Orwellian Socialism and the Myth of the Working Class
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Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 2-1997 Orwellian Socialism and the Myth of the Working Class Malcolm P. Ringo IV Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the Political History Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Ringo, Malcolm P. IV, "Orwellian Socialism and the Myth of the Working Class" (1997). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 5591. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.7463 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. THESIS APPROVAL The abstract and thesis of Mal calm P. Ringo IV for the C1aster o_f :'~L- ts degree in _....!,H!_:1.~·s~t::!:o~r:liy~------------- were presented February 12, 1997 and accepted by the thesis committee and the department. CommitteeApprovals:r· , Chair David Holloway Representative of the Office df Graduate Studies Department Approval: Gordon B. Dodds, Chair Department of History *************************************************************** Accepted for Portland State University by the Library on /7 ~r:r/4 /99? ABSTRACT An abstract of the thesis of Malcolm P. Ringo IV for the Master of Arts in History presented February 12, 1997. Title: Orwellian Socialism and the Myth of the Working Class George Orwell left behind a rich body of political writings. Most scholars until now have confined research on Orwell to one of three areas: his reaction to the British class system; his criticisms of left-wing intellectuals; and the contrasting visions of the future that contended for supremacy in his consciousness. Scholars have overlooked the fact that the very foundation of Orwellian socialism rested on the creation of a political myth - the myth of the northern British working class. The northern British proletariat held specific traits, such as generosity and decency, that were created and shaped by particular socio-historical conditions. Orwell believed that these characteristics would lead the northern proletariat, who were the natural heirs to power in Britain, to revolution during World War II. By creating the myth, Orwell contradicted his earlier writings in which he claimed that the use of political myths was inherently deceitful. He had always said that a successful socialist movement would replace ideological jargon, technical language and propaganda with an honest, simple and flexible blueprint of a path to socialism. He gave only vague outlines of an ideal society so that it would naturally evolve according to the specific needs of the moment. The purpose of the present analysis is to define Orwellian socialism and then to prove that Orwell had, in fact, created a political myth. Chapter I is divided into four sections: Orwell, the Tory Anarchist; Orwell's Reaction to the British Class System; Orwell's Attacks on the Left; and Orwell and the Implementation of Democratic Socialism. Chapter II traces the evolution of these themes in his novels and documentaries. Chapter Ill argues that although Orwell attacked Georges Sorel for his advocacy of the myth of the general strike that would spur the French proletariat to a nationwide strike, Orwell had unknowingly created the myth of the northern British working class. ORWELLIAN SOCIALISM AND THE MYTH OF THE WORKING CLASS by MALCOLM P. RINGO IV A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in HISTORY Portland State University 1997 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments ............................................... i- lntroduction ......... -. ..... 1 Chapter I. .......................................................8 Orwell the Tory Anarchist. .................................. 8 Orwell's Reaction to the British Class System ............... 18 Orwell's Attacks on the Left ................................ 34 Orwell and the Implementation of Democratic Socialism ...... 50 Chapter II. ..................................................... 61 The Socio-Literary Tradition .................................61 Reviews of: Down and Out in Paris and London . .............66 Burmese Days. ...............................72 A Clergyman's Daughter...................... .77 Keep the Aspidistra Flying . .....................85 The Road to ~gan Pier. .......................90 Homage to Catalonia . ........................101 Coming Up for Air. ...........................11 O Animal Farm ................................. 117 Nineteen Eighty-Four. ........................124 Conclusion ........- ..................... ~ ...... ,. _. -•;· ........ 132 Chapter Ill ...................................................., ..134 Introduction ............................................. 134 A Methodological Survey of Myths ..........................136 Orwell's Attacks on Sorel. 141 Orwell and the Myth of the Working Class ...................148 Endnotes ......................................................157 Bibliography. .............169 i ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Several individuals deserve a special thanks for their contributions to this thesis project. Without these persons this project would not have run nearly so smoothly, or worse yet, might never have gotten off the ground. Unfortunately, I do not have the space or time to thank everyone who helped along the way but I certainly know who these persons are and, if nothing else, hold them in an elevated esteem. To begin with I would like to thank Dr. Michael Reardon, who took time that he did not have to help me to conceptualize and structure an interesting and worthwhile topic. Next on this list falls Dr. David Robinson. Besides being a great friend, he convinced me that original contributions could still be made on the study of George Orwell. Tina Tankersley and Diane Gould - "the nuts and bolts of the Portland State History Department" - have throughout my stint at Portland State University been my sixth sense. They have gone out of their way to process my paperwork and notify me of important deadlines. Jeremy O'Leary, the Assistant Manager of the Portland State University Microcomputer Labs, has been an invaluable source. Jeremy diagnosed and fixed every "computer'' problem that I brought forth (and there were many). Duyen Pham has earned a space here for never once complaining about my obsession with George ii Orwell. Her love and support kept me motivated throughout an especially gray Portland fall and winter. Lastly, I want to thank my parents who have always supported me no matter what I have done. Introduction Three chapters comprise Orwellian Socialism and the Myth of the Working Class. Chapter I examines the themes commonly found when exploring the politics of Orwellian socialism. Chapter I is divided into the following four sections: Orwell, the Tory anarchist; Orwell's Reaction to the British Class System; Orwell's Attacks on the Left, and Orwell and the Implementation of Democratic Socialism. Chapter II traces the evolution of these themes in his novels and documentaries. Chapter 111 argues that although Orwell attacked Georges Sorel for his advocacy of the myth of the general strike that would spur the French proletariat to a nationwide strike, Orwell had, in fact, created a myth of his own, the myth of the northern British working class. This contradiction is extraordinary since Orwell had always claimed to be one of the few honest writers on the left. He had always said that a successful socialist movement must replace ideological jargon and technical language with an honest, simple and flexible blueprint of a path to socialism and what to expect in such a society. Therefore, the very fabric of "democratic socialism" (often referred to by Orwellian scholars as "Orwellian socialism") failed to measure up with the beliefs that he preached. On several occasions during Orwell's earlier years he referred to himself as a "Tory anarchist." Scholars, such as William Laskowski, Jr., have referred to the term as "Tory-Radical." Understanding what Orwell meant by the term is a valuable link to comprehending the idiosyncrasies of Orwellian socialism. Tory anarchists have always valued both liberty and working-class values that include decency, generosity, equality and fraternity. According to Tory anarchists, these values were first found in early guild communities and tribal societies. By Orwell's own day, it had become painfully clear that a return to pre-industrial life would be impossible. Orwell therefore sympathized with the lot of the northern British industrial worker, and it was the untainted element in the lives of the northern British that Orwell hoped to preserve and spread to society at large. On the surface it would seem nearly impossible to balance a deep love for liberty with generosity, fraternity and other egalitarian values. Orwell, like Tory anarchists before him, managed to do so by narrowing his definition of liberty to mean only individual rights. Orwellian socialism only extended economic liberty to small entrepreneurs, artisans and farmers, not to big business. Monopolies had to be broken, while decent wages and reasonable working conditions for the working class had to be secured. It was the legislator's duty to preserve the code of morality found in the homes of the northern British working class. No other single issue had as much an impact on Orwell's political outlooks as