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Acta2 / 10 Fakulty Filozofické Západočeské Univerzity V Plzni 2 / 10 Acta 2 / 10 Acta acta2 / 10 Fakulty filozofické Západočeské univerzity v Plzni 2 / 10 acta 2 / 10 acta Acta FF ZČU Fakulta filozofická Západočeská univerzita v Plzni, 2010 Prof. RNDr. Ivo Budil, Ph.D., DSc., editor, 2010 Registrace MKČR E 19585 Datum vydání: 30. 11. 2010 Vychází třikrát ročně. ISSN 1802–0364 obsah 11 Úvod Ivo Budil 137 The (ama)Ndebele of Africa and their name ‘(ama)Ndebele’ PŘÍSPĚVKY Philemon Buti Skhosana 15 Kemalism and Modern Turkey 151 The concept of an owl depicted in Makxothlo [The Owls] Andrzej Adamczyk Mawatle Jerry Mojalefa 25 Medieval London 165 Lekgothoane's praise poetry: an aesthetic discourse as Seen through the Eyes of Czech and German Travellers Mawatle Jerry Mojalefa Ivona Mišterová ROZHOVOR 39 Postava velekněze v Izraeli a Mezopotámii David Rafael Moulis a Eva Žouželková 185 Rozhovor s Mawatle Jerry Mojalefa a Philemon Buti Skhosana Kateřina Mildnerová 63 Knižní paratextová strategie českých překladů Raymonda Queneaua Lenka Müllerová RECENZE 75 Egyptská mušáhara/kabsa aneb potýkání se s ženskou neplodností 193 Konrad Paul Liessmann: Teorie nevzdělanosti Petra Písařová Omyly společnosti vědění Marie Fenclová 87 Dětští vojáci: Oběti nebo kati? Štěpán Strnad 197 Lubomír Smatana: Jánošíci s těžkou hlavou Mýty a realita Slovenska očima českého reportéra 103 Britská zahraniční politika a Egypt v 80. letech 19. století Přemysl Rosůlek Jaroslav Valkoun 201 Wolfram Siemann: Metternich 123 Etiopie na cestě k diktatuře: jak hodnotit vládu Melese Zenawiho? Staatsmann zwischen Restauration und Moderne Jan Záhořík Miroslav Šedivý úvod Prof. RNDr. Ivo Budil, Ph.D., DSc. Úvodní slovo V novém čísle Act Fakulty filozofické Západočeské univerzity v Plzni jsme poskytli prostor dvěma africkým přátelům, kteří navštívili naši fakultu a vystoupili zde s několika pozoru- hodnými přednáškami. Profesoři Philemon Buti Skhosana a Mawatle Jerry Mojalefa z De- partment of African Languages na University of Pretoria jsou nejen vynikající vědci (jak je patrno z jejich příspěvků), ale rovněž zajímavé osobnosti (jak se bezpochyby přesvědčí čte- nář otištěného rozhovoru). Mají za sebou dramatickou zkušenost apartheidu, ale navzdory obrovským potížím, kterým jejich země čelí, se u nich nesetkáme s žádnými projevy frustra- ce, mstivé zatrpklosti či cynického pesimismu, jenž se v Českých zemích v posledních letech prosazuje jako dominantní mentální konfigurace. Při setkání s mnohými příslušníky tzv. třetího světa si stále více uvědomujeme pravdivost proslulého výroku amerického rozvojového pracovníka Lawrence Harrisona, že „nerozvinutost je stav mysli” („underdevelopment is a state of mind”), nebo starého postře- hu nedávno zesnulého nestora francouzské strukturální antropologie Claude Lévi–Strausse, že „ony převratné proměny historie, které se v knihách zdají být výsledkem anonymních sil pracujících v nejtemnějších hlubinách, mohou ve světlém okamžiku vzniknout i z mužného rozhodnutí hrstky talentovaných dětí”. Zvídavost, zdravou asertivitu či zdánlivě lehkomysl- né ambice, které kdysi naše předky vyhnaly ze zatuchlého provincionalismu Středomoří na světové oceány a učinily z nich průkopníky globalizace, dnes mnohem pravděpodobněji na- lezneme v Asii, Oceánii, Americe či dokonce Africe než na našem kontinentu. Pokud by si nositelé západní civilizace ve věku kosmických letů zachovali pouze jiskru z požáru, který Úvodní slovo | Prof. RNDr. Ivo Budil, Ph.D., DSc. 15—174 v patnáctém a šestnáctém století hořel v hrudi Kryštofa Kolumba, Vasca de Gamy či Fernaa příspěvky de Magalhãese, netrápili bychom se nyní s jedinou poruchovou vesmírnou stanicí na oběžné dráze Země (kterou budou po odchodu raketoplánů do „penze” zásobovat rakety vycházející z technologie staré padesát let), ale určitě bychom kolonizovali přinejmenším Jupiterovy mě- síce. Zásadní ztrátu vize či vitality, která by svou hloubkou bezpochyby zaskočila i Oswalda Spenglera, se reprezentanti Evropské unie snaží zakrýt horečnou byrokratizací a regulací za- Andrzej Adamczyk sahující prakticky všechny stránky našeho života. To není způsob, jak čelit výzvám, které před námi staví země bývalého Orientu, ale zapouzdření, sterilní petrifikace po vzoru staro- Ivona Mišterová věkého pozdního Egypta či středověké Byzance, která může evropské společnosti zajistit ně- kolik staletí nepříliš důstojné existence, ale jež končí tam, kde v minulosti spočinuly všechny David Rafael Moulis, Eva Žouželková civilizace, které ztratily „radost z osudu” – v nicotě. Lenka Müllerová V předkládaném svazku Act Fakulty filozofické Západočeské univerzity v Plzni zveme čtená- ře nejen do Afriky, ale rovněž do modernizujícího se Turecka, Egypta na prahu britské koloni- Petra Písařová ální nadvlády, starověkého Izraele a Mezopotámie, pozdně středověkého Londýna, islámské Štěpán Strnad problematiky nebo francouzské literatury. Doufáme, že laskavý čtenář nepocítí šok z chao- tického eklekticismu, ale potěšení z obohacující rozmanitosti v prostoru a čase, pocit, který Jaroslav Valkoun poskytuje občasnou útěchu vzdělanci v údobí nepohody. Jan Záhořík Philemon Buti Skhosana prof. RNDr. Ivo Budil, Ph.D., DSc. Mawatle Jerry Mojalefa Kemalism and Modern Turkey | Andrzej Adamczyk 14 | 15 Andrzej Adamczyk Kemalism and Modern Turkey Abstract: The paper is devoted to internal contradictions of Kemalism, resulting from two tenden- cies which were distinct visible in Turkey during the life of Kemal Atatürk: a democratic one, represented by the constitutional acts from the years 1920–1924, and an authori- tarian one, which was connected with the ideology of Kemalism. The institutional chang- es in Turkey in the 1920s had been directed towards introduction of a democratic consti- tutional order, but lack of proper social and economic premises made application of democratic constitutional norms difficult, facilitating transition to the single-party sys- tem contradictory to democratic principles. In the first part of the paper the author de- scribes the most important constitutional acts, beginning from the 1876 Ottoman Con- stitution till the 1924 Turkish Constitution. This analysis shows beyond doubt that the goal of political system's reform was introduction of the democratic constitutional order. The form of government chosen by Turkey had many disadvantages however which were listed in the paper. The second part of the paper is devoted to the second tendency, distinct vis- ible in Turkey during the Atatürk presidency, i.e. the authoritarian tendency. The author underlines main events directing towards reversal of constitutional relations between the parliament (the Grand National Assembly) and executive in favour of the executive, and presents in a concise manner conclusions from an analysis of the six principles of Kemalism (‘the six arrows’). He maintains that incorporation of these prinicples into the Kemalism and Modern Turkey | Andrzej Adamczyk 16 | 17 Turkish Constitution in 1937 caused internal contradictions in the Constitution. The au- posed constitution with the main principle of unrestricted Sultan sovereignty. In such a thor tries to find reasons of the said contradictions. case the parliament, endowed with insignificant powers, had not been able to compete with the sovereign power of the Sultan who put an end to the first constitutional period Key words: Kemalism, Turkey, Kemal Atatürk, Turkish Constitution, political system, Sul- by suspending the Constitution two years after its coming into force. tan, nation The institutions of the 1876 Constitution had great significance, however, for later evolution constisting in democratizing the political system. When in July 1908 The paper deals with relations between political system as described in the 1924 Turkish a revolution made by the officer's conspiracy from Macedonia called the Young Turks Constitution and the actual political system in Turkey in the period 1925–1946. Firstly, had forced the Sultan to reinstate the Constitution, a conviction emerged that proper it refers to constitutional aspect of the Turkish revolution, then to practical dimension amendments to it would suffice for introduction of the parliamentary monarchy. The of the political system. In the end it shows the importance of incorporation of the six ar- 1911 amendments to the Constitution provided e.g. that the ministers were collectively rows of Kemalism as article 2 of the Turkish Constitution. responsible to the Parliament and that the representative body would prevail in any con- During the Tanzimat reforms (1839–1876) some new institutions were intro- flict with the Council of Ministers.4 duced into the traditional Ottoman political system which were signs of efforts directing The application of the constitutional order in the 1908–1918 period was diffi- towards rejuvenation of the Ottoman Empire. Among these were a principle of people's cult because of many obstacles which culminated in the coup d'etat made by Enver Pasha representation in the state agencies and broadening of legislative competences of vari- on 13 June 1913. The Constitution had been amended many times in order to strengthen ous councils functioning around the Sultan, connected with change in their social compo- the legal status of the Sultan to the effect that at the end of the World War I he could sition.1 The trials in this direction although inconsistent and not based upon determina- solve the Parliament with easiness as before.5 The Sultan had been reigning as a real sov- tion to the total rejection of the existing political order, were instrumental in convening ereign without the Parliament since 21 December 1918.
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