme moral et religieux, même théorie du renoncement et du rachat par le sacrifice, même conception de l’heroïsme, même suspicion contre l’amour humain, et même exaltation de la chasteté parsifalienne.” 19

Vichy government of World War II. It is difficult to impart the seriousness of this charge without digressing into a lengthy explanation regarding the alleged practices of this government. To summarize, the Vichy government ruled in the unoccupied lower half of France starting in June of 1940, and they were known to be a fanatically Nationalist regime whose leaders were purported to be in collaboration with Nazi Germany, especially regarding their mutual concepts of racial superiority and purity. There is little mention of Canteloube’s involvement with the Vichy government within his biographies, but evidence of his collusion may be inferred from his own writings in the journal L’Action française.63 The very practice of publishing in this particular journal speaks strongly to Canteloube’s political mindset at the time, as this was the official journal of the anti-Republican, right-wing political league by the same name.64 Both the league and its journal were started by activist Charles Maurras in reaction to Dreyfus Affair, an event that divided the French nation into two groups: the pro-government, largely Catholic, anti-Semitic camp, or “Anti-Dreyfusards” versus the anticlerical, Republican “Dreyfusards.”65 Canteloube’s writings in this journal have a noticeable ring of propaganda to them, which is a possible indication that the composer was at the very least in agreement with the Nationalist ideals of the time. Canteloube published eight articles in this journal between October of 1940 and October of 1943, each demonstrating his heightened sense of nationalism. In the October 1940 article “Sur le rôle national du chant populaires,” Canteloube echoes the sentiments of d’Indy with his declaration:

Art truly justifies its greatness only if it is destined to serve . . . The dissemination of the wonderful traditional songs of our provinces seemed to me that it must achieve this goal, and I did everything I could to spread and exalt the greatness and beauty of this heritage

63 Cougniaud-Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre, 97. “Encouragé par le gouvernement, il déploie tous ses efforts pour le développement du chant populaires,” or: “encouraged by the government, he deployed all of his efforts into the development of folksong.” See also Cahours d'Aspry, Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957): chantre d'Auvergne et d'ailleurs, 100. Cahours d’Aspry never mentions the word “Vichy,” but indicates that Canteloube was “soutenu par le gouvernement,” or “supported by the government,” in the context of discussing the composer’s efforts in assembling large youth choirs to sing French folksongs throughout the war. 64 Encyclopedia Britannica Online, "Action Française," accessed September 26, 2013, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/4463/Action-Francaise. 65 Dreyfus was a Jewish soldier accused of espionage in 1894. The charges against him were proved to be false in 1896, but the government, accused of being anti-Semitic, did not initially overturn the conviction. Encyclopedia Britannica Online, "Dreyfus affair," accessed September 26, 2013, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/171538/Dreyfus-affair. 20

so essentially French, whose revelation may have the most beneficial effects, from the national point of view, on intelligence and the heart, literature and art.66

In addition to his massive efforts in collecting, arranging, and disseminating folk songs as mentioned above, Canteloube also launched a choral initiative during this time, proclaiming that this was the most effective way for the French youth to demonstrate the unity of its nation, and praising the choir’s representation of the “common ideal,” the “collective effort,” and the “common good.”67 Canteloube returned to Paris in 1944 as World War II drew to a close. In this last phase of his life, he abandoned his original works almost entirely, and continued instead to increase his efforts involving folksong.68 This effort resulted in a string of new collections of arrangements for voice and piano, including the Chants de la Tourraine and the Chants de l’Angoumois in 1947, the two volumes of the Chants de France and the Chants du Languedoc in 1948, and the Chants de pays Basques in 1949. The culmination of decades of research on folksong was embodied in the publication of two documents within this period: Les Chants des provinces français of 1947, and the Anthologie des chants populaires franc̜ ais in 1949. The first represents a true study of the genre of folksong, and a detailed discussion of Canteloube’s beliefs on this subject:

They constitute the most pure, the most human and, certainly the most ancient of French traditions. They express the soul and mentality of their people, and thus they allow us to know, through

66 Joseph Canteloube, “Sur le rôle national du chant populaires,” L’Action française, October 28, 1940, as quoted in Cougniaud-Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre, 137. “L’art ne justifie vraiment sa grandeur que s’il est destiné a servir… La diffusion des admirables chants traditionnels de nos provinces me paraissait devoir atteindre ce but, et j'ai fait tout ce que j'ai pu pour répandre et exalter la grandeur et la beauté de ce patrimoine si essentiellement français dont la divulgation peut avoir les effets les plus bienfaisants, au point de vue national, sur les intelligence et les coeurs, la littérature et l'art.” 67 Joseph Canteloube, “La jeunesse et le chant choral,” in Studia, no. 6, March 1953, as quoted in Cougniaud- Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre, 98. 68 Cougniaud-Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre, 103. 21

them, the intimate life of the nation, teaching us more about it than all the studies, all the treatises, all the books.69

This treatise of 1947 presents an eloquent summary of Canteloube’s feelings and ideas regarding folksong as a whole. Two years later in 1949, the composer once again combined his findings on folksong, but in a more quantitative manner: by cataloguing over 1,300 French folk tunes in his Anthologie des Chants populaires français. This collection is painstakingly notated and organized by region, with lengthy commentary preceding each section that summarizes the landscape of each region, its people, and their traditions. Although his life’s work was seemingly complete with these two publications, Canteloube continued to compose throughout his later years in life, producing the final (fifth) volume of the Chants d’Auvergne in 1954, and even embarking upon an imposing new project— his third opera—from 1950-1957. Cartacalha was a work centered on the lives and traditions of the Spanish gypsies of Saintes-Maries-de-la-Mer, but the project was never completed. During a summer residence in Sarthe in 1957, as Canteloube was completing the orchestration for his latest opera, he fell seriously ill and never recovered. He was buried at the cemetery of Montmartre in Paris after his death on November 4, 1957.

69 Joseph Canteloube, Les chants des provinces françaises (Paris: Didier, 1947), 4. “Ils constituent la plus pure, la plus humaine et, à coup sûr, la plus ancienne des traditions de la France. Ils expriment l’âme et la mentalité de son people et permettent ainsi de connaître à travers eux, la vie intime de la nation, en nous apprenant sur elle plus que toutes les études, tous les traités, tous les livres.” 22

CHAPTER 3 ANTONIN PERBOSC (1861-1944)

Antonin Perbosc was the author of the original L'Arada, a collection of twelve poems in Occitan. Canteloube’s song cycle contains six settings of Perbosc’s poems from this collection.

3.1 Shared Ideals Perbosc was born on October 25, 1861 on the outskirts of Montauban, in what was formerly the French province of Quercy, (now known as the region of the Midi-Pyrénées). Antonin was the first-born child of Pierre and Jeanne Perbosc, who were sharecroppers on a large farm known as the Camps-Grands in the department of Tarn-et-Garonne. The farm labor of Perbosc’s youth instilled within him a strong attachment to the land and to nature. A deep connection was also formed during this time to the ; given his early immersion into the Languedoc of Occitan, Ravier suggests that “this son of Quercy was above all a ‘son of the language.’”70 Perbosc neither heard nor spoke French until he first encountered it in grade school. Perbosc continued his studies and became a school teacher in 1881, assigned to various schools in the department of Tarn-et-Garonne over the next several years. In 1892, he was elected as a majoral in the Félibrige, demonstrating that the strong ties to his Occitan heritage had remained intact.71 His commitment to the preservation of the language was demonstrated most notably in 1919, when along with his friend and colleague Prosper Estieu, he founded l'Escòla occitana, an organization that played a significant role in the standardization of Occitan spelling. In the period in which L'Arada was composed (1902), Perbosc was teaching in the small town of Comberouger—a position he held from 1893 to 1908. Ravier identifies this period as one of the most active in Perbosc’s career, marking the Comberouger era as:

70 Xavier Ravier and Antonin Perbosc, L'Arada/L'arée (Biarritz: Atlantica, 2000), 95. “… si bien que ce fils du Quercy est d'abord un ‘fils de la langue’"· 71 Ibid, 97. See Chapter 1, Section 2.2 “The Schola Cantorum Years: 1907-1914” for more information on the Félibrige, as discussed in the context of Canteloube’s regionalistic ideals. A majoral was the second-most important administrative division of the Félibrige, under the capoliér. 23

one of the peaks, if not the peak, of his activities as a writer, a historian, a philosopher of the language, an Occitan activist—and teacher . . . These years in Comberouger were remarkable for, among other things, the part he played in the creation of the journals Mont Segur and , the publication of pieces such as Lo Got occitan and L'Arada . . . [the formation of] the La Société traditionniste de Comberouger, not to mention his interest in sculpture and photography.72

The formation of La Société traditionniste de Comberouger was a significant development. With sentiments very similar to Canteloube’s, (but in a slightly earlier time period), Perbosc recognized that the oral traditions of the French provincial regions were disappearing. To combat this trend, he implemented a system for the notation and preservation of these traditions by founding La Société traditionniste de Comberouger in 1900. The mission of the organization is described below:

[Perbosc] instilled within his students an interest in the traditions and heritage of their region, and gathered the most passionate [of them] in a "traditionalist society:" (51 students, boys and girls, between 1900 and 1908). These students gathered the oral heritage surrounding them: songs, sayings and proverbs, legends, tales . . . They noted accurately, without changing anything, the stories in the local dialect. The younger students, who did not yet know how to write, recounted [their collections] to their older peers, who wrote under their dictation.73

72 Ravier and Perbosc, L'Arada/L'arée, 98. “…l'un des sommets sinon le sommet de son activite d'écrivain, d'historien, de penseur de la langue de militant de l'occitanité— et de pedagogue…ces années de Comberouger…marquées entre autres choses par la part prise à la création des revues Mont-Segur et Occitania, la publication d'oeuvres comme Lo Got occitan et L'Arada, l'experience unique en son genre de La Société traditionniste de Comberouger, sans oublier l'intérêt porté à la sculpture et à la photographie.” 73 Sylvain Toulze,“Bulletin de la Société des Études du Lot,” Occitaniste (Volume CV, 4th trimester, 1984), 319- 328. Accessed online, Jan. 8, 2013, http://www.quercy.net/hommes/aperbosc.html. “Il avait inculqué à ses élèves l'intérêt pour les traditions et le patrimoine de leur région, et avait regroupé les plus passionnés en une "société 24

For comparative purposes, and in order to demonstrate the similar thinking of poet and composer, a description of the folksong collecting methods of Canteloube is included below. This passage from Cougniaud-Raginel’s biography recounts the composer’s publishing of an article to further his cause in the journal of La Bourée, (the society he had formed for the preservation of Auvergnat culture.) The title of the article translates to: “The Reconstitution of the Songs of the Massif Central: an Appeal to our Traveling Compatriots…” The following is excerpted from the article, addressing those visiting or living in the Massif Central:

On walks, in meetings, or in conversations, [have them notate] with care the names of those living in the countryside who know the songs, so that they go find them and have them sing the songs, whatever they are, preferably in the local language . . . Write the lyrics or the songs, even if they are incomplete, since what is lacking in one place will be found elsewhere. At the end of each song, write very legibly: 1) the name and address of the singer, and 2) the name and address of the person writing the lyrics and sending them. This will then allow a professional to come and collect the tune of the song… one collects stories, riddles, customs, and traditions in the same manner.74

These careful methods of preserving cultural traditions are a perfect illustration of the shared passions of Perbosc and Canteloube.

traditionniste" (51 élèves, filles et garçons, entre 1900 et 1908). Ces élèves recueillaient dans leur entourage le patrimoine oral : chansons, dictons et proverbes, légendes, contes... Ils notaient fidèlement, sans y rien changer, les récits en dialecte local. Les plus jeunes élèves, qui ne savaient pas encore écrire, contaient à leurs camarades plus âgés, qui écrivaient sous leur dictée.” 74 Joseph Canteloube, “La reconstitution des chants du Massif central: appel à nos compatriotes en vacances et aux correspondants de l'Auvergnat de paris,” L 'Auvergnat de Paris, (July 9, 1927), as quoted in Cougniaud-Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre, 61. “…des promenades, des rencontres, des conversations, avec soin les noms de ceux qui, habitant le pays, savent des chansons. Qu'ils aillent les trouver et qu'ils les fassent chanter, les chansons, quelles qu'elles soient, de préférence dans la langue du terroir. Qu'ils écrivent les paroles des chansons, même si elles paraissent incomplètes, car ce qui manque à tel endroit sera trouvé ailleurs. A la fin de chaque chanson, inscrire très lisiblement: 1) le nom et l'adresse du chanteur, 2) le nom et l'adresse de celui qui écrit les paroles et les envoie. Ceci afin de permettre ensuite à un spécialiste de venir recueillir l'air de la chanson…l'on recueille de la même manière, les contes, les devinettes, les coutumes, et les traditions.”

25

3.2 The Collaboration It was noted in Chapter 2 that Canteloube met Perbosc while stationed in Montauban (1915-1918). The precise date of their first meeting is not documented, but Cougniaud-Raginel refers to correspondence between the two as early as 1917.75 Although evidence is limited regarding the personal relationship of the two men, there is enough proof within Canteloube’s biographies to show that that they were well-acquainted. The poet had some involvement with Canteloube’s organization, La Bourée, as Cougniaud-Raginel specifically references Perbosc as a source of outside assistance when discussing the organization’s goals.76 The best documentation of this relationship is in the form of two letters included in Cougniaud-Raginel’s biography, both from Perbosc to Canteloube, the first dated January 31, 1924, and the second dated October 26, 1937.77 In summary, the letters confirm that the two shared great respect for one another, and that they were indeed friends, (as displayed in Perbosc’s greeting of “mon cher ami” in both letters.) The letter of 1924 articulates Perbosc’s excitement regarding the composer’s settings of L’Arada, while the letter of 1937 involves a general discussion of various projects. Perbosc also mentions the attachment of a song in the 1937 letter, possibly a folksong obtained for Canteloube’s ongoing research during that period. The remaining evidence of the connection between poet and composer is demonstrated in their professional collaborations. Apart from L'Arada, only two such instances exist, with the first involving Perbosc acting as a consultant for the composer. In the early stages of composing his first opera, Le Mas, Canteloube laid plans to incorporate a ballet within the opera, based on an ancient folk ceremony: La Fête de la Gerbe rousse, (The Festival of the Red Sheaf). Perbosc provided the description and explanation of this ancient ritual, as documented in a letter dated November 1917.78 The second collaboration occurred with Canteloube’s choral setting of another Perbosc poem: Als Catalans.79 This 1923 setting marks the second and last use of Perbosc’s poetry by Canteloube, but as noted above, the relationship clearly continued beyond these two projects.

75 Cougniaud-Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre, 48. 76 Ibid, 61. 77 Ibid, 49-50. 78 Ibid, 48. 79 Ibid, 56. 26

CHAPTER 4 OCCITAN: THE LANGUAGE OF L’ARADA

4.1 Origins The language of Occitan does not represent a single, unified system of words; rather, it embodies a collection of six varied dialects in southern France. These dialects collectively represent all non- dialects in France other than Franco-Provençal and Catalan. Occitan is known as Lenga d’òc by its native speakers, or Langue d’Oc by French speakers. The geographical proximity of these languages, (French, Occitan, Franco-Provencal, and Catalan), is attributed to the collapse of the Roman Empire in Gaul in the fifth century, which resulted in Roman influence continuing in certain areas more than others.80 Feudalism flourished in the ensuing years, and with no central government or state to unify the region, several linguistic dialects developed. By the ninth century, three main language groups had emerged in the territory that is now France: Cisalpine, Oïl, and Oc. The first was the ancestor of the modern Rhaeto-Romance dialects81, the second progressed into modern French, and the third became Occitan.82 Occitan’s closest linguistic partner is Catalan, based on their shared amalgamation of French and Spanish.83 Within this spectrum, Occitan is much closer to Spanish than French in terms of its sound patterns and grammar. In fact, in Simon Belasco’s article “France’s Rich Relation: The Oc Connection,” the author points out that: “since the Middle Ages, Occitan and Catalan share linguistic ties that are stronger than those shared by the former with French or by the latter with Spanish, despite the political dominance of Spain and France.”84 The name “Occitan” is derived from the ancient tradition of naming a language based on its word for “yes,” or, in this case, the Latin hoc (òc). This is also seen in the northern Langue d’oïl which developed into modern French; (as “oïl” is the ancient derivation of the word

80 Dennis Ager, Sociolinguistics and Contemporary French (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 37. 81 Encyclopedia Britannica Online, "Rhaetian dialects," accessed September 30, 2013, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/500979/Rhaetian-dialects. Rhaeto-romance dialects are a subfamily of Romance dialects spoken in Switzerland and . 82 Simon Belasco, “France’s Rich Relation: The Oc Connection,” The French Review Vol. 63, No. 6 (May 1990): 996-1013. 83 Martin Harris and Nigel Vincent, The (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 16. 84 Belasco, “France’s Rich Relation: The Oc Connection,” 996. 27

“oui”).85 English speakers often refer to this dialect group as “Proveņal,” but mistakenly so, since this term represents only one out of the six major dialects (and corresponding areas) of Occitan. This misunderstanding is largely attributed to the popularity of the Provençal of the 12th and 13th centuries, who were greatly responsible for disseminating the language.86 The historical importance of Occitan is summarized by Belasco, who states: “apart from Latin, Occitan served as the only administrative language in territorial France during the Middle Ages. Moreover, it was the sole oral lingua franca in use at that time.”87 The decline of the Occitan language occurred simultaneously with the imposition of French, first with the Edict of Villers-Cotterêts of 1539,88 and then again in 1793 with the unifying reforms of the Revolution.89 The dialects include: Provençal, Auvergnat, , Languedocian, Vivaro-Alpine, and Gascon, the latter of which is considered to be the most divergent of the six. Although each dialect is a Romance language with Latin roots, there are wide enough variations between them that establishing a uniform written language has proven to be difficult, as discussed below. The geographic relationships of the dialects are represented in Figure 4.1:

Figure 4.1: Geographic Distribution of Occitan Dialects in France90

85 Ager, Sociolinguistics and Contemporary French, 12. 86 Harris and Vincent, The Romance Languages, 16. 87 Belasco, “France’s Rich Relation: The Oc Connection,” 997. 88 Encyclopedia Britannica Online, "French language," accessed September 29, 2013, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/424203/French-language. The 1539 Edict of Villers-Cotterêts established la langue d'oïl as the official language of France, banning the use of both Latin and other dialects. 89 Ager, Sociolinguistics and Contemporary French, 37. 90 Pierre Bec, “A map of Occitan dialects according to Pierre Bec,” as reproduced online by Domergue Sumien, Revue Linguistica Occitana, September 2009, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Dialectes_de_l%27occitan_selon_Pierre_Bec.jpg 28

4.2 Orthography The orthography, or spelling system, of the Occitan language has a troubled history, accounting in part for the numerous spelling inconsistencies found between Perbosc’s poetry and Canteloube’s song texts. The members of the Félibrige were the first to spearhead a movement towards the standardization of the spelling of Occitan, implementing a system formulated by Jouś Roumanille and “adopted reluctantly” by Mistral.91 While this orthography was geared towards ease of pronunciation with its derivation from modern French and phonetic spellings, the orthography could only be applied to Proveņal texts. Despite Mistral’s initial reluctance in adopting this system, the system is often referred to as “Mistralian”92 as a consequence of the poet’s publication of a two-volume dictionary entitled Lou trésor dóu Félibrige in 1879.93 While this orthography functioned well with Provençal, a counter-movement arose in the early twentieth century, with supporters wanting to replace the Félibrige system with one that could be applied to all dialects of Occitan. This alternate orthography was based on the spelling of the medieval troubadours, and was considered a median between all of the various dialects of Occitan. The result of these two distinct spelling systems was that a large rift was created within Occitan literary circles. Supporters of the first movement, or “Félibrige” spelling, espoused the virtues of a modern, phonetic spelling, while the second group, members of the “occitanisme” movement, were willing to sacrifice ease of pronunciation in favor of a more democratic incorporation of all the dialects, (despite the antiquated spellings).94 The first to standardize this “occitanisme” movement was Joseph Roux in 1896, followed by Antonin Perbosc and Prosper Estieu in 1919. The orthography was then further standardized from 1935-1966 in the works of Louis Alibert, whose Dictionnaire occitan- français was first published in 1966 and has remained in print through several editions by the Institut d'études occitanes . The most recent edition was published in 2002.95

91 Belasco, “France’s Rich Relation: The Oc Connection,” 1002. (Mistral was introduced in Chapter 2 as the leader of the Félibrige movement, the organization founded to preserve the customs of the French provincial regions.) 92 Gaston Bazalgues, L'Occitan lèu-lèu e plan / L'occitan vite et bien : l'occitan sélon le parler Languedocien (Paris: Omnivox, 1977), 11. 93 Waters, Déodat de Séverac: Musical Identity in Fin De Siècle France, 64. 94 Ager, Sociolinguistics and Contemporary French, 39. 95 Louis Alibert, Dictionnaire occitan-français (Realmont: Institut d'́tudes occitanes, 2002) 29

Given Perbosc’s involvement with the occitanisme movement, it comes as no surprise that this is indeed the spelling used in the sonnets of L'Arada. Of the two orthographies, occitanisme has withstood the test of time. Printings of the Félibrige spellings are now rare, existing primarily in rural newspapers, and in the writings of the elder authors of Provence.96

4.3 Modern Demographics A brief mention of the modern demographics of Occitan is relevant to L'Arada in terms of addressing the dubious future of the language.97 The Occitan-speaking areas of France represent approximately one third of the entire territory, as indicated by the area marked Langue d’Oc in Figure 4.2.

Figure 4.2: Historic Linguistic Regions of France98

Calculating the exact number of speakers is a complicated process, as indicated by Dennis Ager in his book Sociolinguistics and Contemporary French. Ager cites two main problems concerning the issue of obtaining a precise tally in this regard: 1) identifying how much knowledge of Occitan actually qualifies him/her as a “speaker,” and 2) the definition of what the “language” truly is, given the various dialects. His 1988 publication asserts that the

96 Bazalgues, 11. 97 Ager, 47. 98 Pierre Bec, La Langue occitane, (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1963), 8. 30 best estimates at that time varied drastically, from as much as 12 million to just a “few hundred thousand.”99 Another estimate from 1980 averaged around “one to two million persons using Occitan more or less full time, with the total number of bilinguals around 8 million.”100 More recent sources are cited in Anne Judge’s 2007 book Linguistic Policies and the Survival of Regional Languages in France and Britain. But Judge states that even the European Bureau for Lesser-Used Languages is reluctant to cite firm numbers in this regard. She reports from their 1993 study: “There are no official data on the number of speakers. Of some 12 to 13 million inhabitants in the area, it is estimated that 48% understand Occitan, 28% can speak it, about 9% of the population use it on a daily basis, 13% can read, and 6% can write the language.”101 Judge goes on to state that these numbers are much higher than those offered in other surveys. In short, the survival of the language appears bleak. UNESCO, (the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) lists four of the six dialects as “severely endangered:” Provençal, Languedocian, Auvergnat, and Limousin, while the Vivaro-Alpine (listed in this context as “Alpine Proveņal”) and Gascon dialects are listed as “definitely endangered.”102 Predictions for its demise are based mainly on the lack of people under 40 speaking the language, combined with the continued trend of urbanization, since Occitan is still considered a rural, agriculturally-based language.103

4.4 Pronunciation Guide The general pronunciation rules discussed in this section (including the subsequent charts) represent a consolidation of information from three sources. Gaston Bazalgues’s Occitan textbook for French speakers, L’Occitan Lèu-Lèu e Plan, contains a clear, concise set of pronunciation rules in its introduction (pp. 12-15), but these rules are by no means comprehensive. Louis Alibert’s Dictionnaire occitan-français is an efficient resource for translating, but it also lacks major pronunciation assistance. Alibert’s dictionary also contains a

99 Ager, Sociolinguistics and Contemporary French, 43. Ager states elsewhere in his book that three million Occitan speakers are thought to exist, while 12 million are thought to have some understanding of the language (29). 100 Thomas T. Field, “The Sociolinguistic Situation of Modern Occitan,” The French Review Vol. 54, No. 1 (Oct. 1980): 37-46. 101 Anne Judge, Linguistic Policies and the Survival of Regional Languages in France and Britain (Basingstoke, England: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 111. 102 Christopher Moseley, Atlas of the World’s Languages in Danger (Paris : UNESCO Publishing, 2010), accessed online January 18, 2013, http://www.unesco.org/culture/en/endangeredlanguages/atlas. 103 Field, “The Sociolinguistic Situation of Modern Occitan,” 43. 31 section on phonetics, but it is highly skewed towards the variations of pronunciation between each region, and not towards establishing any standards for pronunciation.104 Pierre Bec’s Manuel pratique d’occitan moderne is the most valuable source of information in this regard, providing a long, detailed, and thorough chapter that solely addresses the nuances of Occitan pronunciation.105 There is one additional source that addresses this topic: the chapter on Occitan in Martin Harris and Nigel Vincent’s 1988 publication of The Romance Languages.106 As the only resource in English, this text is very helpful, but the rules provided here are pulled directly from Pierre Bec, and the discussion incorporates highly linguistic vocabulary. Bec’s book is indeed considered the “urtext” of Occitan pronunciation, substantiated by the fact many other sources on Occitan, (Bazalgues, Alibert, and Martin/Harris for example), cite it as the primary source from which they derived their own information.107 Given the fragmentary nature of the language and its dialects, Bec purposefully selects the Languedocian dialect as the pronunciation basis for his textbook, citing the following reasons as justification for doing so:

1) The geographical area in which this dialect is spoken is the most central region of Occitan, as well as the largest. (See Figure 4.1) 2) Given its “diachronic stability”, it remains the closest to the classic medieval Occitan dialect, (meaning that it has changed the least over its long evolution.) 3) It represents a particularly traditional morphology and syntax in comparison with the other dialects. (In other words, the structure of the language and its arrangement of words and phrases has remained the most consistent.)108

104 Louis Alibert, Dictionnaire occitan-français d'après les parlers languedociens (Toulouse: Institut d'Etudes Occitanes, 1997). (While a later publication of this book is mentioned in the section on orthography, this is the edition used for the pronunciations and translations within this document.) 105 Pierre Bec, Manuel pratique d’occitan modern (Paris: A. &J. Picard, 1973), 29-78. 106 Martin Harris, and Nigel Vincent, The Romance Languages (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 246-278. 107 Bazalgues, L'Occitan lèu-lèu e plan, 10. Also Alibert, Dictionnaire occitan-français d'après les parlers languedociens, 12. 108 Bec, Manuel pratique d’occitan modern, 25-26. “...dialecte particulièrement conservateur aussi bien dans ses structures phonologiques que morpho-syntaxiques et qui est, géographiquement, on l'a vu, le plus central et le plus étendu. Il est en outre, de par sa stabilité diachronique, le dialecte le plus proche de l'occitan médiéval classique, ce qui constitue un argument culturel non négligeable. Beaucoup plus même que le toscan en Italie, il est vraiment, de par sa position centrale et la solidité de ses structures, le parler directeur de l'ensemble occitan.” 32

Therefore, all pronunciation rules within this document will also be based upon this dialect. This choice is also substantiated by the fact that Perbosc’s native city of Montaubaun lies in the heart of the Languedocian dialect area. Excepting the Martin/Harris text, all references mentioned above are written in French, and none of them use the standard International Phonetic Alphabet as a basis for pronunciation. Therefore, it is necessary to possess a thorough knowledge of French diction when consulting these sources, given that all phonetic spellings are geared towards the French speaker; (i.e. the letters (ou) given to indicate the [u] sound.) Bec provides a system similar to IPA, with a key at the beginning of his book.109 The charts in the following section are designed for quick reference in terms of identifying the most common sounds associated with each Occitan letter or group of letters, complete with specification as to where each letter falls within the word. Before consulting these charts, however, it is necessary to first examine the many rules and exceptions concerning the Languedocian dialect of the Occitan language.

4.4.1 Introduction to Occitan Pronunciation In summarizing the main differences between the dialects of Occitan and the French language, D.E. Ager cites several distinctions in his book Sociolinguistics and Contemporary French, as derived from Pierre Bec, including:

 The lack of nasalized vowels  No diphthongization  The pronunciation of final vowels (no mute “e”) and consonants.110

In the interest of clarity, individual letters and word-endings will be presented in the following discussion within parentheses, (x) or (-x). To reiterate, the letters in parentheses are indicative of spellings, not pronunciations, the latter of which will be indicated by the standard International Phonetic Alphabet brackets of [x].

109 Bec, Manuel pratique d’occitan moderne, 2-4. 110 Ager, Sociolinguistics and Contemporary French, 44. 33

4.4.2 Word Stress

The Occitan language utilizes strong syllabic accents, unlike French. As a general rule, if the word ends in a vowel, the stress falls on the penultimate syllable of the word; if it ends in a consonant (silent or not, and glides included), the stress falls on the final syllable. The following exceptions are in effect, however: conjugated verbs ending in (–s) and (–n) use the “penultimate syllable” rule, even though they end in consonants, as do “penultimate syllable rule” nouns which are made plural by the addition of an (s). All other exceptions are denoted by a diacritical accent, (sostén, nàisser, plànher, etc.)

4.4.3 Vowels The Occitan language contains seven vowel sounds: [a], [e], [ɛ], [i], [ɔ], [u], and [y]. While Bec also allows for the final, unaccented vowel of [ə], he later states that this sound equates to open or closed (o). 111 The unspecific nature of this vowel may be unsettling to the singer, but Bec further describes it as “une voyelle dont l’aperture est phonologiquement neutre,” or “a vowel whose aperture is phonetically neutral.” 112 In a more detailed discussion of the vowel (o), Bec specifies that:

In any case, the opposition of [ɔ] versus [o] is not relevant in modern Occitan, (while it was in ancient Occitan). The phoneme “o” involves a field of rather large dispersion. It is nevertheless pronounced the most often as [ɔ], as in sotte, porte, molle.113

Therefore, the renderings of Bec’s neutral “o” vowel is transcribed as [ɔ] throughout this document. The common spellings of these various vowel sounds are detailed in Tables 4.1-4.3, which also address how placement within a word may affect their pronunciation. The most noteworthy differences in comparison to French pronunciation involve two vowels: the letter

111 Bec, Manuel pratique d’occitan modern, 34. 112 Ibid, 2. 113 Ibid, 34. 34

(a), which is normally pronounced [ɔ] at the end of a word, and the letter (o), which is most often pronounced [u]. The following list addresses various issues concerning Occitan vowels.

1. The letter (a) is normally pronounced [ɔ] at the end of a word. However, exceptions are made for the feminine articles and possessives la, ma, ta, and sa, which retain the [a] sound. 2. Exceptions also occur when an adverb ending is added to an adjective. For instance, the word granda is pronounced [gran dɔ]. When the (–ment) ending is added to form an adverb, the root retains its original pronunciation, resulting in [gran dɔ men], and not [gran da men], even though the middle (a) is not at the end of the word. 3. The above rule also applies to nouns ending in (-a) when they are pluralized. For instance, the word aiga [aj gɔ] becomes aigas [aj gɔs] in its plural form, and not [aj gas] even though the (a) is no longer at the end of the word. 4. Verb endings also create exceptions. For infinitives ending in (-ar), the second-person singular and third-person plural forms have endings of (-as) and (-an), respectively. Again, even though the (a) is not the final letter of these words, they are pronounced [ɔ]. See the sample conjugation below for clarification. Verb endings for (-ir) and (-er) verbs are spelled without the letter (a) in their endings, and therefore they are not affected by this rule.

Verb Conjugation of (-ar) Verbs canti [kan ti] cantam [kan tan] cantas [kan tɔs] cantatz [kan tats] canta [kan tɔ] cantan [kan tɔn]

5. Note that in contrast to the rule above, (-an) endings which indicate future tense for any verb are pronounced [an]. Also, the word an, meaning “he/she has” is pronounced [an].

4.4.4 Final Consonants

1. Final consonants are normally pronounced in Occitan. However, the letters (r) and (n) are usually silent when appearing as the last consonant of a word, (often denoting infinitive endings). One exception to this rule is the Occitan article un, which Bec transcribes as [yn], unless followed by the bilabials (b) or (p), that give [ym].

35

2. In general, one pronounces the final letters (l), (t), (p), (c)/[k] and (s) at the end of Occitan words. Bec provides the following examples: tot [tut], lop [lup], sec [sek], blos [blus], blats [blats], and ostal [ustal]. 3. Voiced occlusives [b, d, g] revert to their corresponding unvoiced occlusives [p, t, k], when they occur at the end of words (in a similar fashion to German endings). Along these lines, when feminine words such as loba, cantada, or amiga are written in masculine form, they become lop, cantat, and amic, respectively. Although most dialects follow this rule in pronouncing final (g) as [k], in the Languedocian dialect the pronunciation of final (g) is most often pronounced [tʃ]. 4. The final letters (m) and (n) also warrant further explanation. A final letter (n) is usually silent, but a final (m) denotes [n]. To reiterate, final (n) is mute, but final (m) is pronounced [n]. (Bec attributes this phenomenon to the ancient derivation of these words.)114 This trend is observed in the following examples: can [ka], pan [pa], ben, [be], vin [vi], as opposed to: vim [vin], fam [fan], cantam [kantan], etc. An exception to this rule occurs with the common word son, pronounced [sun] except when preceding a (b) or (p), which gives [sum]. 5. Words that employ certain rules of pronunciation for final consonants in their root form carry this pronunciation into their derivatives. Thus, solelh [su lel] becomes solelhar [su le la], and not [su le ʎa].115 6. Regarding final (s), Martin and Harris specify that this consonant may transfer into a [j] glide when preceding certain words.116 Specifically, they state that final (s) becomes [j] before consonants other than voiceless stops. For example, los buòus would become [luj bjɔws], but las claus would remain [las klaws]. This rule is not employed in the transcriptions of the songs in Chapter 7, for one primary reason: in Bec’s transcriptions, he provides this as an option in the first two instances in which it may apply, but he then drops the [j] option for the remainder of the book. For example, in Bec’s first prose passage, the first possibility of employing this rule occurs in the words las bastendas. In this instance, these words are transcribed [las/laj ba sten dɔs], but in similar word groupings later in the

114 Bec, Manuel pratique d’occitan modern, 69. 115 Bazalgues, L'Occitan lèu-lèu e plan, 14. See specific rules for (lh) in the Pronunciation Chart below. . 116 Harris and Vincent, The Romance Languages, 252. 36

passage, and later in the book, Bec drops the [laj] option. When singing, words are often pronounced with a more formal pronunciation, and therefore the author has chosen Bec’s first option, retaining the (s), in the Chapter 7 transcriptions.

4.4.5 Consonant Groups The pronunciation of two, three, and four-consonant clusters is a complicated topic in Occitan. These phonemes often change pronunciation based on their position at the end of syllables or words. This situation is often created simply by the addition of an (s) to pluralize a word, and therefore we will first examine various examples of this occurrence below.

1. Words that end in (p, t, c) naturally form the following combinations in their plural form: (-ps, -ts, -cs). In these particular combinations in Occitan, the initial consonants are ultimately ignored, and all three of these particular combinations are pronounced [ts]. For example, naps, rats, and ròcs all adopt [ts] as their final sound, becoming [nats], [rats], and [rɔts], respectively. This rule will be referred to in ensuing discussions as “the ending [ts] rule.” However, if this rule results in the creation of a homonym that causes confusion between words in any given context, the words may revert to the pronunciation indicated by their spelling. For instance, if the words socs (logs) and sots (pigpens) happen to be used in the same sentence, the pronunciation of socs may revert to [sɔks].117 2. For words ending in the [tʃ] sound, the pluralizing (s) is either silent, or causes the [ts] sound mentioned above. For instance, puegs may be pronounced [pɥetʃ] or [pɥets]. 3. It has been previously noted that the pronunciation of the final (m) at the end of a word is [n]. Bec specifies that the [n] sound is also incorporated into all final combinations involving the letter (m). Thus: (ms, mn, md) become [ns, nn, nd]. However, the combination ending (-mp) is often pronounced [n], the (p) becoming mute.118 4. Bazalgues also addresses certain double-consonant issues, clarifying that in the combinations (mn), (tn), or (tl), the first letter is pronounced as the second, and therefore the second-position letter is doubled. Thus femna = [fen:nɔ], petnar = [pen:na], and brutlar = [bryl:la]. 119 This rule will be referred to in ensuing discussions as “the doubling rule.”

117 Bec, Manuel pratique d’occitan modern, 70. 118 Ibid, 69-70. 119 Bazalgues, L'Occitan lèu-lèu e plan, 14. 37

Although none of the three sources mentioned above elaborate further on this rule, this appears to be a frequent trend with any two-consonant groupings, with the first taking on the sound of the second. This assumption is based other word examples throughout Bec’s book, and the rule is not limited to the three consonant groups mentioned by Bazalgues above. 5. Regarding triple consonant clusters, Bec states that the typical treatment is to drop the middle consonant, whether this occurs in one syllable, between two syllables, or even two words within a sentence.120 At first glance, the examples he provides do not appear to abide by this rule, but individual discussions are provided below that address how this rule may still apply in the following examples.  avètz jurat [a bed dʒy rat]: If we assume that the middle (z) has been dropped, the resulting combination is (tj), or [t:dʒ]121 which would then be subjected to “the doubling rule” discussed above, (the first letter becomes pronounced as the second, thus doubling it.)  ròcs sombres [rɔt sum bres]: If we use “the ending [ts] rule” from above, the entire combination of consonants of (css) would be transcribed [tss]. Bec’s transcription then drops the middle (s).  naps gelats [nad dʒe lats]: The entire cluster here of (psg), using the rules above, would transcribe to [tsdʒ]. Dropping the middle (s), we would be left with [tdʒ], which is then subjected to “the doubling rule”, with the first sound becoming a doubling of the second. (Also mots d’alemand = [mud da le man].)122  taps longs [tal:luŋks]: Using the “ending [ts] rule” once again, the resulting cluster is [tsl]. The (s) is then dropped, and the [tl] combination is subjected to “the doubling rule.”  cort moment [kur mu men]: This example conforms to Bec’s general rule of the middle consonant simply being dropped.  temps d’estiu [ten de stiw]: Here, the (mp) becomes [n] and we are left with the cluster of [nsd]. The middle consonant is then dropped in this case as well.

120 Bec, Manuel pratique d’occitan modern, 70. 121 See the Pronunciation Charts below, which is give (j) as [dʒ] in Table 4.4: Single Consonants. 122 Ibid, 83. 38

 pòrcs negres [pɔr ne gres]: In this example, the (rcs) is the first cluster to fall prey to the three-consonant rule of dropping the middle letter, becoming [rs]. The remaining combination of [rsn] is then subjected once more to the rule, dropping the middle (s).

Predictably, Bec provides a large exception to the discussion above. When employing the sound-altering rules of consonant clusters between words, these rules may be abandoned at any time for the purposes of emphasis, or to separate two clauses.123 From this discussion, it is clear that the pronunciation of two, three, and four-consonant clusters is a complex situation in Occitan. However, Bec’s book provides enough examples (as opposed to rules), that it is often possible to find a similar grouping of letters upon which to base one’s pronunciation. In addition to the first chapter which is dedicated solely to pronunciation, Chapters II-V begin with prose passages in the Languedocian dialect, followed by a full phonetic (French) spelling of this passage, a French translation, and then a detailed examination of each word in the passage. It is often possible, therefore, to find answers within the prose that are not directly addressed in the pronunciation discussion.

4.5 Pronunciation Charts

Table 4.1: Single Vowels

SPELLING AS WORD ENDING IPA124 OCCITAN WORD EXAMPLES a, à -an, -ar [a] mal, gràcia, deman, cantar → -a, -á, -as, -an [ɔ] canta, aviá, cantas, cantan e, é -en, -er [e] negre, pél, sosten, poder è -èr [ɛ] fèsta, papièr i, í, ï -in, -ir [i] vida, malícia, païs, matin, partir ò ò [ɔ] pòrta o, ó -on, -or [u] pol, lópia, cardon, dolor u, ú -un, -ur [y] luna, , Prússia, dejun, segur

123 Ibid, 70. 124 Pronunciation is provided in standard International Phonetic Alphabet format. 39

Table 4.2: Double Vowel Combinations (Glides)125

VOWELS PRONUNCIATION OCCITAN WORD EXAMPLES

ai, ài [aj] maire, nàisser au [aw] nau eu, èu [ew, ɛw] beu, nèu ei, èi [ej, ɛj] veire, pèira ia, iá, ie, io, iò [ja, jɔ, je, ju, jɔ] disiam, malautiá, primier, violeta, piòt iu [iw] viu oa, oe [wa, we] Coar, oelha oi, òi [uj, ɔj] coire, còire òu [ɔw] nòu u before (i) or (e) [ɥe, ɥi,] cuer, aduire, u before (o) [jɔ] fuòc, cuol any vowel + ü [ay, iy] ataüc, diürn

Table 4.3: Triple Vowel Combinations

VOWELS PRONUNCIATION OCCITAN WORD EXAMPLES

iau [jaw] miau, ciau iei, ieu [jej, jew] vieira, ieu oie [uje] boiers uei [ɥej] nueit, uei, puei uòi [jɔj] puòi, cuòissa uòu [jɔw] uòu, buòu

125 Diphthongs do not exist in Occitan as two distinct vowel sounds. Rather, they function as a combination of a glide plus a vowel, or a vowel plus a glide. Triphthongs consist of a vowel between two glides. 40

Table 4.4: Single Consonants

SPELLING IPA NOTES/ EXCEPTIONS b [b] [β] as intervocalic final (b) [p] c + a, o, u [k] c + i, e [s] Also as intervocalic ç [s] final (c) [k] d [d] [ð] as intervocalic final (d) [t] sometimes mute f [f] g + a, o, u [g] [ɣ] as intervocalic g + i, e [dʒ] [ɣ] as intervocalic gu + i, e [g] final (g) [tʃ] j [dʒ] l [l] m [m] final (m) [n] n [n] Except in 3rd-person plural verb conjugation and future final (n) mute tense: Cantan =[kan tɔn], auran = [aw ran] p [p] q [k] [ɾ] or r Single (r) is trilled as first letter of a word. [r] Never pronounced as the final letter of infinitives, final (r) mute sometimes pronounced in nouns. [z] as intervocalic. [ʃ] in other dialects, but not s [s] Languedocian. final (s) [s] [z] if next word begins with a vowel t [t] [t] or Final [t] sound dropped when following another final (t) mute consonant at end of word: cant= [kan], trist = [tris] v [b] [β] as intervocalic x [ts] z [z]

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Table 4.5: Consonant Clusters Part 1 (bd-qu)

SPELLING126 IPA NOTES/ EXCEPTIONS/ EXAMPLES bd [t:t] cabdèl = [kat:tԑl] bs [ts] absolut = [at so lut] cc [ts] accent = [at sen] ch [tʃ] chaple = [tʃa ple] final (-cs) [ts] sòcs = [sɔts] ct [t:t] acte = [at: te] gn [n:n] signe = [sin:ne] [tʃ] or (s) either remains mute or changes [tʃ] to [ts] sound. final (-gs) [ts] puegs = [pɥetʃ] or [pɥets] lh [ ʎ] For intervocalic placement: palha = [pa ʎɔ] final (-lh) [l] solelh = [su lel] ll [l:l] palle = [pal:le] final (-mb) [m] amb l’aiga = [am laj gɔ] mn [n:n] femna = [fen:nɔ] mp [mp] campas = [kam pas] final (-mp) [n] camp = [kan], temps = [tens] final (-ms) [ns] fems = [fens] nb, nv [mb] un vagon = [ym bagu] Final [t] sound dropped when following consonant at end of final (-nd) [n] word: vend = [ben] -ng or -nk ŋ panga = [paŋ gɔ], tank = [taŋk] nh [ɲ] At start or middle of word. Castanha = [ka sta ɲɔ] final (-nh) [n] estanh = [e stan] np [mp] son partits = [sum par tits] nt [nt] montam = [mun tan] Final [t] sound dropped when following consonant at end of final (-nt) [n] word: cant= [kan] final (-ps) [ts] naps = [nats] pt [t:t] recapte = [re kat:te] qu [k] quèpi = [kԑ pi]

126 The pronunciation of all final consonant clusters applies to both the final sounds of syllables and words. 42

Table 4.6: Consonant Clusters Part 2, (rd-xc)127

SPELLING IPA NOTES/ EXCEPTIONS/ EXAMPLES final [d] sound dropped when following (r) at end of word: final (-rd) [r] verd = [ber], falord = [fa lur] final (-rm) or [-m,-n,] èrm = [ m], jorn = [ un] (-rn) ԑ dʒ in this combination. final (-rs) The letter “r” is usually dropped odors = [udus] final (-rt) [rt] part = [part] s + unvoiced [s] mesclar = [mes kla], esperar = [e spe ra] consonant s + voiced esdracar = [ez dra ka] [z] consonant esgardar = [ez gar da] ss [s] Double (ss) in intervocalic placement is [s] and not [z] Final [t] sound dropped when following consonant at end of final (-st) [s] word: trist = [tris] tb [b:b] futbòl = [fub: bɔl] tc k:k tot còp = [tuk:kɔp] tg [dʒ] coratge = [ku ra dʒe] tl [l:l] amètla = [a mԑl:la] tn [n:n] petnar = [pen:na] final (-ts) [ts] prats = [prats] [ts] or only [s] when final (t) is silent. final (-tz ) [s] cantatz = [kan tats] OR diriatz = [di rjas] xc [ts] excepcion = [et set sju]

Table 4.7: Pronunciation Exceptions in Common Words

PRONUNCIATION EXCEPTIONS IN COMMON WORDS un [yn], but [ym] before (b) or (p) sus [sy] dins [din] dels [des] son [sun], but [sum] before (b) or (p) en [en], but [em] before (b) or (p)

127 For triple consonant clusters, see the discussion above regarding “Consonant Groups.”

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CHAPTER 5 THE POETRY

5.1 Overview of Perbosc’s L’Arada Perbosc composed the original twelve poems of L'Arada in 1902, and they have since been published in various editions.128 The first edition was published in Toulouse in 1906, with an accompanying “loose translation” in French of the original Occitan text.129 The collection eventually fell out of print, being resurrected in partial form in Felix Castan’s 1961 publication of Antonin Perbosc: Choix de poèmes occitans, in which four of the original twelve poems of L'Arada were re-translated and briefly discussed.130 The next publication occurred in 1970, in a new collection of Perbosc poems entitled Sorgas, published by the Institut d’Etudes Occitanes.131 This particular edition is noteworthy for several reasons: 1) the poems had been published with new spellings, using the updated rules of standardized Occitan orthography,132 2) they were now accompanied by Perbosc’s own French translations, and 3) far beyond simple re-spellings, the texts had been noticeably altered in this edition. According to the editor of the most recent publication of Perbosc’s poems, Xavier Ravier, these modifications of 1970 were the work of Perbosc himself, with the new versions being published posthumously.133 Ravier’s 2000 edition of L'Arada/L’Arée provides extensive commentary on all of the poems, which Ravier reproduced from the 1970 version mentioned above. In defending his decision to use this edition as the basis for his translations, Ravier states that “the comparison of [the 1906 version] with the one that is now the authority [the 1970 version] shows that Perbosc wanted to work towards a reduction of his text, and this very likely in the interest of gaining expressivity.”134

128 Ravier and Perbosc, L'Arada/ L'arée, 10. With the exception of “Lo lech a l’estable,” written in 1891, all poems were composed in October and November of 1902. 129 Ibid, 13, 34. Translation by Father Arnaud Ferrand; original publisher was J. Marqueste. 130 F́lix-Marcel Castan, Antonin Perbosc: Choix de poèmes occitans (Toulouse: Institut d'Estudis occitans, 1961). 131 Antonin Perbosc, Lo libre del campèstre/ Le livre de la nature, in Sòrgas (Toulouse: Institut d'estudis occitans, 1970). 132 See Chapter 4 for more information regarding the development of Occitan orthography. 133 Ravier, L'Arada/ L'arée, 40. Ravier does not elaborate upon precisely when Perbosc made these changes, but he does include statements such as “…l'auteur a pris ultérieurement une decision de réécriture,” or “…the author later made a decision to rewrite…” 134 Ravier and Perbosc, L'Arada/ L'arée, 40. “La comparaison de cette dernière avec celle qui fait actuellement autorité montre que Perbosc a voulu oeuvrer dans le sens d'un allégement de son texte, et ce très vraisemblablement dans le but de gagner en expressivité…” 44

Canteloube’s texts are based on the 1906 version. Thankfully, while Ravier chose the 1970 version for his own translations, he painstakingly preserved and notated all variations from the 1906 version as well. Therefore, for any line of poetry in which the new text differs from the 1906 version, Ravier provides a footnote with Perbosc’s precise 1906 wording.

5.1.1 Sonnet Form All twelve of the poems of L’Arada are written in sonnet form, a poetic style that has its roots in the amorous poetry of the Provencal troubadours. The formal configuration of the sonnet became more consistent with 13th-century Sicilian court poets, and is considered to have reached its pinnacle of expression in the formal poetry of Petrarch, the 14th-century Tuscan poet.135 The formal structure of the Petrarchan, or Italian sonnet, is as follows:

 14 lines, with a division between the first eight lines, (the octave, consisting of two quatrains) and the last 6 lines, (the sestet, usually divided into two tercets).  Rhyme scheme of abba abba for the octave, and three options for the sestet: cdecde, cdccdc, or cdedce.  The thematic material is clearly divided between the octave and the sestet, with the octave stating a problem or expressing an emotional conflict, and the sestet resolving this adversity. This marked change in mood is typically referred to as the volta, or “turn”of the sonnet, signaling the progression from hardship to resolution.

In 16th century England, the sonnet took on a slightly varied form in the poetry of Shakespeare and other Elizabethan poets. The altered aspects of this form may be summarized as:

 14 lines, with the volta occurring between the first twelve lines, (divided into three quatrains), and the last 2 lines, (the couplet).  Rhyme scheme of abab cdcd efef gg

Although Perbosc’s poems all resemble the Italian sonnet on the page, (in terms of the formal division of stanzas), the placement of the volta is sometimes more Elizabethan. In the

135 Encyclopedia Britannica Online, "Sonnet," accessed October 07, 2013, www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/554519/sonnet. 45 song discussions of Chapter 7, it will become apparent that Canteloube’s music most often reflects the divisions of Perbosc’s Italian sonnet structure, with occational exceptions. The composer usually reflects this separation of stanzas through musical interludes, or at times with a simple modification of musical material.

5.1.2 Campèstre There are many themes in Perbosc’s Occitan poetry which are difficult to translate. The title itself, L'Arada, was translated by Canteloube as “La Terre,” which in English translates to “the earth.”136 Cougniaud-Raginel comments that this term was translated “peut-être maladroitement,” or “perhaps awkardly” by Canteloube, implying that “La Terre” did not capture the full meaning of this “ancient French word.”137 Alibert provides two meanings of the word “arada” in his Occitan-French dictionary: 1) Terre labourée (plowed land), and 2) labour (plowing). Ravier changes the translation of his 2000 publication to the French word L’Arée, most likely in deference to Perbosc, who had considered this as a translation himself.138 Two main themes prevail throughout Perbosc’s L'Arada, as identified by Ravier: “lo campèstre” and “los pacans.”139 Campèstre is another complicated Occitan term that will be examined further below, but it may be translated loosely as “nature.” “Los pacans” refers to the people of the countryside, literally translating to “peasants,” but more fittingly alluding to rural landowners or farmers. Campèstre is a concept that is unique to the Occitan language, integrating a dual meaning of “nature” in both the terrestrial and cosmic sense. Neither French nor English possesses a similar word in its lexicon, but one might compare it to the English word “earth,” which refers to both terrestrial soil and/or the planet within the solar system. Ravier points to two particular passages within Perbosc’s texts that allude to this cosmic sense of nature. The first is extracted from “Lauraires e trobaires,” the second from “Los lauraires.”

136 Canteloube may have been subtly referencing the German Romantic notion of das Land, a term that refers simultaneously to the countryside, the farmers’ fields, the soil, and, the metaphysical engagement between the human and the pastoral. 137 Cougniaud-Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre, 56. 138 Ravier and Perbosc, L'Arada/ L'arée, 27. Perbosc is quoted in a letter to Estieu dated December 6: “Je reverrai tout ça à loisir, les traductions surtout, qui sont très difficiles. J'adopte le titre ‘L'Arada’ bien qu'il soit très imparfaitement traduisible par ‘Le Labour’. Si je mettais ‘L'Arée’?” 139 Ibid, 13. 46

E tram totes los camps e jos totes los cèls, And across all the fields and under all the skies, sul grand rugle virant que'l solelh escaudura, on the large spinning globe warmed by the Sun es lo meme prètzfach e la mèma ondradura it is the same holy work and the same attire de parelhs afanats engarlandats d'ausèls. of panting pairs of oxen with garlands made of birds.

Sul campèstre, d'ont monta un ferum ardoresc, In the fields, where an intense, primitive scent rises, s'enregan los bordons, mentre que fa son cresc, the furrows align, while making its ascent, amont,, l’espectaclosa e raianta remarga above, the spectacular and radiant net qu'espandis lo Solelh, pescaire de trumor. deployed by the Sun, fisher of darkness. La Tèrra manda a l'Astre un sirventesc d'amor : The Earth sends to the Stars a song of love: es la granda Canson dels Boièrs que s'alarga. it is the grand Song of the Herdsmen that rises up.

Ravier elaborates that campèstre refers to that which is sensed as well as that which is visible, and he also identifies it as a link between nature and the universal activities of men.140 He finds fault with a translation of campèstre provided by the publishers of the 1970 Sòrgas collection. In this edition, the Institut d'estudis occitans chooses to translate Perbosc’s work entitled Lo libre del campèstre as Le Livre de la nature, but Ravier points out that Perbosc used the Occitan word natura in his poetry in a different, more literal sense, and that campèstre should be translated only as “campèstre.” This notion is very much in line with Perbosc’s own sentiments, based on the following comment from 1897 regarding another of his poetry collections: “for my title, I am thinking ‘Campèstre’, nothing more. Translation: campèstre. With all my heart, I wish that this word would pass into French.”141 Given that the concept of campèstre links nature and the universal activities of mankind, the act of plowing represents the perfect embodiment of these ideals, and therefore it is a fitting subject for Perbosc’s L'Arada. This universal activity involves many objects, both animate and inanimate, and these objects appear within the poetry as recurring themes throughout Perbosc’s sonnets: the peasants (los pacans), the plowers (los lauraires), the oxen who pull the plow (los buòus), the herdsmen who tend the oxen (boiers), as well as stables, pastures, and other physical objects. The choice of this subject appears simple enough; as stated above, it symbolizes a

140 Ravier and Perbosc, L'Arada/ L'arée, 14. 141 Ibid, 13. Quoted in a letter from Perbosc to his friend and colleague Prosper Estieu: “Pour mon titre, j'en suis a ‘Campèstre’, sans plus. Traduction: campèstre. À toute force, je veux que ce mot passe dans le français.” 47 universal activity, and it revolves around the theme of nature. But the topic holds a clever surprise in Occitan: the word mosada has two meanings in this language; it refers to both the literal furrow created by the plow, as well as the strophe of a poem. Thus, Perbosc is able to heighten the symbol of plowing even further, concluding that “the row of the plower and the row of one whose plow is a pen” are one and the same. These lines are contained within the first poem of Perbosc’s collection, but Canteloube chooses this powerful image as the closing lines of his cycle.

5.2 A Comparison of the Collections: Poetry vs. Songs Canteloube set six out of Perbosc’s twelve poems. The chart below represents a summary of the changed order between the poems and the songs, as well as an indication of the poems that Canteloube chose not to include in his cycle.

Table 5.1: Comparison Chart of Poetry Collection and Song Cycle

Poem No. Poem Title English Translation Song No. I “Lauraires e trobaires” “Plowers and poets” 6

II “Lo lech a l’estable” “The manger in the stable” - III Los lauraires The plowers 1 “ ” “ ” IV “La cançon dels boiers” “The song of the herdsmen” 2 V “Lo pastenc” “The pasture” - VI “L’ivernada” “Winter” 4 VII “Gandiment” “Deliverance” - VIII “Mal sosc” “False dream” 5

IX “Lum” “Light” - X “Lo pastre” “The shepherd” -

XI “Darrièr bordon” “Last plow row” - XII “La mossada” “The furrow” 3

In an overview of the poems that Canteloube selected for his song cycle, it is difficult to draw any firm conclusions as to why he included some and not others. His decision to set “Los lauraires,” “La cançon dels boièrs,” “La mossada,” and “Lauraires e trobaires” is understandable, since they all directly refer to singing within their texts, (but so does “Lum,” which he did not

48 select.) The other common link between the four poems mentioned above is a strong presence of the plower and the herdsman, but in a general, occupational sense, rather than an individual sense. In other words, plowers and herdsmen are also mentioned in the excluded poems, but they appear as very specific people, sometimes even with proper names, rather than in a collective sense. The composer’s inclusion of “L’ivernada” is an interesting choice, as it represents a complete departure from any human focus. Instead, its sole subjects are anthropomorphized oxen, dreaming of their productive summer days in the fields, and lamenting the inactive days of winter. And while plowers are also mentioned in “Mal sosc,” the focus of this poem is truly the “false dream” of city life that threatens to rob the fields of plowers and herdsmen. There is in general a more human, emotional feel to the poems that Canteloube did not choose, as opposed to the lofty, cosmic atmosphere in the majority of those he did set to music. Within the excluded poems, some have a slightly darker mood, focusing on old age or death, but others are joyous, recounting a soldier returning home to his plow after three years of duty, or a herdsmen spending a peaceful night sleeping in the stable with his ox who has just given birth to a calf. While it is impossible to state precisely why Canteloube chose some poems over others, the most likely conclusion is that he simply chose the poems whose imagery spoke the most powerfully to him. In a final observation regarding the comparison of poetry and song texts, it is necessary to address the numerous discrepancies between the spellings of poet and composer. For instance, the title of Perbosc’s twelfth poem is entitled “La mossada,” while Canteloube’s third song is entitled “La mosada.” There are two possibilities regarding these discrepancies: 1) the texts in Ravier’s book are the product of several re-spellings, resulting from the progressive standardization of Occitan spelling throughout the 20th century, (while Canteloube’s text has remained unchanged since its publication in 1923). Or 2) Canteloube is known to have respelled certain words with a more French-friendly phonetic spelling when he thought it would help the singer to pronounce the word more correctly; (see Lori McCann’s thesis on the Chants d’Auvergne for a more detailed description of this tendency).142 Specific spelling discrepancies will be discussed within the context of the individual song studies in Chapter 7.

142 Lori E. McCann, “A Critical Performing Edition of Selected Songs from Chants D'Auvergne Collected and Harmonized by Joseph Canteloube” (DMA Thesis, University of Cincinnati, 1996), 13. 49

CHAPTER 6

THE MUSIC: L'ARADA AS A WHOLE

6.1 Historical Context Based on the completion dates Canteloube has provided for each song within the Heugel edition of L’Arada, the compositional period of the entire cycle may be identified as August 1918 to September 1922.143 While the order of songs within a cycle does not always coincide with chronological composition order, this is indeed the case for L’Arada, as detailed below:

Table 6.1: Completion Dates for the Songs of L'Arada

No. Song Title Completion Date 1 “Los lauraires” August 1918 2 “La canson dels boiers” August 1918 3 “La mosada” July 1922 4 “L’Ibèrnada” August 1922 5 “Mal sosc” September 1922 6 “Lauraires e trobaires” September 1922

It is interesting to note that World War I was still underway as Canteloube began L’Arada; August of 1918 represents the beginning of the Hundred Days Offensive in France, which marked the final phase of the war. Therefore, L'Arada was presumably undertaken while the composer was still serving in his official capacity as military secretary in Montauban. As detailed in Chapter 2, the four-year composition gap between August of 1918 and July of 1922 is attributable to several factors: 1) the busy performance schedule maintained by Canteloube throughout the period after the war, 2) his teaching of Henri Sauguet, and 3) the death of his close friend and colleague Déodat de Séverac in 1921. The rapid completion of the

143 Joseph Canteloube and Antonin Perbosc, L'Arada (La Terre) (Paris: Heugel, 1923).

50 last four pieces in 1922 is referenced in Cougniaud-Raginel’s biography, in the context of the composer’s continued work on his first opera, Le Mas: The broad sense of nature that dominates all these pages [of Le Mas] certainly harkens back to the love of the land present in the work of Séverac. Always continuing in this same direction, our musician finishes L'Arada during a stay at Céret in the summer of 1922.144

Cougniaud-Raginel is effusive in his assessment of the pieces, marking them as the composer’s “re-awakening of musical consciousness,”145 and praising the manner in which “singing and piano unite to translate and highlight, without any artifice, the feelings and images contained within the six poems, inspired by the unique and passionate terrestrial sense of Antonin Perbosc.”146 While L'Arada was first published in its entirety by Heugel in 1923, the fifth song, “Mal sosc,” appeared as a musical supplement to the journal La Revue Musicale in August of 1923.147 According to Cahours d’Aspry, the work debuted in Paris with the Société Nationale de Musique in 1924. The precise date of the premiere is not cited directly, but conclusions may be drawn from Arthur Hóŕe’s review, which Cahours d’Aspry references as being written “on the day after the first performance.”148 This review was published in La Revue musicale on March 1, 1924, and therefore we may assume that the premiere took place sometime in February of 1924. The review is translated in its entirety below:

The sunny disposition of M. Canteloube fits perfectly with the six sonnets in the Occitan language of A. Perbosc, which comprise L'Arada. These pieces depart slightly from the framework of

144 Cougniaud-Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre, 55-56. Céret is a small French town which borders Spain in the foothills of the Pyrénées. “Le large sentiment de la nature qui domine dans toutes ces pages rejoint certainement l’amour de la terre présent dans l’oeuvre de Séverac. Poursuivant toujours dans cette même direction, notre musicien termine L'Arada, lors d’un séjour a Céret pendant l’été 1922.” 145 Ibid, 51. “…marquant le réveil de sa conscience musicale…” 146 Ibid, 56. “Chant et piano s’unissent pour traduire et souligner sans aucun artifice, les sentiments et les images contenues dans poèmes d’inspiration uniquement et passionnément terrienne dus à Antonin Perbosc.” 147 Joseph Canteloube, “Mal sosc,” La Revue musicale, Year 4, No. 10 (August 1, 1923): Supplément Musical. 148 Cahours d'Aspry, Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957): chantre d'Auvergne et d'ailleurs, 62. “En 1924, au lendemain de leur premiere audition a la Société Nationale, Arthur Hoérée commenta cette derniere creation…” 51

mélodie, appearing more as large, broad brushstrokes in which the themes yield readily to the freely declaimed melody. The piano accompaniment depicts with simplicity these rough and rhythmic verses, smelling of the warm earth. They are, for the southern native Canteloube, an excuse for vocal expansion which is indulged in by the intelligent interpreter, Mlle Bonnard, with the sensual joy common to genuine singers. If the form is sometimes abandoned, one must appreciate, in our era of dogmatic synthesis, this sincere and generous music, hungry for strength and light. Music of the sun certainly, but that which would yet benefit from the utilization of order, from an organized channeling of the active forces of our Sun.149

An earlier performance of L'Arada on March 22, 1923 is documented in Cougniaud- Raginel’s biography, almost a year prior to the premiere at the Société Nationale. The concert took place in Montauban, given by the same soprano mentioned in the Parisian premiere, Madeleine Bonnard, with Canteloube at the piano.150

6.2 Common Compositional Elements As evident in the discussion above, almost any reference to the music of L'Arada involves a corresponding allusion to nature. Canteloube uses many techniques to illustrate this predominant theme of Perbosc’s poetry, and the composer’s ability to capture the atmosphere of the outdoors within his music is articulated best in a quote from one of his own writings:

149 Arthur Hóŕe, “L'Arada de J. Canteloube,” La Revue musicale, Year 5, No. 5 (Paris, March 1, 1924): 260. “Le tempérament soleilleux de M. Canteloube s’accorde excellemment avec les six sonnets en langue d’oc, d’A. Perbosc, qui composent L'Arada. Ces pièces sortent quelque peu du cadre de la mélodie et semblent plutôt de grandes frises largement brossées où la thématique cède volontiers le pas à la mélodie librement déclamée. L’accompagnement de piano commente, avec simplicité, ces vers frustes et rythmés qui sentent la terre chaude: ils sont, pour le méridional qu’est M. Canteloube, prétexte à l'expansion vocale où s'est complu—avec cette joie sensuelle commune aux vraies chanteuses—l'intelligente interprète, Mlle Bonnard. Si la forme est parfois lâchée, il faut aimer, à notre époque de synthèse dogmatisée, cette musique sincère et généreuse, avide de force et de lumière. Musique de soleil assurément, mais qui gagnerait encore à l'exploitation en règle, à la canalisation organisée des forces vives de notre astre.” 150 Cougniaud-Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre, 51. Even after his return to Paris, Canteloube continued to perform in a series of concerts in the provinces of southern France in 1922 and 1923. 52

When the peasant sings while plowing, or during the harvest, there is, around his song, an accompaniment that is not quite felt by those who want to think scientifically. This accompaniment is only heard by artists and poets . . . It is nature, it is the earth that forms it, and the peasant’s song cannot be separated from this. If you suppress this atmosphere, you deprive the song of a large part of its poetry, its expression . . . In wanting to confine yourself in this box, you are like a botanist who claims to have, in his dry herbarium, the color and fragrance of a rose or a carnation. There must exist, in the songs of the earth, their scenery, their surroundings, a sense of nature, of the outdoors. Only immaterial art—music—through its timbres, its rhythms, and its moving, impalpable harmonies, can evoke this necessary atmosphere.151

To clarify, the quote above was written in 1941, (well after the composition of L'Arada), and it was published by Canteloube in defense of the use of elaborate orchestral accompaniments for his folk song arrangements. However, it may be inferred that this statement summarizes Canteloube’s general approach to composition. And while the topic addressed was indeed folksong arrangement, this discussion remains wholly applicable to L'Arada as well, given the main character of this cycle: the working peasant (the plower), who is often depicted singing as he performs his work. The allusions within this passage to “impalpable harmonies” and “immaterial art” harken back to an earlier discussion of the main theme of Perbosc’s poetry— the concept of campèstre, which is similarly intangible. The sentiments within the quote above therefore lead us to one of the most significant aspects of Canteloube’s L'Arada: if campèstre refers to both the physical and the cosmic sense of nature, the most efficient—and perhaps the

151 Joseph Canteloube, “L’Utilisation des Chants Populaires,” L’Action française (March 9-10, 1941), 3. “Quand le paysan chante au labour, aux moissons, il y a, autour de son chant, tout un accompagnement que, prècisèment, ne “sentent” pas ceux qui veulent rester “scientifiques.” Cet accompagnement n’est entendu que des artistes et des poètes…C’est la nature, c’est la terre qui le constituent et le chant paysan ne peut en être séparé…Si vous supprimez cette atmostphère, vous privez le chant d’une grande part de sa poésie, de son expression…En voulant l’enfermer tout seul dans un disque, vous êtes semblable a un botaniste qui prétendrait avoir dans son herbier desséché la couleur et le parfum de la rose ou de l’oeillet. Il faut, aux chants de la terre, leur décor, leur cadre, leur accompagnement, de nature, de plein air. Seul l’art immatériel, la musique, peut, par les timbres, les rhythmes, les harmonies, mouvants, impalpables, évoquer l’atmostphère nécessaire.” 53 only—means of expressing the “cosmic portion” of Perbosc’s campèstre is through music. The methods used to accomplish this goal are examined below.

6.2.1 Form The Parnassian school of poetry believed that sonnet form reflected the simplicity of nature. In this sense, the formal structure used by both Perbosc and Canteloube may also be seen as a reflection of nature.152 The arrangement of the poet’s lines into quatrains, tercets, and couplets is almost always reflected in Canteloube’s own musical structure; most often with interludes that correspond to the separation of stanzas within the poems. The varied importance of these separations is also mirrored in the music; for instance, the interlude representing the volta of the poem is usually longer, and it often incorporates a greater transition of musical material. Slight deviations from Perbosc’s divisions occur in certain instances; these will be discussed further within the context of the individual song studies. Each piece is through-composed, but the composer’s extensive use of motivic material sometimes insinuates a return towards the conclusion of a song. This phenomenon, however, typically lasts for only a single phrase, and never quotes an entire section. Thus, rather than any demarcation of form or structure, this return of material is simply reflective of Canteloube’s use of leitmotifs. This trend is discussed more fully in the section on counterpoint and thematic development below.

6.2.2 Harmony Canteloube uses an Impressionistic harmonic palette throughout L'Arada, with the frequent use of added-note harmonies such as the I+6, ii+4, and V+6 chords, parallel fourths and fifths, and many chords with more than four tones, (i.e. 9th or 11th chords). The chord voicings are very full, with tones often duplicated in two, three, or even four octaves. Chromaticism is used freely throughout the cycle, but in certain songs more heavily than others (which will be identified in Chapter 7). Despite the chromatic nature of the pieces, the overall effect remains tonal.

152 Perbosc’s sonnets were written well after the Parnassian movement, but the link to nature remains applicable. 54

6.2.3 Melody Canteloube’s use of melody within L'Arada varies between the voice and piano. To generalize, the vocal line contains much simpler, broader melodies that are demonstrative of Canteloube’s folk influence, (to be discussed further below), while the piano is primarily involved with the development of thematic material. The resulting effect is that both lines contain beautiful, lyrical melodies, whose interwoven statements produce a complex, polyphonic texture. While the piano is by far the dominant means of presenting the main thematic material, the vocal line occasionally declaims the themes as well. In order to understand precisely how the vocal line exhibits Canteloube’s folk influence, it is necessary to first examine the composer’s own ideas regarding the genre of folk song. Cougniaud-Raginel goes into great detail on this matter, recounting that Canteloube firmly believed that the origins of folk song were contained in liturgical chant:

The people would remember the chants they heard in mass, and at home, they would awkwardly repeat them while working, adapting them into naive verses in a vernacular related to their daily life. In this way, so many songs were born: the music derived from liturgical chant, and the lyrics derived from the natural need of man to communicate his feelings to others with a simple impulse of the heart.153

Thus, in reviewing the characteristics of liturgical chant, one may observe how these same elements appear within the genre of folksong: broad, lyric melodies with a limited range, stepwise motion, and syllabically-set text. All of these characteristics are consistent with the vocal melodies of L'Arada, but frequent chromaticism sometimes obscures the simplicity of the lines.

153 Joseph Canteloube, “Numéro spécial consacré à Beethoven,” Le Courrier musical (Paris, February 1, 1927), 7, as quoted in Cougniaud-Raginel, Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre, 108. This article was Canteloube’s attempt to prove that the opening theme of Beethoven’s Sixth Symphony was in fact derived from an Auvergnat folk tune.“Le peuple gardait en mèmoire les chants qu’il entendait aux offices et, chez lui, les rèpètait gauchement en travaillant, leur adaptant de naïfs couplets en langue vulgaire relatif à fait quelconque de sa vie quotidienne. C’est ainsi que sont nés tant de chants venus, pour la musique du chant d’église, et, pour les paroles, du besoin naturel de l’homme, de communiquer à d’autres ses entiments, dans un naïf élan du coeur.” 55

6.2.4 Counterpoint Canteloube’s use of counterpoint creates a heightened sense of melodic interaction throughout the cycle. The influence of d’Indy and Wagner is clearly exhibited in this manner, with widespread thematic development both within and between the pieces, and themes that often function as leitmotifs. The specific themes will be identified and discussed within the context of each piece, but to provide a general overview of Canteloube’s use of thematic material, the composer consistently employs three main themes and one motive throughout the cycle. Names have been assigned to these tunes by the author, based on their association with certain texts. The three main themes that occur throughout the cycle have been dubbed the “plower’s theme,” the “sun theme,” and the “campèstre theme,” along with the recurring “herdsman’s motif,” (which is a derivative of the plower’s theme, consisting of the 2nd through 5th notes.) Canteloube’s use of this material is similar to Wagner’s use of leitmotifs in that these phrases often occur in conjunction with a mention or suggestion of their namesakes: the plower, the sun, campèstre, or the herdsman.

6.2.5 Rhythm The use of rhythm in L'Arada is noteworthy for several reasons: 1) it may depict a particular action within the text, 2) it may create divergent paths between the voice and piano, or 3) its notation may intentionally create an improvisatory, meter-less effect. A clever example of the first method appears in song No. 4, “L’Ibèrnada,” as the plodding of the oxen is depicted through the use of steady triplets in the bass.154 The second method, (creating divergent paths between voice and piano), is observed in the frequent placement of a vocal line in duple meter over accompaniment with a triple-meter feel, or vice versa. This technique heightens the sense of polyphony, serving to further isolate each line within the texture. Song No. 3, “La mosada,” contains many examples of this trait. And finally, in relation to Canteloube’s use of meter-less, floating rhythms, (the third use mentioned above), the introduction of No. 2, “La canson dels boiers,” is a perfect example of this trait. This third use of rhythm is yet another example of Canteloube’s incorporation of Impressionistic techniques.

154 Pauly, “The Solo Vocal Music of Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957),” 72. 56

6.2.6 Accompaniment Given some of the characteristics mentioned above, (heavily voiced chords and complex counterpoint), it stands to reason that the texture of these songs is often quite thick. However, Canteloube alternates these sections with more sparse, open accompaniments, never confining himself to one texture throughout the cycle. The themes within the accompaniment are often stated in the midst of very florid material, necessitating the execution of these passages with careful attention to voicing. L'Arada was never scored for orchestra, but the thick texture of the piano vocal score truly resembles an orchestral reduction.155 It is interesting to note that the accompaniment to the Chants d’Auvergne is similarly difficult, and that these difficulties are often blamed on the piano part being an orchestral reduction. But this is in error, as the pieces were scored for piano first, and later orchestrated.156 Many pieces within Canteloube’s repertoire include this ornate style of accompaniment—a trait that points to the composer’s own pianistic talents.

6.2.7 The Dual Language Issue In a final note, it should be addressed that all songs within this cycle include alternate French text below the original Occitan, provided by Canteloube himself.157 The varied rhythmic patterns of each language have necessitated that the composer also notate corresponding rhythms for each language, which is unfortunate, as this often renders a rather confusing assortment of rhythms for each line of text. Although this requires the singer to take the extra preparatory step of isolating the prescribed rhythms for each text, the process becomes easier as one becomes accustomed to the speech patterns and rhythms of Occitan.

155 Ibid, 67. 156 Cahours d'Aspry, Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957): chantre d'Auvergne et d'ailleurs, 76. 157 As indicated in the note above each title reading “Traduction française et Musique de J. Canteloube.” 57

CHAPTER 7

THE SONGS OF L’ARADA: IPA, TRANSLATION & COMMENTARY

7.1 “Los lauraires”

[luz law ˈraj res pεn: nyt ˈsy bre la ˈra ðɔ ˈtri ðɔ] Los lauraires, pèds nuts subre l’arada trida, The plowers, feet bare on the soil loose, The plowers, barefoot on the tilled soil,

[ar ˈte ʎɔn pel kam ˈpas158 din lu ma ˈti fre ˈsket] Artelhan pel campas, dins lo matin fresquet. They imprint on the fields, in the morning fresh. Leave their footprints on the fields, in the fresh morning.

[a maw ˈrεl159 a ka ˈʎɔl160 a law ˈret a bra ˈket] “A! Maurel! A! Calhol! A! Lauret! A! Braquet!” 161 “Ah! Maurel! Ah! Calhol! Ah! Lauret! Ah! Braquet!”

[a ˈtal tran la sjaw ˈdu la bud: dez bu ˈjes ˈkri ðɔ] Atal, tram la siaudor,162 la vots dels boiers crida. Thus, through the silence, the voices of the herdsmen cry.

158 Perbosc: campàs. The accent indicates that the final (a) is pronounced [a] and not [ɔ], (as Canteloube’s spelling would indicate.) 159 Perbosc: Maurèl. The diacritical accent indicates the proper name would have been pronounced with an open [ε]. 160 Perbosc’s text contains a diacritical accent indicating an open [ɔ] sound. 161 This is a sample of names that were typically given to oxen. These names were part of an organized system, given in reference to a physical peculiarity of the animal: coat color, horn shape, or even their assigned position in the team. “Maurèl”: Having a coat of brown; (the Occitan word maurèl translates to “brun [boeuf, vache]” in the Occitan-French dictionary.) “Calhol”: having a colorful coat of two or more colors; (calhol in Occitan = bigarré in French). Lauret: this is the name often given to the ox taking the left position on the team; (lauret literally translates to nom de boeuf in French.) Braquet has fluctuating meaning, but it too translates simply to “nom de boeuf” in the French-Occitan dictionary. Ravier, 56. Alibert, 177, 195, 462, 486. 162 Perbosc: “suaudor,” but the pronunciation remains [sjaw du] in either case. 58

[din ˈler bɔ de rɔz ˈblaŋ ke163 de nεtʃ e ne ˈgri ðɔ] Dins l’erba de ròs blanca e de nèch164 ennegrida In the grass by dew bleached and by night blackened In the grass, bleached by the dew and blackened by the night

[a pri ˈmal bɔ la ˈraj ra planˈ tat sun su ˈket] A prima alba l’araire a plantat son soquet. Since first dawn the plow has planted its plowshare. The plow has driven its plowshare into the earth since daybreak.

[aj ˈsi ke law ˈzε lyn fa tin ˈda sun ka ˈket] Aicì, que l’auzèlum fa tindar son caquet; Behold, how the birds make heard their racket; Behold how the birds make their raucous songs heard;

[de gawtʃ pri ma βe ˈren la na ˈtyr es flu ˈri ðɔ] De gauch primaverenc la natura es florida. In joy Spring-like the nature is flourishing. In the joy of Spring, nature flourishes.

[syl kam ˈpɛ stre dun mun tyn fe ˈryn ar du ˈresk] Sul campèstre, d’ont monta un ferum ardoresc, In nature, where rises a wild smell burning In the fields, where an intense, primitive scent rises,

163 Canteloube and Perbosc, L'Arada (La Terre), 3. Canteloube himself provides this pronunciation rule as a footnote within the sheet music, stating that “with final (a) or (e), followed by a word beginning with a vowel, one must elide as with the final French (e.)” 164 Perbosc: “nuèch” [nɥɛtʃ]. Again, Canteloube’s spelling is not found in the current Occitan dictionary. 59

[sen ˈreŋ gɔn luz bur ˈdus ˈmen tre ke fa sun kresk] S’enrengan los bordons, mentre que fa son cresc, Align-themselves the furrows, while that it makes its ascent, The furrows align, while it makes its ascent,

[a ˈmun le spek ta ˈclu ze ra ˈjan tɔ re ˈmar gɔ] Amont, l’espectacloza e raianta remarga Up there, the spectacular and radiant net Above, the spectacular and radiant net

[ke span ˈdiz lu su ˈlel pe ˈskaj re de try ˈmu] Qu’espandis lo Solel, pescaire de trumor. That is deployed by the Sun, fisher of darkness. Deployed by the Sun, fisher of darkness.165

[la ˈtɛr:rɔ166 ˈman da ˈla stryn sir ben ˈtez da ˈmu] La Terra manda al Astre un sirventesc d’amor: The Earth sends to the Sun167 a song of love:

[ez la gran dɔ kan ˈsu dez bu ˈjes ke sa ˈlar gɔ] Es la ˈgranda Canson dels Boiers que s’alarga. It is the grand Song of the Herdsmen that rises up.

165 This poetic translation could also be re-ordered: “In the fields, where an intense, savage scent rises, the furrows align, while the spectacular and radiant net deployed by the Sun, fisher of darkness, reaches its height.” 166 Perbosc’s original text reads Tèrra, indicating the open [ɛ] sound. 167 The term Astre or astre translates most literally to “an astral body.” It may refer to a star, the sun, a planet, or indeed any object in the sky. Therefore, this word (which appears numerous times throughout the cycle), may appear in translation as “sun” or “star,” depending on the context. 60

Canteloube’s Song Text: Perbosc’s Original Text (Stanzas determined by musical phrasing)

Los lauraires, pès nuds subre l’arada trida, Los lauraires, pèds nuts subre l’arada trida, artelhan pel campàs, dins lo matin fresquet : Artelhan pel campas, dins lo matin fresquet. «A! Maurèl! A! Calhòl! A! Lauret! A! Braquet » “A! Maurel! A! Calhol A! Lauret! A! Braquet!” Atal, tram la suaudor, la votz dels boièrs crida. Atal, tram la siaudor, la vots dels boiers crida.

Dins l’èrba, de ròs blanca e de nuèch ennegrida, Dins l’erba de ròs blanca e de nèch ennegrida a primalba l’araire a plantat son soquet. A prima alba l’araire a plantat son soquet. Aicí que l’auselum fa tindar son caquet; Aici, que l’auzèlum fa tindar son caquet; de gaug primaverenc la natura es florida. De gauch primaverenc la natura es florida.

Sul campèstre, d’ont monta un ferum ardoresc, Sul campèstre, d’ont monta un ferum ardoresc, s’enregan los bordons, mentre que fa son cresc, S’enrengan los bordons, mentre que fa son cresc, amont, l’espectaclosa e raianta remarga Amont, l’espectacloza e raianta remarga Qu’espandis lo Solel, pescaire de trumor. qu’espandís lo Solelh, pescaire de trumor. La Tèrra manda a l’Astre un sirventesc d’amor : La Tèrra manda al Astre un sirventesc d’amor: es la granda Cançon dels Boièrs que s’alarga. Es la granda Canson dels Boiers que s’alarga.

Canteloube’s trend of re-spelling of Perbosc’s text is evident in the comparison above. These tendencies pervade the cycle; for instance, in the third word of each text above: pès vs. pèds. With certain discrepancies, Canteloube seems to be aiding the singer in pronouncing the texts, (see gaug vs. gauch in line 8). But in others instances such as pès/pèds, the composer seems to simply be using an antiquated spelling, possibly Mistralian.168 Thankfully, in this particular instance, it does not affect the pronunciation, as either ending (-s) or (-ts) is ultimately converted into the next consonant [n] sound. Other discrepancies above include the loss of diacritical accents. Again, depending on the context, these may or may not affect the ultimate pronunciation. However, it does indeed change the vowel sound in the word “campas,” as well as in two of the proper names “Maurèl” and “Calhòl”; (notes have been included in the IPA indicating these discrepancies.) Any further inconsistencies which affect pronunciation have been noted in the IPA. Canteloube alters Perbosc’s formal sonnet structure slightly in this song, changing the grouping of stanzas from 4-4-3-3 to 4-4-4-2 with his musical phrasing. His adherence to Perbosc’s sonnet form is seen in the interlude between lines four and five, as well as the longer

168 See Chapter 4 for a fuller discussion of the spelling variants of Occitan. 61 interlude between lines eight and nine, in keeping with this juncture representing the most marked turn of thought in sonnet form, or volta.169 The composer’s first deviation from Perbosc’s structure occurs in mm. 59-62, when he chooses not to observe the poet’s separation of stanzas between the two tercets (lines 11 and 12): “Amont, l’espectacloza e raianta remarga” and “Qu’espandis lo Solel, pescaire de trumor.” There is neither an interlude nor a written rest for the voice here; rather, these two phrases merge rather seamlessly, maintaining common accompaniment figures, tessitura, and rhythmic patterns. Instead, Canteloube creates the musical separation between lines 12 and 13, effectively creating a third quatrain. His decision to include line 12 as part of the previous section is logical enough; it represents the conclusion of the sentence begun in the tercet above. This points out an interesting facet of Perbosc’s poem: while it appears Petrarchan in its rhyme scheme (abba, abba, ccd, eed), the grouping of poetic ideas displays a more Elizabethan quality, in that it could be described as three quatrains and a couplet, just as Canteloube has set it. This tendency illustrates an important point, as the composer’s treatment of the structure often reflects his preference to prioritize content over form. The harmonic tendencies mentioned in regards to the entire cycle are evident in this opening piece, with the frequent use of added sixths and ninths, heavy chord voicings, and chromaticism. Musical Example 7.1 displays specific instances of these techniques. The melodic line of the voice is the most obvious example of folk influence within “Los lauraires,” with its limited range (E4 to G5) and tuneful simplicity. Throughout the piece, the voice moves in mostly stepwise fashion, with skips limited to no more than a fourth. In the discussion of the common elements between the songs in Chapter 6, it was noted that Canteloube believed that folk songs were derived from Gregorian chant. The simplicity of the opening phrase of the vocal line in mm. 4-11 is indeed chant-like, as observed in the comparison in Musical Example 7.2. Following the diatonic simplicity of this opening statement, Canteloube introduces chromaticism within the vocal line in measure 12, as the voice foreshadows the ensuing A dominant chord with its descending C#. (See Musical Example 7.1.) Although the composer’s Impressionistic tendencies are already demonstrated with the added-note harmonies accompanying lines 1 and 2 of Perbosc’s poem, Musical Example 7.1 demonstrates the

169 See Chapter 5 for a more detailed discussion of this poetic form. 62 heightened chromaticism which accompanies lines 3 and 4. Here, Canteloube captures the ethereal, floating calls of the herdsmen: “Ah! Maurel! Ah! Calhol! Ah! Lauret! Ah! Braquet! Thus, through the silence, the voices of the herdsmen cry.”

Musical Example 7.1, (mm. 11-20): Added-note Harmonies, Chromaticism, and the Second Appearance of the Plower’s Theme

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Musical Example 7.2: Comparison with Pange lingua170

The ensuing discussion of thematic development within this song proves that examining Canteloube’s use of motivic material is a time-consuming endeavor, given that almost every measure of the piece contains thematic material. Therefore, following this study of “Los lauraires,” motivic material will be discussed in a more general manner in the ensuing song discussions, (with fewer musical examples). It is necessary, however, to observe this phenomenon closely in at least one setting, so that one may grasp Canteloube’s mastery of this compositional technique. The first main theme to be traced in terms of motivic development is the opening four measures of “Los lauraires,” as seen in Musical Example 7.3. This theme, which occurs in several permutations throughout the cycle, will be hereafter referred to as the “plower’s theme,” since this first statement immediately precedes the text “Los lauraires, pèds nuts…” thereby introducing “the plowers, bare-footed…”

Musical Example 7.3, (mm.1-4): The Plower’s Theme

170 The Liber usualis with introduction and rubrics in English; Tournai, New York; Desclée No. 801; 1961, 742. 64

This theme is slightly obscured within the texture of the piano accompaniment, but is presented in simplified form below:

Musical Example 7.4: The Plower’s Theme, Simplified

The theme appears several times in this first song. In mm. 11-14, it appears for the second time as a countermelody to the voice, with a varied, syncopated rhythm, (as seen in Musical Example 7.1.) Canteloube incorporates the theme for the third time in the first interlude of the song, representing the volta of the poem, (mm. 23-25 in Musical Example 7.6). Here, the rhythm has been broadened, and the ending slightly modified in order to transition into the new key. The melody appears for the fourth time in mm. 62-64 as a countermelody in the lower register (Musical Example 7.7). Canteloube also overlaps statements of the plower’s theme in Musical Example 7.11. The voice starts the theme on the first beat of measure 75, followed by the piano on the second beat. The “herdsman’s motif” also appears throughout the cycle as a short derivative of this first theme. The name given to this motif stems from its frequent association with the text “la canson dels boiers,” or “song of the herdsmen,” as seen in the vocal line in the conclusion of this song; (mm.74-75 in Musical Example 7.11). This motif also dominates measures 67-77 on the last page of “Los lauraires,” as bracketed in Musical Example 7.11. A simplified version of the herdsman’s motif is provided in Musical Example 7.5 below.

Musical Example 7.5: The Herdsman’s Motif, Simplified

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Musical Example 7.6, (mm. 21-27): Third Appearance of the Plower’s Theme

Musical Example 7.7, (mm. 61-66): Fourth Appearance of the Plower’s Theme

The second main theme established within “Los lauraires” is a melody based on a pentatonic scale (with a single passing-tone departure), first presented in the interlude of the

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“volta” section. This theme is actually stated twice within this section, as indicated by the brackets in Musical Example 7.8. This will be designated as the “sun theme,” justified here by its connection to Spring in the lines “de gauch primaverenc, la natura es florida,” or “in the joy of Spring, nature flourishes.” We will see this theme’s direct reference to the sun slightly later in the song.

Musical Example 7.8, (mm. 38-46): First Appearances of the Sun Theme

A simplified version of the sun theme is provided below. Note the single departure from the pentatonic scale: the D# passing tone in the second measure.

Musical Example 7.9: The Sun Theme, Simplified

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The sun theme continues its frequent appearance, at least in partial form, just two measures later in measure 47. The next appearance of the sun theme has already been included as an example above, in Musical Example 7.7. Here, it appears as the salient line within the treble clef in mm. 62-64. This is the passage that truly designates the tune as the “sun theme,” given its clear pattern of ascent just after the text “lo Solel, pescaire de trumor,” or “the Sun, fisher of darkness.” This theme also returns on the final page of the piece, interwoven within fragments of the first theme in mm. 68-69. (See the breakdown of thematic material in mm. 67- 79 in Musical Example 7.11.) Similar to the sun theme, the “birdsong motif” serves as another example of Canteloube’s ability to text-paint with his thematic material. This particular motif resembles an unmistakable imitation of a bird call, (m. 31), and is replicated throughout the next three measures as accompaniment to the line of text: “notice how the birds make their raucous songs heard.”

Musical Example 7.10, (mm. 31-34): The Birdsong Motif

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Musical Example 7.11, (mm. 67-81): Interwoven Thematic Material [Plower’s Theme], {Sun Theme}, (Herdsman’s Motif)

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Last but not least, the theme of campèstre is also introduced within “Los lauraires.” This theme, as discussed in Chapter 5 (The Poetry), represents one of the most unifying concepts throughout the cycle, and accordingly it plays a central role within L'Arada. The musical direction to play the line “très chanté,” or “very sung” is another factor worth noting; such commands are often the easiest way to identify the thickly interwoven themes within the music. The bracketed theme appears as the salient melody in Musical Example 7.12 below.

Musical Example 7.12 (mm. 43-46): The Campèstre Theme

Within the context of counterpoint, the concept of overlapping climaxes should also be addressed. The trend is demonstrated often in this piece, as the first exposition of each theme in the accompaniment tends to coincide with a climax within the vocal line. This occurs specifically in mm. 38, 62, and 70, and may be viewed in Musical Examples 7.8, 7.7, and 7.11, respectively. In observing the contrapuntal nature of the piece as described above, it comes as no surprise that the texture of the song is often quite thick, resembling more of an orchestral reduction than a piece written for the piano and voice. The successful emphasis of all themes, therefore, is dependent upon a pianist who is able to play these fairly virtuosic passages, while voicing the lines appropriately. The texture of the piano accompaniment is not uniformly thick, however; rather, it constructs its own basic form over the course of the song, loosely resembling 70 a ternary formula of ABA, or “sparse-thick-sparse.” However, the more sparse sections at the beginning and end only comprise of 25 and 12 measures, respectively, out of the entire 81 measures of “Los lauraires.” Canteloube indicates that the singer’s opening lines should be: “sonore et un peu rude, dans le sentimènt d’un chant de labour,” or “sonorous/ringing and a little harsh/course, with the feeling of a plowing song.” It is a very specific direction, addressing the composer’s desired volume, quality, and character for the voice within the opening lines. His markings throughout the cycle are less specific, but the composer is always careful to request that the themes be stated with special feeling and emphasis, with markings such as “le chant bien marqué,” “bien marqué,” “très marqué,” or“très chanté.” These markings all appear within the first piece, and continue throughout the cycle. (The examples above may be seen in mm. 1, 11, 22, and 38, respectively.) Canteloube dedicates this first piece to Professeur Camille Soula, another Occitan poet from Montauban who was a close friend of both Antonin Perbosc171 and Déodat de Séverac.172 Soula was also the founder of La ligue Oc, a group of artists who united to defend Occitan culture.173

171 Ravier and Perbosc, L'Arada/ L'arée, 33. 172 Camille Soula and Ismäl Girard, Hommage à Déodat de Séverac (Toulouse: Institut d'́tudes occitanes, 1952). 173 Cahours d'Aspry, Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957): chantre d'Auvergne et d'ailleurs, 62. 71

7.2 “La canson dels boiers”

[la kan ˈsu dez bu ˈjes la kan ˈsu de la ˈlaw rɔ] La Canson dels Boiers, la Canson de la Laura, The Song of the Herdsmen, the Song of the Plowing The song of the Herdsmen, the Song of Plowing

[es ˈsim plɔ kun lu kan del ben e kun lu kan] Es simpla com lo cant del vent e com lo cant Is simple like the song of the wind and like the song Is simple, like the song of the wind, or the song

[de la law ˈze tɔ a mu kez ˈmɛ stres kal pa ˈkan174] De la lauzeta, amor que’s mèstres qu’al pacan Of the lark, because175 the teachers of the the peasant Of the lark, since the teachers of the peasant,

[an a ˈpre za tru ˈba sun ke law ˈzɛl e ˈlaw rɔ] An apres a trobar son que l’auzèl e l’aura. (who) have taught him to discover are but the bird and the breeze. Who taught him to think, are but the birds and the breeze.

[tab: ˈbe ˈsem blɔ paz ˈbri ka las kaj ˈma βi ˈzaw rɔ] Tant-bén, sembla pas brica à las qu’aimaba Izaura! Also, it appears not at all like those that were loved by Isaure! Besides, the song is not anything like those loved by Isaure!176

174 Pronunciation rules suggest a muted (n), but it is pronounced here in order to rhyme with colcant and soscant. 175 The expression amor que is an Occitan literary form similar to the French parce que. Alibert, 100. 176 Isaure was a legendary medieval character of Toulouse, known for her beauty, talent, and refinement. It may be inferred, then, that Perbosc uses the comparison to highlight the rustic nature of the “Song of the Herdsmen,” and to emphasize that it has nothing to do with the refined culture of city life. 72

[ez mun ˈta ðɔ bɛz ˈlal bu lu su ˈlel kul ˈcan] Es montada vèrs l’alba o lo solel colcant It rises close to the dawn where the sun sleeps It rises close to the dawn where the sun sleeps

[ˈmen tre ke lu law ˈraj ren re ˈɣa βɔ en su ˈskan] Mentre que lo lauraire enregaba, en soscant While that the plower furrows dreaming While the plower furrows, dreaming

[al se ˈme ke ga ˈru nɔ al blak: ke ˈla stre ˈdaw rɔ] Al semen que garrona, al blat que l’astre daura Of the seed that sprouts, of wheat that the sun gilds Of the sprouting seed, and of wheat gilded by the sun.

[es pra ˈkɔ da ˈkel bjajs syl kam ˈpa zar te ˈʎat] Es pracò d’aquel biais, sul campas artelhat, It is however in this manner , on the fields they walked Yet it is in this way, in the fields where they walked,

[ke pa ti ˈmen a ˈmu mal ˈcɔ ran kun gre ˈʎat] Que patiment, amor, malcòr an congrelhat That misery, love, discouragement have produced That misery, love and pain have inspired

[man pu ˈɛ mes177 () un biw ˈla mɔ tɛr: rɔ du ˈreŋ kɔ] Mants poèmes ont viu l’ama tèrradorenca… Many poems where lives the soul terrestrial… Many poems, where the earthly soul lives…

177 Canteloube sets this word as three syllables, indicating a lack of the glide that (oè) would normally produce. 73

[laj za ˈraj pad: dʒa ˈmaj tum ˈba al de brem ˈbje] Lais arai pas jamai tombar al debrembier178, I would let not ever to fall to being forgotten I would never let it fall into oblivion,

[ɔ kan ˈsu dez bu ˈjes ke ma ˈtrɔ βar du ˈreŋ kɔ] O179 Canson dels Boiers! Que ma tròba ardorenca O Song of the Herdsmen! How my poem ardent Oh song of the herdsmen! How my passionate poem

[a ty sem ˈpɛw tɔ kun la ˈrɔ zal gar: ra ˈbje] A tu s’empèuta com la ròza al garrabier! To you grafts itself like the rose to the briar! Grafts itself to you like the rose to the briar!

Canteloube’s Song Text: Perbosc’s Original Text (Stanzas determined by musical phrasing)

La Cançon dels Boièrs, la Cançon de la Laura, La canson dels boiers, la Canson de la Laura, es simpla coma ‘l cant del vent e coma ‘l cant Es simpla com lo cant del vent e com lo cant de la lauseta, —amor que’s mèstres qu’al pacan De la lauzeta, amor que’s mèstres qu’al pacan An apres à trobar son que l’auzèl e l’aura. An apres a trobar son que l’auzèl e l’aura.

Tabé, sembla pas brica à las qu’aimava Izaura. Tant-bén, sembla pas brica à las qu’aimaba Izaura! Es montada vèrs l’alba o lo solel colcant Es montada vèrs l’alba o lo solel colcant mentre que lo lauraire enregava, en soscant Mentre que lo lauraire enregaba, en soscant al semen que garrona, al blat que l’astre daura. Al semen que garrona, al blat que l’astre daura.

Es pracò d’aquel biais, sul campas artelhat, Es pracò d’aquel biais, sul campas artelhat, Que patiment, amor, malcòr an congrelhat Que patiment, amor, malcòr an congrelhat Mants poèmes ont viu l’ama tèrradorenca… Mants poèmes ont viu l’ama tèrradorenca…

Lais arai pas jamai tombar al debrembier, Lais arai pas jamai tombar al debrembier, O Canson dels Boièrs! Que ma tròba ardorenca O Canson dels Boiers! Que ma tròba ardorenca A tu s’empèuta com la ròza al garrabier! A tu s’empèuta com la ròza al garrabier!

178 Both Perbosc and Canteloube use this spelling with no (s), but all dictionaries list the spelling as desbrembièr. Alibert, 271. 179 Perbosc: (Ò), hence [ɔ] 74

The spelling differences between Perbosc’s poem and Canteloube’s song text are minimal in this piece, consisting mainly of words that Canteloube has altered to aid in pronunciation, such as “Canson” for “Cançon,” or “aimaba” for “aimava.” Therefore, the texts above are included mainly for the purpose of observing the division of stanzas. Overall, there are no spelling differences that result in major pronunciation changes in this text. However, major differences do exist between Perbosc’s two versions of this poem from the 1906 and 1970 editions. In the interest of providing an example of the differences between these two editions, a chart is included below that details the complete substitution of lines 9-11 within this sonnet, as well as the amendment of lines 12-14:

1906 Edition 1970 Edition Es pracò d’aquel biais, sul campas artelhat, Atal nasquèt mai d’un poëma, blosa flor Que patiment, amor, malcòr an congrelhat d’amor, d’abrondament, de gaug o de dolor Mants poèmes ont viu l’ama tèrradorenca… ont l’ama del terraire es a jamai trevaira.

Lais arai pas jamai tombar al debrembier, Laissarai cap de pauc tombar al debrembièr, O Canson dels Boièrs! Que ma tròba ardorenca ò Cançon dels Boiers ! Que ma troba s’amaira A tu s’empèuta com la ròza al garrabier! a tu coma la Ròsa al rustenc Garrabièr.

1906 Translation 1970 Translation Yet it is in this way, in the fields they worked, Thus was born more than a poem, a pure flower That misery, love and pain inspired of love, of generosity, of joy or of pain Many poems, where the earthly soul lives… that haunts the soul of the earth forever.

I would never let you fall into oblivion, I would not let anything fall into oblivion, Oh song of the Herdsmen! How my passionate Oh Song of the Herdsmen! How my poem layers poem itself Grafts itself to you like the rose to the briar! upon you like the rose on the rustic briar.

Although the general message remains similar between the two versions, the images presented are slightly different. But more significantly, the sound patterns, rhyme schemes, and sometimes even the syllabic counts within each of the lines have been altered from the first version. These differences highlight the importance of Ravier’s edition; without it, it may have seemed that Canteloube had altered the text and spellings of the poems himself, given the contrast of the text in the 1970 edition.

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The composer adheres to Perbosc’s sonnet structure in this piece, with a short interlude between lines four and five, a longer interlude representing the volta between lines eight and nine, and a short but dramatic interlude between lines 11 and 12. Another important aspect regarding form within this piece involves the concept of “blended lines” within the musical phrases, referring to Canteloube’s tendency to set enjambed poetic lines as a single musical phrase. In other words, the composer consistently chooses to acknowledge the longer-term punctuation above the formal structure of the sonnet. This trend may be observed in the two examples below, in which the beginnings and endings of the lines are seamlessly incorporated into one musical thought.

Musical Example 7.13, (mm. 11-14): The Blended Lines Concept

Canteloube continues the use of several compositional techniques in this piece that were mentioned in the assessment of the cycle as a whole. Impressionistic harmonies prevail, with added-note chords such as the I+6, ii+4, and V+6 (+9) appearing frequently. Note the pastoral mood evoked by the opening open-fifth drone in the bass, combined with an appoggiatura on the first beat in Musical Example 7.14. The chords in this opening section are more widely spaced

76 throughout the octaves, with very little doubling of any chord tone, creating a rather thin, ethereal texture. Rhythmically, the most noteworthy aspect of this song is Canteloube’s declamatory style. The text is set syllabically, but with particularly speech-like rhythmic patterns, as seen above in Musical Example 7.13. And as mentioned earlier, the first two measures of this song are a prime example of Canteloube’s ability to create an improvisatory, meter-less effect, as seen in Musical Example 7.14 below.

Musical Example 7.14, (mm. 1-4): The Improvisatory Rhythmic Effect

The melodic tendencies described in context of the entire work also apply to this song, with the voice stating longer melodies reminiscent of the folk idiom, and the accompaniment stating shorter segments of thematic material. However, the thematic material in this case is particularly fragmented, with no full theme being stated until measure 22. Here, the complete plower’s theme is boldly stated underneath the text “[the song] rises close to the dawn where the sun sleeps, while the plower furrows…” Statements of the herdsman’s motif are fittingly strewn throughout this “Song of the Herdsman,” both in the voice and the piano. The opening statement of the vocal line is a direct quote of this motif, again accompanying the text “la canson dels boiers,” or “the song of the herdsmen” as it first did in “Los lauraires.” The bird motif is also in frequent use, clearly audible in the upper octaves of the piano. But the most interesting use of thematic material in this piece involves the composer’s technique of dovetailing two of the motifs: in three different instances, the last two notes of the herdsman’s motif are blended seamlessly into a statement of the sun theme, as demonstrated with the first instance in Musical Example 7.15. Other instances, (not shown below), occur in mm. 57-58 and 62-63.

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Musical Example 7.15, (mm. 46-53): Overlapping Themes

In Musical Example 7.15 above, Canteloube also includes a full statement of the plower’s theme below the dovetailed themes of the upper line. (Note that he requests both themes be played “chanté.”) In measure 50, he similarly advises that the line in be sung “avec chaleur,” or “with warmth,” as this represents a strong statement of the campèstre theme. The accompaniment texture varies within this song, alternating between sparse, ethereal sections and more florid, arpeggiated passages. Overall, the texture is much less dense than in that of the first song. One phenomenon bears mentioning, however, as it reappears throughout the cycle: Canteloube often splits the accompaniment score into three staves, serving as further proof that his concept of piano voicing is truly orchestral in nature. This occurs in the final four measures of the song, as the piano simultaneously carries a bass line and two separate themes within the middle and upper registers of the piano.

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7.3 “La mosada” [la mu za ðɔ] (The furrow)

[ɔ tru ˈβaj re az ly ˈfa de kuŋ gre ˈʎa de ˈkan tɔs] O Trobaire! As l’ufan de congrelhar de cantas Oh Poet! You have the vanity to produce the songs O Poet! You have the arrogance to compose poems

[kal ten za be ni ˈdu lu ˈzɔ mez re ði ˈran] Qu’al temps a venidor los òmes rediran. That in times of the future the men will repeat. That in future times men will still repeat.

[a ˈɣa tʃɔ lu law ˈraj re ˈtεr nɔ men ˈɔ bran] Agacha lo lauraire etèrnament óbrant Look at the plower eternally working Look at the plower working ceaselessly

[syl kans ke ˈsem praw ˈran se ˈɣa ðɔz re zyr ˈgan tɔs] Suls camps que sempre auran segadas rezurgantas! In the fields that always will have harvests re-emerging! In the fields, which will always have new harvests!

[laz ˈre ʎɔ zan kru ˈzat de ˈre ɣɔs kal sap ˈkan tɔs] Las relhas an crozat de regas qual sab quantas! The plowshares have hollowed out the rows who knows how many times! The plowshares have tilled the soil so many times!

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[lu tεr: ˈraj res ku nym pa lin ˈsεst un law ˈran] Lo tèrraire es com un palinsèst ont, laurant The earth is like a worn paper180 where, working The land is like an erasable parchment, where, working

[syl bur ˈduz de zaw ˈdʒɔls lus pa ˈkan bu ta ˈran] Suls bordons dels aujòls, los pacans botaràn In the furrows of the ancestors, the peasants will put In the ancestral furrows, the peasants will plant

[sen fi me ˈtiw se ˈme de ˈgra nɔz ba te ˈɣan tɔs] Sens fin metiu semen de granas bategantas. Without end the same seeds of grain palpitating. Endlessly the same seeds of waving grain.

[luz blak: ke bεl ten za lu krɔs fa ˈskεt flu ˈri] Los blats que bèl-temps-a lo cròs fasquèt florir The wheat that long ago the grave made flower The grains of wheat that long ago the grave made flower

[sun lus ˈpaj rez da ˈkel ˈka rɔ per nuz nuj ˈri] Son los paires d’aquels qu’ara, per nos noirir, Are the fathers of those who now, for us to nourish, Are the fathers of those who now, for our nourishment

[an raw ˈbat a la mɔr lu re ˈspi ɣɔ daw ˈra ðɔ] An raubat à la mòrt lor espiga daurada. Have stolen from the death their shafts golden. Stole their golden shafts from death.

180 The literal translation for palinsèst is the English word “palimpsest”, which Merriam-Webster defines as: “writing material (as a parchment or tablet) used one or more times after earlier writing has been erased.” 80

[a ˈtal tru ˈβaj re fas din luz bur ˈduz dan ˈtan] Atal, Trobaire, fas, dins los bordons d’antan, Thus, Poet, make, in these furrows of yore, And so, Poet, create, in these ancient furrows,

[nu ˈbε lɔ kyr bi ˈzu ˈsy bre la ˈbjε ʎa ˈra ðɔ] Novèla curbizon subre la vièlha arada; New sowings in the old earth; New sowings in the old soil;

[du ˈma ˈdaw tres sjε ˈgran, ta mu ˈza ðen kan ˈtan] Doman, d’autres siègran, ta mosada en cantant. Tomorrow, others will follow your furrow, singing. Tomorrow, others will follow in your path, singing.

Perbosc’s Original Text Canteloube’s Song Text: (Perbosc’s title spelled “La mossada”) (Stanzas determined by musical phrasing)

O Trobaire! as l’ufan de congrelhar de cantas O Trobaire! As l’ufan de congrelhar de cantas qu’al temps avenidor los òmes rediràn. Qu’al temps avenidor los òmes rediran. Agacha lo lauraire etèrnament obrant suls camps que sempre auràn segadas Agacha lo lauraire etèrnament óbrant resurgantas! Suls camps que sempre auran segadas rezurgantas!

Las relhas an crosat de regas qual sap quantas! Las relhas an crozat de regas qual sab quantas! Lo terraire es coma un palimpsèst ont, laurant Lo tèrraire es com un palinsèst ont, laurant suls bordons dels aujòls, los pacans botaràn Suls bordons dels aujòls, los pacans botaran sens fin metiu semen de granas bategantas. Sens fin metiu semen de granas bategantas.

Los blats que bèl-temps-a lo cròs fasquèt florir Los blats que bèl-temps-a lo cròs fasquèt florir son los paires d’aquels qu’ara, per nos noirir, Son los paires d’aquels qu’ara, per nos noirir, an raubat a la mòrt lor espiga daurada. An raubat à la mort lor espiga daurada.

Atal, Trobaire, fas, dins los bordons d’antan, Atal, Trobaire, fas, dins los bordons d’antan, novèla curbison subre la vièlha arada ; Novèla curbizon subre la vièlha arada; doman, d’autres siegràn ta mossada, en cantant. Doman, d’autres siègran, ta mosada en cantant.

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The spelling differences between Perbosc’s poem and Canteloube’s song text are minimal in this song, with the occasional substitution of a (z) for an intervocalic (s), or the mutation of “sap” to “sab” in line five. However, the stanza separation is slightly varied, with Canteloube including a short but unmistakable separation between lines 2 and 3; (see Musical Example 7.16).

Musical Example 7.16, (mm. 4-9): Separation of Poetic Lines 2 and 3

Although the separation consists of only three beats, the mood is changed in several ways: 1) the ritardando in the end of measure seven; 2) the changed rhythmic pattern in the voice, which is now chant-like, altered from the emphatic triplet patterns of the previous measures; and 3) a texture change within the accompaniment. Canteloube thus emphasizes the significant change of mood between the lines of text: “Oh Poet! You have the arrogance to compose songs that in future times men will still sing,” and “look at the plower working ceaselessly in the fields, which will always have new harvests.” The song largely remains within the same harmonic realm of the first two pieces, with its continued use of added-note chords. However, harmony becomes a specific text-painting device

82 in measures 18 through 29, which represent the second quatrain of the poem: The plowshares have tilled the soil so many times! /The land is like erasable parchment, where, / In the ancestral furrows, the peasants will plant / Endlessly the same seeds of waving grain.

Musical Example 7.17, (mm. 19-28): Setting of the Second Quatrain of “La mosada”

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In this section, the minor key and the heavy use of chromaticism in the voice and piano lend themselves to the dreary, discontented mood of the text. Rhythm and melody are also used as text painting tools within this section, as Canteloube divides the piano part among three staves in order to emphasize the drone-like, repeated pattern of the middle line in measures 23-29. This incessant, plaintive motive, which Canteloube requests be played “whispered, but sustained,” vividly expresses the endless and monotonous labor of the peasants. The composer’s use of thematic material continues in the same manner of the earlier songs in this piece, with two notable examples. A simultaneous statement of the plower’s theme in the upper register and the sun theme in the lower register comprises a powerful “volta interlude” after the octave of the sonnet. Another statement of the plower’s theme also distinguishes itself. A strong, syncopated statement in octaves within the bass register accompanies the lines of text: “And so, Poet, create, in these ancient furrows, / New sowings in the old soil,” creating the impression that this particular statement from the depths of the piano has in fact become the “Poet’s Theme,” as seen in Musical Example 7.18 below.

Musical Example 7.18, (mm 43-47`): The Poet’s Theme

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7.4 “L’Ibèrnada” [li βεr na ðɔ] (Winter)

[luz bjɔws sun a le ˈstak luz ba ˈlen tra βa ˈʎaj res] Los biòus son al estac. Los valents trabalhaires, The oxen are tethered. The courageous laborers The oxen are stabled. The undaunted workers,

[dem ˈpεj las kyr bi ˈzuz ˈdy skal dʒurs pri maj ˈreŋks] Dempèi181 las curbizons dusca als jorns primairencs, Since the sowings until the days of Spring, From sowing time until the days of Spring,

[per mu ˈmen zan lu suz dez ˈgaw tʃes tεr: raj ˈreŋks] Per moments an lo sosc dels gauches tèrrairencs At times they have the dream of the joys earthly At times dream of the earthly joys

[ke de lus pa ti ˈmen sun e ˈstat kun su ˈlaj res] Que de lors patiments son estats consolaires. That for their misery were consoling. That in their misery were consoling.

[se ˈbrem bɔn kanz nu ˈlen ze ˈmεr le ze sty ˈflaj res] Se brémban camps nolents e mèrles estuflaires. They remember fields fragrant and blackbirds whistling. They dream of fragrant fields, and whistling blackbirds.

181 Perbosc: “dempuèi” [dem pɥεi] 85

[prad: da ˈʎat zun lu fe se stu ˈluj ra bεl reŋks] Prats dalhats ont lo fen s’estoloira à bèls rencs, Meadows mown where the hay stretched itself in neat rows, Mown meadows where hay stretches in neat rows,

[su ˈlel kuls pur pu ˈrat ze ˈfre skez riws kla ˈreŋks] Solels-colcs porporats e fresques rius clarencs Sunsets purple and fresh streams clear Purple sunsets and fresh, clear streams

[un lu ˈbε spre be ˈbjɔn a glup re bi sku ˈlaj res] Ont, lo vèspre, bebian à glops reviscolaires. Where, at evening, they drink of sips rejuvenating. Where, in the evening, they drink sips of invigorating water.

[kan ˈbe zu en tur ˈnan del klɔt al en tre ˈlyz] Quand vezon, entornant del clòt, al entrelus, When they see, returning from the pond, at dusk,

[lu za ˈraj res kul ˈkad: dʒul em ˈbaŋk a sten ˈsys] Los araires colcats jol182 embanc, asta ensús, The plows lying under the porch roof, shaft in the air,

[lur be la laŋ gɥi ˈzu del bryd: de la tre ˈze ɣɔ] Lor ven la languizon del bruch de la trezega…183 To them it comes the nostalgia for the noise of the yoke ring They become nostalgic for the sound of the yoke…

182 Perbosc: “jos” [jus]. Both terms are in the modern Occitan dictionary, and both mean “under.” 183 Canteloube clarifies this term in a footnote as “anneau de cuir servant à relier au joug le timon des charrues,” or “the leather ring which serves to connect the yoke to the pole of the plows.” 86

[kun laj za ˈrjɔn la ˈgre pjɔ el pa ˈʎat a gra ˈdiw] Com laisarian la grepia e l’ palhat agradiu How they would leave the manger and the bedding pleasant How they would leave the manger and the comfortable stable

[per a ˈbe laz na ˈzik kli ˈna dɔs sy la ˈre ɣɔ] Per aber las nazics clinadas sus la rega, For to have the noses inclined toward the furrow, To have their noses inclined toward the furrow,

[luz ru ˈmjaj res per ˈdyts () din luz ˈraj bez de ˈstiw] Los romiaires perduts dins lors raibes d’estiu! The ruminants184 lost in their dreams of summer! The ruminating ruminants, lost in their dreams of summer!

Perbosc’s Original Text Canteloube’s Song Text:

Los buòus son a l’estac. Los valents trabalhaires, Los biòus son al estac. Los valents trabalhaires, dempuèi las curbisons dusca als jorns primairencs, Dempèi las curbizons dusca als jorns primairencs, per moments an lo sosc dels gauges terrairencs Per moments an lo sosc dels gauches tèrrairencs que de lors patiments son estats consolaires. Que de lors patiments son estats consolaires.

Se bremban camps nolents e mèrles estuflaires, Se brémban camps nolents e mèrles estuflaires. prats dalhats ont lo fen s’estoloira a bèls rengs, Prats dalhats ont lo fen s’estoloira à bels rencs, solelhs-colcs porporats e fresques rius clarencs Solels-colcs porporats e fresques rius clarencs ont, lo vèspre, bevián a glops reviscolaires. Ont, lo vèspre, bebian à glops reviscolaires.

Quand veson, en tornant del clòt, a l’entrelutz, Quand vezon, entornant del clòt, al entrelus, los araires colcats jos l’embanc, asta ensús, Los araires colcats jol embanc, asta en sus, lor ven la languison del bruch de la tresega… Lor ven la languizon del bruch de la trezega…

Com laissarián la grépia e ‘l palhat agradiu Com laisarian la grepia e l’palhat agradiu per aver las nasics clinadas sus la rega, Per aber las nazics clinadas sus la rega, los romiaires perduts dins lors raives d’estiu ! Los romiaires perduts dins lors raibes d’estiu!

184 Merriam-Webster defines “ruminant” as: 1) a noun meaning “an animal (such as a cow or sheep) that has more than one stomach and that swallows food and then brings it back up again to continue chewing it.” Or 2) an adjective meaning “given to or engaged in contemplation; meditative.” The word romiaires similarly carries double meaning in Occitan, referring to both the “ruminant” animal and the condition of being contemplative. Perbosc’s use of the word is noteworthy, as both meanings are clearly relevant within this poem. 87

Some spelling discrepancies are observable above, but few affect pronunciation. The second word, however, (buòus vs. biòus), is an interesting case. Bec indicates that the vowel combination (uo) is most often pronounced [jɔ]. From Canteloube’s older spelling, (biòus), we clearly see the derivation of this rule, but it is unclear as to why the word ultimately came to be spelled buòus, if it was to remain being pronounced [bjɔws]. (Bec does not offer any insights on this issue.) In any event, this particular discrepancy does not result in a pronunciation change. But the two words dempuèi and dempèi are a different case, as Perbosc’s word is pronounced [dem pɥεi], and Canteloube’s [dem pεi]. Canteloube’s spelling is not in the modern dictionary, but there is no doubt that this was indeed the spelling at the time of the cycle’s publication in 1923. This particular discrepancy brings about a greater, more philosophical dilemma: when Canteloube’s and Perbosc’s texts differ, should the singer use the “antiquated” spelling and pronunciation of Canteloube, or the “progressive” spelling and pronunciation of Perbosc? To the author’s thinking, it is up to each performer to decide, as neither is incorrect. If one chooses to focus on the original sounds set by Canteloube, he/she would pronounce the word as written in Canteloube’s text, but at the risk of not being understood by the modern Occitan speaker. Or, one could make the argument that Canteloube would simply want the songs to be pronounced in the manner that would best ensure their survival—i.e. by using Perbosc’s updated spellings. In a small way, therefore, L’Arada represents the opportunity to express a traditionalist or progressive approach to performance practice. In terms of the form of “L’Ibèrnada,” Canteloube again divides his musical stanzas in keeping with the sonnet structure, with interludes placed between lines 4 and 5, 8 and 9, and 11 and 12. All of the interludes are relatively short, (three and half, two and a half, and four measures long, respectively,) and all introduce new musical material, making it difficult to truly determine where Canteloube senses the volta of this poem. Canteloube’s varied approach to this poem is not limited to his treatment of form; truly, the entire piece seems to be written with only one goal in mind: depicting the actions within the poem through music, or, in other words: text painting. To illustrate this phenomenon most efficiently, a modified approach will be applied to this song discussion. An English translation of the poem has been condensed into stanzas below; underneath each section, the corresponding text painting methods used by Canteloube are addressed.

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1 The cattle are harnessed to the plow. The undaunted workers, 2 From sowing time until Spring, 3 At times dream of the earthly joys 4 That eased their misery. [Interlude 1]

In this section, the labor of the oxen is depicted in the introduction with a slow, plodding rhythm, which continues through the first two lines. At the mention of “Spring,” the piano instantly plays in a higher register, and a sudden flourish foreshadows the dream-like qualities of the next section. The ensuing interlude serves as the segue into the fantasies of the oxen, with three distinct lines depicting various aspects of this image: the oxen amble along, represented by rollicking triplet figures in the lower voice; the middle voice is composed of florid, harp-like figures that depict the transition into dream-world; while the a new bird motif (that of the blackbird, mentioned in the next line), appears within the upper register as symbol of the happier times of Spring. The three patterns are visible in Musical Example 7.19 below:

Musical Example 7.19, (mm. 10-14): First Interlude of “L’Ibèrnada” 5 They dream of fragrant fields, and whistling blackbirds, 89

6 Mown meadows where hay stretches itself in neat rows, 7 Purple sunsets and fresh, clear streams 8 Where, in the evening, they drink sips of invigorating water. [Interlude 2]

This second quatrain, provided as Musical Example 7.20, represents the “dream section,” illustrated by Canteloube with florid patterns in both hands of the piano, but with varied patterns for each line of text. Lines 5 and 6 (mm. 14-18) involve a general depiction of nature, interspersed with constant quotes from the blackbird. The pattern changes twice more for the text of line 7, first with rapidly ascending and descending motives to illustrate the sunsets (mm. 19-20), and then yet another pattern to emulate the sound of a babbling stream, which continues throughout line 8, (mm. 21-23). The interlude following this quatrain incorporates a shortened, fading blackbird motive, and halting appearances of the oxen’s ambling triplet figure. The resulting impression is that the oxen are slowly, hesitantly waking from their happy dreams of Spring.

9 When they see, returning from the pond, at dusk, 10 The plows lying under the porch roof, shaft in the air, 11 They become nostalgic for the sound of the yoke… [Interlude 3]

The beginning of this tercet returns to the slow, plodding rhythm of the introduction for lines 9 and 10, but with the mention of the “yoke” in line 11, a striking new theme appears, in the form of rolled, ascending octuplet figures with accented notes at the top of each flourish. This motive is meant to portray the jangling sound of the yoke, and the accented top notes are placed in a seemingly haphazard way throughout this final interlude, mimicking the natural sounds of the oxen’s labor. In an intriguing twist, the accented top notes of the yoke may be heard as an allusion to the “dies irae” chant. This interlude is provided in Musical Example 7.21.

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Musical Example 7.20, (mm. 14-21): The Second Quatrain of “L’Ibèrnada”

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Musical Example 7.21, (mm. 33-36): The Yoke

12 How they would like to leave the manger and the comfortable stable 13 To have their noses inclined toward the row, 14 The ruminating ruminants lost in their dreams of summer! [Postlude]

For the final tercet, the composer returns once more to the slower rhythm of the opening measures, re-emphasizing the discontent of the oxen throughout these winter months. Canteloube provides one last allusion to happier times in the last measure of the piece, however, by including three references within this one measure: a dream-like flourish, a call from the blackbird, and the continued, unresolved ambling of the oxen. Overall, this song represents a deviation from the remainder of the group, both in terms of content and compositional style. In depicting the lives and dreams of the oxen so artfully

92 through his music, Canteloube abandons almost all other compositional devices. Chromaticism abounds, pre-empting any strong harmonic or melodic tendencies. And appearances of the standard thematic material from the rest of the cycle are very limited, with polyphony becoming a side effect rather than a building block. In other words, the counterpoint within this piece seems to occur more haphazardly, emerging only as a consequence of various images being stacked simultaneously upon one another. Ultimately, Canteloube musically elevates the status of the oxen, perhaps reflecting a heightened degree of spirituality, or using them as a metaphor for the peasants themselves.

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7.5 “Mal sosc” [mal susk] (False dream)

[kal sap se sa ˈran pas ka ˈtats] Qual sab se saran pas catats Who knows if they will not be covered Who knows if they won’t be buried

[lεw dʒus ˈtεr: rɔ an lu kan ˈsu ˈmɔr tɔ] Lèu jos tèrra, am lor canson mòrta, Soon under earth, with their song dead, Soon underground, with their dead song,

[luz da ˈrjes bu jes ke ku ˈnɔr tɔ] Los darriers boiers que conòrta185 The last herdsmen who sustain The last of the herdsmen who sustain

[lu gawtʃ des kan dʒa ˈmaj ki ˈtats] Lo gauch dels camps jamai quitats, The joy of the fields never left The joy of the fields which they never leave,

[luz gran bu ˈjes () a ta len ˈtad:186] Los grans boiers atalentats The great herdsmen hungry The great herdsmen who hunger

185 Perbosc: confòrta [kun fɔr tɔ]. See song discussion below. 186 No [ts] to finish this word, as the music forces a combination with the next word “d’ideal,” thereby necessitating a dropped middle consonant, and a doubled second consonant. 94

[di de ˈal ke ˈser bɔn per ˈɔr tɔ] D’ideal que servan, per òrta, For the ideal that is preserved, by fields, For the ideal that is preserved in the fields,

[mε ˈmɔ di per la ˈre ɣɔ ˈtɔr tɔ] Mème òdi per la rega tòrta The same aversion for the rows crippled The same hatred for imperfect rows

[ke per ˈtu tɔs fɔ ra ber ˈtats] Que per totas fòravertats? As for all lies? As for all dishonesty?

Ò descazensa malastrada! [ɔ de ska ˈzen sɔ ma la ˈstra ðɔ] Oh decay cursed! Oh cursed decay!

[din la bun ˈaw rɔ sy la ˈra ðɔ] Dins la bona aura, sus l’arada, In the good breeze, on the tilled soil In the sweet breeze, on the tilled land,

[lu pa ˈkan su ska las siw ˈtats] Lo pacan sosca à las ciutats… The peasant dreams of the cities…

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[kam ˈpε stre an tu nen kan tɔ ˈdy rɔ] Campèstre, am ton encantadura Campèstre,187 with your enchantments

[ga ˈriz lus kɔz de za lεr ˈtats] Garis los còrs dezalèrtats Heal the hearts stifled Heal the hearts stifled

[pel su ska ˈma lɔ fre ɣa ˈdy rɔ] Pel sosc à mala fregadura! By the dream of a harmful caress! By the false comfort of the dream!

Perbosc’s Original Text Canteloube’s Song Text

Qual sap se seràn pas catats Qual sab se saran pas catats lèu jos tèrra, amb lor cançon mòrta, Lèu jos tèrra, am lor canson mòrta, los darrièrs boièrs que confòrta Los darriers boiers que conòrta lo gaug dels camps jamai quitats, Lo gauch dels camps jamai quitats,

los grans boièrs atalentats Los grands boiers atalentats d’ideal, que sèrvan per òrta D’ideal que servan, per òrta, meme òdi per la rega tòrta Mème òdi per la rega tòrta que per totas fòravertats ? Que per totas fòravertats?

Ò descasença malastrada ! O descazensa malastrada! dins la bona aura, sus l’arada, lo pacan sosca a la ciutats… Dins la bona aura, sus l’arada, Lo pacan sosca à las ciutats… Campèstre, amb ton encantadura, garís los còrs desalertats Campèstre, am ton encantadura pel sosc a mala fregadura. Garis los còrs dezalèrtats Pel sosc à mala fregadura!

187 Campèstre does not translate directly to English, but refers to nature in both an earthly and cosmic sense. See Chapter 5 for a more detailed discussion. 96

Very few spelling discrepancies exist between Canteloube’s text for “Mal sosc” and the poetry of Perbosc. There is one instance, however, that is particularly problematic in that it involves a complete word change. Perbosc uses the word confòrta as the last word of the third line, while Canteloube sets the word conòrta. Perbosc’s word is a conjugation of the verb confòrtar, which means to strengthen or comfort, while Canteloube’s stems from conòrtar: to urge or encourage. As a third reference, the French word which Canteloube provides underneath the word conòrta is soutiennent, which means to support or sustain. While all of these translations are similar, the choice of the best word to use in the translations becomes slightly complicated. The word “sustain” has been chosen as the best median of the meanings listed above, but the performer should at least be aware of the other connotations. Canteloube clearly alters Perbosc’s sonnet form in this song. In order to demonstrate the composer’s rationale in doing so, a condensed translation is provided below:

1 Who knows if they won’t be buried 2 Soon underground, with their dead song, 3 The last of the herdsmen who sustain 4 The joy of the fields which they never leave,

5 The great herdsmen who hunger 6 For the ideal that is preserved by the fields, 7 The same hatred for imperfect rows 8 As for all dishonesty?

9 Oh cursed decay!!

10 In the sweet breeze, on the soil, 11 The peasant dreams of the cities…

12 Campèstre, with your enchantments 13 Heal the hearts stifled 14 By the false comfort of the dream!

Canteloube includes a slight separation between lines 4 and 5, but the two rests here (in measure 8) can hardly be considered an interlude. Here, the separation of stanzas is represented instead through the varied material accompanying the next quatrain, when the piano abruptly

97 changes its texture from a sparsely arranged pattern of quarter notes to that of thickly-voiced chords and highly subdivided flourishes. The second interlude between measures 8 and 9 is more clearly marked, but still not indicative of the volta of the poem. This interlude is one- measure long, consisting of an ascending pattern of quarter notes that lead into a bold statement of line 9 (which is then isolated by the placement of another miniature interlude after it). For Canteloube, the volta of the poem clearly occurs between lines 11 and 12, just before the mention of the word “campèstre.” The content of Perbosc’s poem justifies this choice, as lines 9-11 are undoubtedly a continuation of the sonnet’s statement of emotional conflict. The following lines (12-14) accordingly represent the solution to this adversity, as campèstre is invoked in perhaps the most poignant resolution of all the sonnets of L’Arada. Canteloube indicates that the statement of the theme in this interlude should be “très fondu et mystérieusement chanté,” or “played very smoothly and mysteriously.”188 He also suggests that the word campèstre be sung “très doux,” or “very sweetly,” both directions serving as further evidence that this concept carries special meaning for the composer. The volta section of this song may be observed in Musical Example 7.22.

Musical Example 7.22, (mm. 20-23): The Volta of “Mal sosc”

188 “fondu” translates literally to “melted” or “molten.” 98

Textural changes underscore almost every line within this song, much in the same fashion as within No. 4, “L’Ibèrnada.” One interesting example of this texture change occurs in line 6, when a marked transformation occurs within the middle of the line: “D’ideal—que servan, per òrta,” or “the ideal—which is preserved by the fields.” In this manner, Canteloube observes the comma which Perbosc used to separate the “ideal” from that “which is preserved,” but ironically, Canteloube has omitted the literal comma from his own text. Not surprisingly, the thematic material of this song is based almost entirely on the campèstre theme, but mostly as shorter motives of the first three descending notes of the theme. Appearances of this motive occur literally everywhere: in the first statement of the piano, the first statement of the voice, and in some variation underneath almost every line of text. The opening measures of the piece are excerpted below in Musical Example 7.23.

Musical Example 7.23, (mm. 1-3): The Campèstre Theme of “Mal sosc”

In summary, Canteloube uses the techniques of harmony, melody, rhythm, and thematic development in much the same way in “Mal sosc” as he did for “L’Ibèrnada,” using all of these elements to highlight the contrasting thoughts expressed in each line. However, rather than “text painting,” the composer demonstrates his expertise in the realm of “mood painting” in “Mal sosc”.

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7.6 “Lauraires e trobaires” [law ˈraj re ze tru ˈβaj res] (Plowers and poets)

[la ˈtεr: rɔ se dyr ˈbi zal za fu ˈgat ga ˈzεls] La tèrra se durbis als afogats gazèls The earth itself opens to ardent plowshares The earth opens to the passionate blade of the plowshare

[le ˈtεr nɔ ˈnɔ βju ˈfri za lu e ski za ˈdy rɔ] L'etèrna nòbia ofris a lor esquisadura, The eternal bride offers to their tearing,189 The eternal bride offers herself to their digging,

[per lu ˈbran sɔ da ˈmu e de kuŋ gre ʎɔ ˈdy rɔ] per l'obransa d'amor e de congrelhadura For the work of love and of procreating For this work of love and of procreating,

[sus pu ˈpεl tan mul ˈzyt ze tεr nɔ ˈmen piw ˈsεls] sos popèls tant molzuts etèrnament piucèls. Her breasts so milk-filled eternally virgin Her breasts so full of milk, eternally virgin.

[e tran ˈtu tez lus kans e dʒus ˈtu tez lus sεls] E tram totes los camps, e jos totes los cèls, And across all the fields, and under all the heavens And across all the field,s and under all the skies,

189 “esquisadura” also translates to “bruising” or “lacerating.” Alibert, 376. 100

[syl gran ˈry gle bi ˈran ke la ˈstra ze skaw ˈdy rɔ] sul grand rugle virant que l’Astràs escaudura, On large sphere spinning that the Sun makes hot On the great spinning globe warmed by the Sun,

[ez la me ˈmɔ brɔ san te la ˈme mun drɔ ˈdy rɔ] Es la mema òbra santa e la mema ondradura It is the same work holy and the same clothing It is the same holy work and the same attire

[de pa ˈrel za fa ˈnat zen gar lan ˈdad: daw ˈzεls] de parelhs afanats engarlandats d'auzèls. Of pairs panting garlanded with birds. Of panting teams of oxen with garlands of birds.

[en ˈreŋ gab:bus bur ˈdus la ˈre ɣɔ del law ˈraj re] Enrengatz-vos, bordons! La rega del lauraire Align yourselves, furrows! The row of the plower

[e la daˈ kel ke te lu ka ˈlan per aˈ raj re] E la d’aquel que ten lo calam per araire And that of one who holds the pen for a plow And the row of one whose plow is a pen

[ˈpɔr tɔ nyn num pa ˈriw en par ˈla ut si ta] pòrtan un nom pariu en parlar occitan, Carry a name the same in speaking Occitan, Have the same name when speaking Occitan,

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[e le ˈstrɔ fe za tal ˈsɔr: re de la mu ˈza ðɔ] e l'estròfa es atal sòrre de la mosada: And the stroph is thus the sister of the furrow:

[tru ˈβaj re ze bu ˈjes fa le ˈβa en kan ˈtan] Trobaires e boiers fan levar, en cantant, Poets and herdsmen make to rise by singing, Poets and herdsmen elevate, through singing,

[lu ˈdu ple nuj ri ˈmen de ˈbi ðɔ190 e de pen ˈsa ðɔ] lo dople noiriment de vida e de pensada. The double nourishment of life and of thought.

Canteloube’s Song Text: Perbosc’s 1970 Text (Stanzas determined by musical phrasing)

La tèrra vos espèra, ò relhas e gasèls. La tèrra se durbis als afogats gazèls. L’etèrna nòvia ofrís a lor esquiçadura, L’etèrna nòbia ofris à lor esquisadura, per l’obrança d’amor e de congrelhadura Per l’obransa d’amor e de congrelhadura, sos popèls tant molzuts e semprament piucèls. Sos popèls tant molzuts etèrnament piucèls.

E tram totes los camps e jos totes los cèls, E tram totes los camps, e jos totes los cèls, sul grand rugle virant que’l solelh escaudura, Sul grand rugle virant que l’Astràs escaudura, es lo mème prètzfach e la mèma ondradura Es la mema òbra santa e la mema ondradura de parelhs afanats engarlandats d’ausèls. De parels afanats engarlandats d’auzèls.

Enrengatz-vos, bordons! La rega del Lauraire Enrengatz-vos, bordons! La règa del lauraire per òrta e la que fa la pluma del Trobaire E la d’aquel que ten lo calam per araire pòrtan un nom parièr en parlar occitan, Portan un nom pariu en parlar occitan, E l’estròfa es atal sòrre de la mosada: e l’Estròfa es atal sòrre de la Mossada: Trobaires e Boièrs fan levar, en cantant, Trobaires e boiers fan levar, en cantant, lo doble noiriment de vida e de pensada. Lo dople noiriment de vida e de pensada.

Perbosc makes several changes in “Lauraires e trobaires” between the 1906 and 1970 publications, in a similar manner to his revision of “La canson dels boiers.” The changes are notated above for comparative purposes, (highlighted in bold), since Canteloube’s song texts are

190 Musical phrasing indicates a lack of elision in this instance. 102 an almost exact reproduction of Perbosc’s 1906 version; (with spelling intact, according to Ravier’s footnotes.) Canteloube’s slight modification of line groupings is also indicated above. All stanza separations mirror that of Perbosc except for the poet’s last two tercets, which Canteloube interprets as a quatrain and couplet. As in earlier examples, this is a direct reflection of the text as dictated in the lines:

9 Align yourselves, furrows! The row of the plower 10 And the row of one whose plow is a pen 11 Have the same name when speaking Occitan, 12 And the strophe is thus the sister of the furrow:

13 Poets and Herdsmen elevate, through singing, 14 The double nourishment of life and of thought.

Although all six lines above reflect a “resolution” to the lines before, the last two lines summarize this resolution in a separate, more condensed thought. Canteloube does not, however, exhibit this separation with a lengthy interlude; in fact, the only space given between the lines is an eighth-note rest. Rather, he demonstrates his interpretation in two ways: 1) with a lack of musical separation between lines 11 and 12, and 2) with the introduction of very different musical material in his setting of line 13. The new material is audibly altered, with new accompaniment texture and a broadened rhythmic pattern within the voice. (See Musical Example 7.24) As stated in Chapter 5, Canteloube chose this text as the last of his cycle, even though it appears first in Perbosc’s collection. Therefore, it is apparent that, for the composer, “Lauraires e trobaires” contains the most powerful message within the poetry of L’Arada. Certain compositional techniques are slightly modified to this end, with Canteloube’s treatment of form among them. The first indication of his departure from “standard procedure” is the separation of lines 1 and 2 within the first stanza. For the first time, the composer includes a short interlude between these lines, foreshadowing the expansion of ideas throughout the piece.

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Musical Example 7.24 (mm. 39-46): Organization of Lines 11-13 in “Lauraires e trobaires”

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Another modified aspect of compositional technique within this song concerns the intensified development of thematic material. All themes are present within this final piece, with many salient, emphasized statements observable in select passages, and themes interwoven more unobtrusively in other sections. The opening measures of the piece contain an emphatic statement of the herdsman’s motif, as demonstrated in Musical Example 7.25.

Musical Example 7.25, (mm. 1-2): The Herdsman’s Motif in the Opening Bars of “Lauraires e trobaires”

In establishing this final song as the pinnacle of the cycle, Canteloube creates a piano texture of a particularly complex and virtuosic nature within “Lauraires e trobaires.” In addition to the frequent (and often simultaneous) statements of thematic material, the piano also takes on the primary responsibility of expressing the concept of campèstre, with continuous flourishes of sixty-fourth arpeggios based on added-note harmonies. The excerpt in Musical Example 7.26 is a small sample of the virtuosic writing for piano that occurs throughout the song.

Musical Example 7.26, (mm. 14-17): The Piano Texture of “Lauraires e trobaires”

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The broad, emphatic declamation in the final vocal statement is a fitting summary of Canteloube’s beliefs concerning the act of musical composition, in its reference to the function of art as a means of providing spiritual enlightenment. These final lines propose that: “Poets and Plowers elevate, through singing, the double nourishment of life and of thought.” In a clear echo of the sentiments of Vincent d’Indy, the poet Antonin Perbosc perfectly captures the concept that both art and manual labor are a means of serving humanity, and Canteloube in turn provides a powerful expression of this concept through his music. With such sympathetic views on both nature and the role of poets and composers alike, it is no surprise that Canteloube identified so powerfully with the poetry of Antonin Perbosc.

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CHAPTER 8 COPYRIGHT ISSUES

Obtaining the sheet music for L'Arada is unfortunately a difficult endeavor, as it is no longer in print. To complicate the issue further, no libraries within the United States currently own full copies of this cycle. (Although many libraries own bound periodicals of La Revue musicale, in which “Mal sosc” may be found as a musical supplement in Year 4, No. 10 of August 1923.) Efforts were made to include a full copy of the sheet music as an addendum to this treatise, but the request has not yet been acknowledged as of publication. Therefore, the only option is to wait until these pieces reach the public domain in 2018. The calculation of this date is outlined below. The year of L’Arada’s publication, 1923, was the first year in which new copyright laws took effect within the United States. Starting in 1923, a publisher could register for a copyright for 28 years. At the end of this period, (1951, in the case of L’Arada), the publisher could renew the rights for another 47 years, which would have seen the work arrive in the public domain in 1998. However, the Copyright Term Extension Act of 1998 extended the 47 year renewal period for 20 more years, bringing the total renewal period to 67 years. Therefore, the estimated date of L'Arada’s arrival into the public domain is 2018. The pieces were originally published by Heugel, and they are now owned by Alphonse Leduc, who acquired Heugel in 1980. Even though the original publishers never renewed the copyright for L’Arada in 1951, the pieces are still not eligible for public domain, since foreign publications are often exempt from this renewal. The following details are excerpted from John Mark Ockerbloom’s information on the University of Pennsylvania Library’s website. According to Ockerbloom, a work is exempt from renewal requirements if all of the following conditions apply:  At least one author was a citizen or resident of a foreign country (outside the US) that's a party to the applicable copyright agreements. (Almost all countries are parties to these agreements.)

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 The work was still under copyright in at least one author's "home country" at the time the GATT copyright agreement went into effect for that country (1 January 1996 for most countries).  The work was first published abroad, and not published in the United States until at least 30 days after its first publication abroad.191

All of the rules above apply in the case of L'Arada, which means that this publication was indeed exempt from the renewal requirements of 1951. Consequently, the legal rights for this song cycle will expire in 2018.

191 John Mark Ockerbloom, “How Can I Tell Whether a Copyright Was Renewed?” accessed online August 2013. http://onlinebooks.library.upenn.edu/renewals.html

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CHAPTER 9

CONCLUSION

In observing the careful craftsmanship of L’Arada, it is apparent that the songs within this cycle are every bit as worthy of performance as Canteloube’s Chants d’Auvergne. This cycle represents a true amalgamation of all facets of the composer’s life: his strong ties to nature, his regionalism, the techniques absorbed from d’Indy and Śverac at the Schola Cantorum, as well as his involvement with the movement of Impressionism. But just as campèstre is comprised of both scientific and spiritual elements, so is Canteloube’s music. This treatise has only addressed that which can be condensed into words— the more scientific aspects regarding the construction of these songs. What cannot be addressed within the bounds of this document is the sheer beauty of the music. To convey this aspect, they simply must be performed. The author hopes, therefore, that the discussions provided here will serve to encourage many future performances of L’Arada.

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APPENDIX A POETIC TRANSLATIONS

1. “Los lauraires”

Los lauraires, pèds nuts subre l’arada trida, The plowers, barefoot on the tilled soil, Artelhan pel campas, dins lo matin fresquet. Leave their footprints on the fields, in the fresh morning. “A! Maurel! A! Calhol! A! Lauret! A! Braquet!” “Ah! Maurel! Ah! Calhol! Ah! Lauret! Ah! Braquet!” Atal, tram la siaudor, la vots dels boiers crida. Thus, through the silence, the voices of the herdsmen cry.

Dins l’erba de ròs blanca e de nèch ennegrida In the grass, bleached by the dew and blackened by the night A prima alba l’araire a plantat son soquet. The plow has driven its plowshare into the earth since Aici, que l’auzèlum fa tindar son caquet; daybreak. De gauch primaverenc la natura es florida. Notice how the birds make their raucous songs heard; In the joy of Spring, nature flourishes.

Sul campèstre, d’ont monta un ferum ardoresc, In the fields, where an intense, primitive scent rises, S’enrengan los bordons, mentre que fa son cresc, The furrows align, while it makes its ascent, Amont, l’espectacloza e raianta remarga Above, the spectacular and radiant net Qu’espandis lo Solel, pescaire de trumor. Deployed by the Sun, fisher of darkness.

La Tèrra manda al Astre un sirventesc d’amor: The Earth sends to the Sun a song of love: Es la granda Canson dels Boiers que s’alarga. It is the grand Song of the Herdsmen that rises up.

2. “La canson dels boiers”

La canson dels boiers, la Canson de la Laura, The Song of the Herdsmen, the Song of Plowing Es simpla com lo cant del vent e com lo cant Is simple, like the song of the wind, or the song De la lauzeta, amor que’s mèstres qu’al pacan Of the lark, since the teachers of the peasant, An apres a trobar son que l’auzèl e l’aura. who taught him to think are only the birds and the breeze.

Tant-bén, sembla pas brica à las qu’aimaba Izaura! Besides, the song is not anything like those loved by Isaure! Es montada vèrs l’alba o lo solel colcant It rises close to the dawn where the sun sleeps Mentre que lo lauraire enregaba, en soscant While the plower furrows, dreaming Al semen que garrona, al blat que l’astre daura. Of the sprouting seed, and of wheat gilded by the sun.

Es pracò d’aquel biais, sul campas artelhat, Yet it is in this way, in the fields where they walked, Que patiment, amor, malcòr an congrelhat That misery, love and pain have inspired Mants poèmes ont viu l’ama tèrradorenca… Many poems, where the earthly soul lives…

Lais arai pas jamai tombar al debrembier, I would never let it fall into oblivion, O Canson dels Boiers! Que ma tròba ardorenca Oh Song of the Herdsmen! How my passionate poem A tu s’empèuta com la ròza al garrabier! Grafts itself to you like the rose to the briar!

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3. “La mosada” (The furrow)

O Trobaire! As l’ufan de congrelhar de cantas O Poet! You have the arrogance to compose poems Qu’al temps avenidor los òmes rediran. That in future times men will repeat. Agacha lo lauraire etèrnament óbrant Look at the plower working ceaselessly Suls camps que sempre auran segadas rezurgantas! In the fields, which will always have new harvests!

Las relhas an crozat de regas qual sab quantas! The plowshares have tilled the soil so many times! Lo tèrraire es com un palinsèst ont, laurant The land is like an erasable parchment, where, working Suls bordons dels aujòls, los pacans botaran In the ancestral furrows, the peasants will plant Sens fin metiu semen de granas bategantas. Endlessly the same seeds of waving grain.

Los blats que bèl-temps-a lo cròs fasquèt florir The grains of wheat that long ago the grave made flower Son los paires d’aquels qu’ara, per nos noirir, Are the fathers of those who now, for our nourishment An raubat à la mort lor espiga daurada. Stole their golden shafts from death.

Atal, Trobaire, fas, dins los bordons d’antan, And so, Poet, create, in these ancient furrows, Novèla curbizon subre la vièlha arada; New sowings in the old soil; Doman, d’autres siègran, ta mosada en cantant. Tomorrow, others will follow your path, singing.

4. “L’Ibèrnada” (Winter)

Los biòus son al estac. Los valents trabalhaires, The oxen are stabled. The undaunted workers, Dempèi las curbizons dusca als jorns primairencs, From sowing time until the days of Spring, Per moments an lo sosc dels gauches tèrrairencs At times dream of the earthly joys Que de lors patiments son estats consolaires. That in their misery were consoling.

Se brémban camps nolents e mèrles estuflaires. They dream of fragrant fields, and whistling blackbirds. Prats dalhats ont lo fen s’estoloira à bels rencs, Mown meadows where hay stretches in neat rows, Solelscolcs porporats e fresques rius clarencs Purple sunsets and fresh, clear streams Ont, lo vèspre, bebian à glops reviscolaires. Where, in the evening, they drink sips of invigorating water.

Quand vezon, entornant del clòt, al entrelus, When they see, returning from the pond, at dusk, Los araires colcats jol embanc, asta en sus, The plows lying under the porch roof, shaft in the air, Lor ven la languizon del bruch de la trezega… They become nostalgic for the sound of the yoke…

Com laisarian la grepia e l’palhat agradiu How they would leave the manger and the comfortable Per aber las nazics clinadas sus la rega, stable Los romiaires perduts dins lors raibes d’estiu! To have their noses inclined toward the row, The ruminating ruminants, lost in their dreams of summer!

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5. “Mal sosc” (False dream)

Qual sab se saran pas catats Who knows if they won’t be buried Lèu jos tèrra, am lor canson mòrta, Soon underground, with their dead song, Los darriers boiers que conòrta The last of the herdsmen who sustain Lo gauch dels camps jamai quitats, The joy of the fields which they never leave,

Los grands boiers atalentats The great herdsmen who hunger D’ideal que servan, per òrta, For the ideal that is preserved in the fields, Mème òdi per la rega tòrta The same hatred for imperfect rows Que per totas fòravertats? As for all dishonesty?

O descanzensa malastrada! Oh cursed decay! Dins la bona aura, sus l’arada, In the sweet breeze, on the tilled land, Lo pacan sosca à las ciutats… The peasant dreams of the cities…

Campèstre, am ton encantadura Campèstre, with your enchantments Garis los còrs dezalèrtats Heal the hearts stifled Pel sosc à mala fregadura! By the false comfort of the dream!

6. “Lauraires e trobaires” (Plowers and poets)

La tèrra se durbis als afogats gazèls. The earth opens to the passionate blade of the plowshare L’etèrna nòbia ofris à lor esquisadura, The eternal bride offers herself to their digging, Per l’obransa d’amor e de congrelhadura, For this work of love and of procreating, Sos popèls tant molzuts etèrnament piucèls. Her breasts so full of milk, eternally virgin.

E tram totes los camps, e jos totes los cèls, And across all the fields, and under all the skies, Sul grand rugle virant que l’Astràs escaudura, On the great spinning globe warmed by the Sun, Es la mema òbra santa e la mema ondradura It is the same holy work and the same attire De parels afanats engarlandats d’auzèls. Of panting teams of oxen with garlands of birds.

Enrengatz-vos, bordons! La règa del lauraire Align yourselves, furrows! The row of the plower E la d’aquel que ten lo calam per araire And the row of one whose plow is a pen Portan un nom pariu en parlar occitan, Have the same name when speaking Occitan, E l’estròfa es atal sòrre de la mosada: And the stroph is thus the sister of the furrow:

Trobaires e boiers fan levar, en cantant, Poets and herdsmen elevate, through singing, Lo dople noiriment de vida e de pensada. The double nourishment of life and of thought.

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APPENDIX B PERMISSION LETTER: PRESSES UNIVERSITAIRES DE FRANCE

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

BOOKS

Ager, D. E. Sociolinguistics and Contemporary French. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1990.

Alibert, Louis. Dictionnaire occitan-français d'après les parlers languedociens. Toulouse: Institut d'Etudes Occitanes, 1997.

Bazalgues, Gaston. L'Occitan lèu-lèu e plan / L'occitan vite et bien: l'occitan sélon le parler Languedocien. Paris: Omnivox, 1977.

Bec, Pierre. La Langue occitane. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1963.

Bec, Pierre. Manuel pratique d’occitan modern. Paris: A. &J. Picard, 1973.

Cahours d'Aspry, Jean-Bernard. Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957): chantre d'Auvergne et d'ailleurs. Biarritz: Śguier, 2000.

Canteloube, Joseph. Anthologie des chants populaires franc̜ ais; groupés et présentés par pays ou provinces. Paris: Durand, 1951.

Canteloube, Joseph. Déodat de Séverac. B́ziers: Socít́ de musicologie de Languedoc, 1984.

Canteloube, Joseph. Les chants des provinces françaises. Paris: Didier, 1947.

Canteloube, Joseph. Vincent d’Indy. Paris: H. Laurens, 1951.

Castan, F́lix-Marcel. Antonin Perbosc: Choix de poèmes occitans. Toulouse: Institut d'Estudis occitans, 1961.

Cougniaud-Raginel, Fraņoise. Joseph Canteloube: chantre de la terre. B́ziers: Socít́ de musicologie de Languedoc, 1988.

Fulcher, Jane F. French Cultural Politics & Music: From the Dreyfus Affair to the First World War. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999.

Harris, Martin and Nigel Vincent. The Romance Languages. New York: Oxford University Press, 1988.

Johnson, Graham, and Richard Stokes. A French Song Companion. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000.

Judge, Anne. Linguistic Policies and the Survival of Regional Languages in France and Britain. Basingstoke, England: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.

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Ravier, Xavier and Antonin Perbosc. L'arada L'arée. Biarritz: Atlantica, 2000.

Waters, Robert. Déodat de Séverac: Musical Identity in Fin De Siècle France. Aldershot, England: Ashgate, 2008.

DISSERTATIONS

McCann, Lori E. “A Critical Performing Edition of Selected Songs from Chants D'Auvergne Collected and Harmonized by Joseph Canteloube.” DMA Thesis, University of Cincinnati, 1996.

Pauly, Elizabeth Mary. “The Solo Vocal Music of Joseph Canteloube (1879-1957).” DMA Project, University of Minnesota, 1995.

Romich, Christina Lani. “Joseph Canteloube's Chants D'Auvergne A Performance Guide for the Soprano Voice.” Master’s Thesis, West Virginia University, 2011.

Steubing, Deborah Marie. “The Setting of the Auvergnat-Dialect Folk Songs by Joseph Canteloube in His Chants D'Auvergne: An Analysis of the Modal Aspects of the Pure Folk Songs and Canteloube's Diatonic/Pentatonic Accompaniments.” DMA Treatise, University of Texas at Austin, 2001.

ARTICLES

Belasco, Simon. “France’s Rich Relation: The Oc Connection.” The French Review Vol. 63, No. 6 (May 1990): 996-1013.

Canteloube, Joseph. “Comment juger le divorce opposant la musique moderne et le public?” In Pour ou contre la musique moderne? Edited by Bernard Gavoty and Daniel Lesur. Paris: Flammarion, 1957.

Canteloube, Joseph. “L’Utilisation des Chants Populaires,” L’Action française (March 9-10, 1941), 3.

Canteloube, Joseph. “Numéro spécial consacré à Beethoven.” Le Courrier musical (February 1, 1927): 7.

Canteloube, Joseph. “Sur le rôle national du chant populaires,” L’Action française (October 28, 1940).

Field, Thomas T. “The Sociolinguistic Situation of Modern Occitan.” The French Review Vol. 54, No. 1 (Oct. 1980): 37-46.

Hoérée, Arthur. “L'Arada de J. Canteloube.” La Revue musicale, Year 5, No. 5. (March 1, 1924): 260.

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ONLINE ARTICLES

Encyclopedia Britannica Online, "Auvergne," accessed Sep. 21, 2013.

Encyclopedia Britannica Online, "Action Française," accessed September 26, 2013.

Encyclopedia Britannica Online, "Dreyfus affair," accessed September 26, 2013.

Encyclopedia Britannica Online, "Rhaetian dialects," accessed September 30, 2013.

Guillot, Pierre. "Séverac, Déodat de, Baron de Beauville," In Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Accessed September 8, 2013.

Lingas, Alex. "Schola Cantorum,” The Oxford Companion to Music. Oxford Music Online. Accessed July 23, 2013.

Millington, Barry. “Wagner.” In Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Accessed September 27, 2013.

Smith, Richard Langham. "Canteloube, Joseph." In Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Accessed September 21, 2013.

Thomson, Andrew and Robert Orledge. "d’Indy, Vincent.” In Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. Accessed September 7, 2013.

Toulze, Sylvain. “Bulletin de la Socít́ des Études du Lot.”Occitaniste Volume CV (4th trimester, 1984): 319-328. Accessed online, Jan. 8, 2013.

SHEET MUSIC

Canteloube, Joseph. “Mal sosc,” La Revue musicale, Year 4, No. 10 (August 1, 1923): Supplément Musical.

Canteloube, Joseph and Antonin Perbosc. L’Arada (La Terre). Paris: Heugel, 1923.

The Liber usualis with introduction and rubrics in English. Tournai, New York. (Desclée No. 801, 1961): 742.

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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

A native of North Carolina, Karen Coker Merritt received her Master of Music degree from UNC-Greensboro in 2000, and will complete her Doctor of Musical Arts degree in Vocal Performance at Florida State University in 2013. She currently serves as Adjunct Professor of Voice at the University of North Florida in Jacksonville. Prior to beginning her doctoral studies, she served as Head of Voice Faculty for the professional Boys and Girls Choir at the historic Grace Church in New York (Greenwich Village). Mrs. Merritt began her professional operatic career as an apprentice with Pittsburgh Opera. Her tutelage there included study with opera legends such as Renata Scotto, Régine Crespin, and Renée Fleming. Mrs. Merritt also participated in the Baltimore Opera Studio program, making her professional operatic debut there in 2003. International engagements have included participation in the Ezio Pinza Council for American Singers of Opera (EPCASO) in Italy, where she had the rare opportunity to study with renowned artists such as Claudia Pinza, Maria Chiara, and Virginia Zeani. In 2004 and 2005, Mrs. Merritt toured England with Opera North of the UK, in the British debut of Kurt Weill’s One Touch of Venus, starring as the title role of Venus. She reprised this role at the Ravenna Festival in Italy, as well as at the famous Sadler’s Wells Theatre in London. Mrs. Merritt has performed in numerous oratorio and concert engagements throughout New York City, including concerts at Trinity Lutheran, St. Mary the Virgin, and Grace Church of New York. She also starred as Rosalinda in Opera New York’s Off-Broadway production Tales from the Manhattan Woods. Mrs. Merritt has enjoyed performing with Florida State Opera while completing her doctoral degree in Tallahassee, appearing as Tatiana in Eugene Onegin in Fall of 2011, and as Love Simpson in Carlisle Floyd’s Cold Sassy Tree in Spring of 2013.

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