22 December 2008 : New and protracted displacement ongoing in absence of formalised response

In 2007-2008, civilians in various parts of India continued to be displaced by internal armed conflict and separatist, ethnic or communal violence, as well as conflict stemming from the threat of development-induced displacement. Over one third of the country’s 608 districts were affected by insurgent movements in 2007.

The armed movement by Maoist groups known as was the most widespread insur- gency in the country and had displaced over 100,000 people of state. Clashes between a tribal group and immigrant settlers in Assam state caused the displacement of over 200,000 people, and communal violence in Orissa state displaced tens of thousands. In Nandigram region of West Bengal state, displacement followed conflict arising from the government’s plans to evict the local community and use the land for a development project.

Some groups displaced for years continued to be trapped in relief camps or relief colonies. Over 30,000 ethnic Bru IDPs were living in deplorable conditions in camps in Tripura state while authorities in Mizoram state refuse to allow them to return home. India’s largest IDP group, the over 250,000 Kashmiri Pandits, were also unable to return after up to 18 years of displacement. More than 20,000 people in Gujarat who had fled their homes during communal violence in 2002 could not return to areas of origin for fear of further violence.

The Government of India has no national policy to respond to conflict-induced displacement and the responsibility for protecting this population has generally been delegated to state governments. This has resulted in a wide discrepancy of responses from state to state, and between situations within one state.

It is very difficult to estimate the total number of conflict-induced IDPs in India as there is no government monitoring agency and humanitarian and human rights agencies have lim- ited access to these IDPs. The displaced whose numbers are known are generally those liv- ing in camps and registered there, and so a conservative estimate of India’s current conflict-displaced population would be at least 500,000, but could be significantly higher.

www.internal-displacement.org

Map of India

Source: University of Texas More maps are available on http://www.internal-displacement.org/

2 India: New and protracted displacement ongoing 22 December 2008 in absence of formalised response

Introduction clashes. Violence in Assam in 2007 against migrant labourers from other India has continued to experience a num- parts of India forced thousands of them to ber of situations of internal armed con- flee the state, and ethnic clashes in 2008 flict and separatist, ethnic, or communal led to the displacement of an estimated violence as well as violence originating 212,000 people who sought safety in re- from the threat of development-induced lief camps in the northern part of the displacement. These situations have gen- state. Between 20,000 and 50,000 people erated hundreds of thousands of inter- were displaced by communal violence in nally displaced people (IDPs) and Orissa state in 2008 and sought safety by prevented the return of many to their ar- hiding in jungles or moving to relief eas of origin. camps. While the majority of those in relief camps in Assam and Orissa had left At least 231 of the country’s 608 districts the camps by the end of 2008, it is un- were affected to varying extents by in- known how many of the IDPs have been surgent movements in 2007 (SATP, India able to return to areas of origin and Assessment 2007); the armed movement whether the return is sustainable. by Maoist groups known as Naxalites has overtaken all other insurgencies in the Communities living in situations of pro- country, at least from the perspective of tracted displacement in 2007 and 2008 geographical spread, with various levels included India’s largest IDP group, the of mobilisation and violence impacting over 250,000 Kashmiri Pandits who fled 18 of India’s 28 states as of August 2007 the Kashmir Valley from 1990 onwards. (Himal South Asian, 9 September 2008). Most of this group were continuing to The conflict had by December live in camps in Jammu and Delhi, and 2007 led to the displacement of an esti- with separatist protests against Indian mated 114,000 largely indigenous people rule which had died down in recent years within Chhattisgarh state and from flaring up dramatically in 2008 following Chhattisgarh to the adjoining states of a land row, their return in large numbers , Maharashtra and Orissa. in the near future did not appear likely. This conflict, described by India’s Prime Minister as the “single biggest internal In Gujarat state, over 21,000 Muslim security challenge ever faced” by the IDPs remained afraid to return to their country, has the potential to lead to fur- areas of origin, six years after communal ther violence and displacement. riots had forced them from their homes. In Tripura state in the north-east, Bru Several new situations of internal dis- IDPs displaced from Mizoram state in placement emerged during 2007 and 1997 were languishing in deplorable 2008. In the Nandigram region of West conditions in relief camps and the Bengal state, conflict broke out over the Mizoram government continued to pre- designation of land as a Special Eco- vent this group from returning. nomic Zone (SEZ) that threatened to dis- place the local population. Thousands of It is very difficult to estimate the total people were estimated to have been number of conflict-induced IDPs in India forced from their homes in the ensuing as there is no central government agency

3 India: New and protracted displacement ongoing 22 December 2008 in absence of formalised response

responsible for monitoring the numbers some of the most marginalised and vul- displaced and returning, and humanitar- nerable communities in the country, ian and human rights agencies have lim- which is leading to conflict and conflict- ited access to them. The displaced whose induced displacement. 33 million people numbers are known are generally those are estimated to be displaced by devel- living in camps and registered there. A opment projects in India, of whom a dis- conservative estimate of India’s conflict- proportionate 40-50 per cent are tribals displaced population, based largely on (PWESCR, May 2008, p.48). figures available for IDPs in camps in areas like Jammu, Delhi, Assam and In a large-scale effort to transform India’s Chhattisgarh or at identifiable relief colo- competitiveness in the global market, the nies as in Gujarat, would be over government enacted the SEZ Act in 2005 500,000. (EPW, 12 July 2008, p.25). As of No- vember 2008, 531 of these enclaves for Displaced people who have left camps new industry and infrastructure had been have not necessarily been able to return approved, comprising 67,680 hectares of to their areas of origin due to safety con- land (GOI, November 2008). Most of cerns and they may not have received those displaced by the zones so far have land and property compensation. For ex- not received either financial compensa- ample, many Christian families who left tion or alternate land and housing sites, the IDP camps in Orissa moved to cities and the policy of acquiring land for them rather than back to their areas of origin has sparked protests from local commu- after receiving threats from Hindus in nities fearful of being displaced and los- their villages. In Assam’s Kokrajhar dis- ing access to their means of livelihood. trict, displaced persons were “released” from IDP camps by authorities with a Jammu and Kashmir cash grant and without land compensa- tion, leading many families to start living Background as IDPs outside the camps. The Kashmir Valley is the most populous It is probable that many IDPs who have of the three provinces in the state of moved out of camps have not been able Jammu and Kashmir, and lies at the heart to find durable solutions to end their dis- of the dispute between India and Pakistan placement and should still be viewed as which has continued since both countries part of India’s IDP population. Taking became independent in 1947. The other into consideration the IDPs whose dis- two provinces are Jammu and Ladakh. placement has not ended after they have Predominantly Sunni Muslim, the Valley left relief camps, and the IDPs who were hosts minority communities of Hindus living outside relief camps who remain (the Kashmiri Pandits, who made up an uncounted, it can be assumed that signifi- estimated two to three per cent of the val- cantly more than 500,000 people are cur- ley’s population prior to their displace- rently displaced by India’s conflicts. ment), Sikhs and a small number of Christians. Jammu is roughly split be- Across India, development projects are tween Hindus and Muslims, with Hindus increasingly encroaching upon the land of in a majority.

4 India: New and protracted displacement ongoing 22 December 2008 in absence of formalised response

In 1989, Kashmiri Muslims opposed to 2008). Whether the establishment of a Indian rule began an armed insurgency, new state government improves the tense leading to the increasing militarisation of situation in Jammu and Kashmir and cre- the state, widespread abuses of human ates conditions enabling the return of dis- rights and the deaths of tens of thousands placed people remains to be seen. of people (ICG, 21 November 2002, pp.1-2). Displacement of Kashmiri Pandits

The past few years have seen some pro- Kashmiri Pandits were forced to flee their gress in Kashmir, particularly since state homes in the Valley from 1990 onwards. elections in 2002 that were regarded as They have settled elsewhere, with large largely fair despite a separatist boycott numbers relocating to Jammu and New and violence (Reuters, 14 August 2008). Delhi (ICG, 21 November 2002, pp.1-2). In November 2003, a ceasefire came into Only about 3,000 remain in the Valley effect across the Line of Control (LOC) (IANS, 19 November 2008). separating Indian and Pakistani- controlled Kashmir. The following year, According to Government of India esti- India and Pakistan started a “composite mates, there are over 55,000 Kashmiri dialogue” on eight issues ranging from Pandit families outside of the valley of territorial and water-related disputes, to whom nearly 35,000 are in Jammu, anti-terrorism and drug trafficking meas- 19,000 in Delhi, and 1,000 in other parts ures (, 21 July 2008). By early of India (GOI/MHA, 2008, p.8). The long 2008, analysts were noting that a deep displacement of the Kashmiri Pandit sense of conflict fatigue along with dip- community has led to a loss of identity lomatic posturing by India and Pakistan especially among the younger generation and the weakening of support for Paki- (InfoChange News & Features, July stan-backed militants had ended most of 2008). the violence in the valley (San Francisco Chronicle, 9 May 2008). The Jammu and Kashmir government is assisting around 15,000 families in In July 2008, however, central rule was Jammu and the Government of the Na- imposed in Jammu and Kashmir as the tional Capital Territory of Delhi is aiding state government collapsed over the issue over 3,600 Kashmiri Pandit families in its of a controversial transfer of land to a territory (GOI/MOH, 2008, p.8). The as- Hindu shrine trust that sparked days of sistance, albeit insufficient, is generous in protests and rioting in the state (Reuters, comparison to the response to other IDP 11 July 2008). The protests were among groups in India. In addition to basic dry the biggest anti-Indian, pro-independence rations, the aid provision includes cash displays since 1989. Government forces relief of Rs. 1,000 ($21) per family tried to suppress the demonstrations vio- member per month, to a maximum of Rs. lently, killing some 40 people (Econo- 4,000 ($85) per family. Over 5,000 two- mist, 3 September 2008) and injuring room tenements are being constructed at about 1,000. Elections are scheduled in a cost of Rs. 270 crore ($57 million) for the state by the end of 2008 to conclude the IDPs in Jammu, while another Rs. 20 the central rule (Reuters, 19 October crore ($4.2 million) has been approved

5 India: New and protracted displacement ongoing 22 December 2008 in absence of formalised response

for construction of 200 flats at Sheikpora some supported return if the government in Budgam district. The Delhi Develop- would settle them in a secure zone and ment Authority launched a housing ensure property compensation, while oth- scheme in July 2001 whereby expandable ers continuing to maintain that no return flats have been made available to IDPs at could take place until a homeland is subsidised rates. About 230 families have carved in Kashmir where Pandits are set- taken advantage of this scheme (ACHR, tled and have their government represen- 30 January 2008, p.2). tatives (Indian Express, 17 June 2008). IDPs also want equal employment oppor- The Jammu and Kashmir government has tunities guaranteed with their Muslim enacted two laws to protect properties left counterparts as a condition for return (In- behind by the IDPs in the Valley, and foChange News & Features, July 2008). allowed for 50 per cent of the value of immovable property damaged during the In order to avoid being marginalised in insurgency, up to a maximum of Rs. 1 the political arena, the Kashmiri Pandits lakh ($2,100), to be paid in compensa- have called for reservation of three as- tion. Additionally seats in technical and sembly seats for their community in the professional colleges are reserved for state legislature and the establishment of students from the IDP community three townships in the Valley for their (AHCR, 30 January 2008, p.2). resettlement (The Hindu, 15 July 2007). The Jammu Kashmir National United The central and state governments have Front, a political party founded by announced various schemes to encourage Kashmiri Pandits, is fielding 15 candi- the return of the Kashmiri Pandits. In dates in the state elections that will con- April 2008, the central government an- clude on 24 December, 2008. Over nounced a Rs. 1,600 crore ($340 million) 72,000 Kashmiri Pandit IDPs have been rehabilitation package encompassing fi- considered eligible for voting in the state nancial grants for housing, government elections (PTI, 29 October 2008). jobs, and waiver of interest loans to fa- cilitate the return of the Kashmiri Pandits Other displacement in Jammu and to the Valley (Times of India, 26 April Kashmir 2008). Under the terms of the package, the Jammu and Kashmir government has Other groups of IDPs in the state include to identify land to set up community those who have been displaced since flee- housing projects and provide jobs to ing armed conflict in 1998 in Doda, 6,000 returnee youth (Reuters, 29 April Poonch and Rajouri districts, three of 2008). In June 2008, the Jammu and Jammu’s districts where the majority of Kashmir government’s relief department the population is Muslim, as well as civil- started for the first time to distribute reg- ians displaced by shelling along the LOC. istration forms to those wanting to return. Over 2,200 Hindu families comprising Nonetheless, most among the community almost 12,000 people fled their homes in remain sceptical of return due to the on- Doda, Poonch and Rajouri districts of going security concerns (ACHR, January Jammu in 1998 after receiving threats 2007). Following the 2008 package, from militants and following the killings

6 India: New and protracted displacement ongoing 22 December 2008 in absence of formalised response

of 27 Hindu people at Prankot in the People have also had to flee their homes Reasi region in 1998. More than 400 of in Jammu and Kashmir due to clashes these families have been staying at the along the LOC between Indian and Paki- Talwara camp in Udhampur district stani forces. The 2003 ceasefire has led to (ACHR, 30 May 2007). The Talwara improvements in the security situation camp was established by the Jammu and and many IDPs have been able to return Kashmir government which provided as- to their homes. However, some of the sistance to the IDPs until 2004. The au- displaced, such as 1,800 families whose thorities then claimed funds were not homes were destroyed in shelling in 2001 available, even after a directive from the and who had fled to the safer areas of Sot in July 2006 to and Lamberi until they were forced to provide financial assistance to these IDPs return in 2004 by government forces, still on a par with the Kashmiri Pandits remain without permanent houses seven (GHRD, December 2006, p.5). years after being displaced (Rising Kashmir, 23 November 2008). In March 2006, it was reported that driven by acute poverty, IDP families in The North-East the Talwara camp were being forced to indenture their children to survive. A India’s North-East region, comprising number of families had had had to offer eight states, is a very distinct geographi- their children to people within and out- cal, socio-economic, cultural and political side the state as “security” on loans rang- entity from the rest of the country. Of ing between Rs. 8,000 to Rs. 25,000 India’s 635 tribal groups, 213 live in the ($170 to $530). The children, between North-East. The migration of various eight and 15 years old, were working as groups over different periods of time domestic help or labourers until their par- from neighbouring areas has made the ents could repay the loan (Express India, region extremely diverse in terms of race, 28 March 2006). religion, language and culture.

Although the state government an- Conflict has become endemic in the nounced Rs. 45 lakh ($96,000) in assis- North-East in the post-colonial era. Eth- tance for the IDPs in Talwara in October nic conflicts may reflect one or more of 2007 (ANN, 13 November 2007), and simultaneous conflicts between state and people on an initial registration list dating ethnic or insurgent groups, inter-ethnic back to 1998 received some sporadic ra- and intra-ethnic violence (MCRG, 2006, tions and cash assistance, by early 2008 pp.1-2). In two of the eight states, Assam the district administration had stopped and , a low intensity war is ongo- the aid once more, claiming a shortage of ing in December 2008. Over 50,000 peo- funds. This stoppage was reportedly ple have died due to the violence in the causing the vulnerable among the IDPs, North-East since India’s independence such as widows and the elderly, to be on and large numbers have been displaced. the verge of starvation (The Tribune, 8 Exact numbers are unknown but there are April 2008). believed to be up to hundreds of thou- sands of IDPs, with the greatest forced displacements in Assam, Manipur and

7 India: New and protracted displacement ongoing 22 December 2008 in absence of formalised response

Tripura (Reuters Alertnet, 22 October to Bangladesh and the establishment in 2008). 1979 of the insurgent United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) that declared se- The British colonial practice of settling cession from India as its intended goal, ethnic outsiders in the North-East as but had its root in the anti-foreigner cheap labour has added a migrant-native movement (SATP, July 2002). In Sep- dimension to the situation in the region. tember 2006, there was a spate of attacks In the post-colonial period, the North- by ULFA on Hindi-speaking settlers in East has received economic migrants and 2007 who were mostly from the state of refugees from neighbouring countries, Bihar. The attacks continued throughout leading to competition for scarce jobs and the year (Ploughshares, January 2008) resources. Almost all the states in the re- and thousands of Hindi-speaking mi- gion have at one time or another experi- grants were forced to flee from the dis- enced political mobilisation and tricts of Tinsukia, Dibrugarh, Sibsagar organised violence against migrants, and and Golaghat (BBC News, 23 May anti-outsider movements leading to vic- 2007). timisation and expulsion of communities of migrant origin. The Bodos, the largest plains tribe in As- sam and among the original settlers of the “Identity politics” has become the defin- state, also initiated an insurgency over ing theme of the post-colonial North-East the issue of dispossession of their tribal political agenda and tensions towards il- land by Bengali and Assamese settlers, as legal immigrants have also affected In- well as over the neglect of Bodo language dian citizens. Ethnic strife between and culture. Bodo guerilla groups became “indigenous” and “foreign” groups has engaged in a campaign of violence turned into ethnic clashes between popu- against other tribal groups within Bodo lations that had essentially become local areas (SATP, July 2002). Inter-ethnic to the areas. In many cases, the violence clashes against Santhal tribals in 1996 has targeted civilians as insurgent and and 1998 led to the displacement of over secessionist groups attack villages, mas- 200,000 people, with 80 per cent of the sacre residents and burn houses to com- IDPs being Santhal and the rest Bodo pel other ethnic groups to vacate disputed apart from a few Nepalis and Rabhas. territory and move to ill-equipped and Assamese authorities housed the dis- inadequately defended IDP camps (Peace placed in 78 makeshift relief camps in and Democracy in South Asia, January Kokrajhar and adjoining areas, and a 2005, p.60). number of them were still in the camps more than a decade later. In April 2005, Displacement in Assam state there were around 126,000 IDPs in 38 camps, while in August 2006, according The insurgency in Assam, the largest to the district administration, there were state in the North-East, originated primar- almost 29,000 IDPs in Kokrajhar district ily from the issue of deportation of illegal and over 25,000 in Gossaigaon district, immigrants from Bangladesh. A continu- bringing the total to more than 54,000 ous flow of illegal immigrants led to a (MCRG, February 2007, pp.8-9). In No- mass movement seeking their deportation vember 2007, the estimated 15 remaining

8 India: New and protracted displacement ongoing 22 December 2008 in absence of formalised response

IDP camps still housed over 7,500 fami- provided with Rs. 10,000 ($210) as a lies (Zee News, 15 November 2007). housing grant and then “released” with- out land compensation and with the grant In 2007, the IDPs in the camps received amount too meagre to buy land. During ten days of rice rations per month, and the years the Santhal IDPs had spent in even where their families had expanded, displacement, their land and villages had the assistance was distributed according been taken over by the Bodo community to registration lists created in 1996. Work and the IDPs remained fearful of return- was not regularly available and a number ing home. Many of the families “re- of men continued to travel to neighbour- leased” from the IDP camps ended up ing Bhutan to find work. Several woman- settling in the areas around the camps headed families could be found with the without a durable solution to end their men being away for long periods in displacement (PWESCR, May 2008, search of work. Left to fend for them- pp.86-87). selves and their children, a number of women had been forced into prostitution In October 2008, clashes broke out be- over the years of displacement tween Bodos and immigrant Muslim set- (PWESCR, May 2008, pp.86-87). tlers in northern Assam’s Udalguri, Darrang, Sonitpur and Chirang districts. A National Human Rights Commission The violence had its roots in a state-wide (NHCR) delegation visiting the relief eviction drive against illegal immigrants camps in Kokrajhar district in November organised by the All Assam Student’s 2007 reported that food and medical ser- Union in August (India Today, 10 Octo- vices were inadequate and the rehabilita- ber 2008). 54 villages were directly af- tion process very slow (Zee News, 15 fected in the violence and residents of November 2007). In one relief camp another 150 villages fled their homes known as Deosri, there had in May 2008 fearing attacks. The clashes left 212,000 been no consistent medical services since people displaced (Frontline, 7 November Médicins Sans Frontiers (MSF) had 2008) and the week-long violence only withdrawn in August 2007 (PWESCR, ended when troops and paramilitaries May 2008, pp.86-87). Few organisations sent by the central government estab- in the state have addressed displaced lished control (Economist, 9 October children’s education. In Kokrajhar, where 2008). almost a third of the district’s population had come to the IDP camps in the 1990s, Schools and colleges were converted into only the Lutheran World Federation had 97 relief camps to house the IDPs. The been providing teachers to the schools conditions in the camps were described and training the teachers (India Together, as poor, with residents lacking proper 14 August 2007). In Deosri, there were food and basic amenities. The Interna- 500 children per teacher (PWESCR, May tional Committee of the Red Cross 2008, pp.86-87). (ICRC) joined with the state branch of the Indian Red Cross to distribute essen- The Assam government had started a tial commodities such as blankets, mos- phase of rehabilitation for the IDPs from quito nets, tarpaulin and clothing to the 2004 onwards under which families were

9 India: New and protracted displacement ongoing 22 December 2008 in absence of formalised response

IDPs (Newstrack India, 28 November In recent years, several other tribes such 2008). as the Paite, Vaiphei and the Hmar have also established their armed groups and Most people in the camp, whether Bodo there have been frequent internecine con- or Muslim, reported not wanting to return flicts between the groups (SATP, July to their homes as they had lost faith in the 2002). state administration to protect. The Bodos It is unknown how many people have claimed they did not feel safe even in the been displaced by the waves of violence villages as they believed the government in Manipur but the Naga-Kuki clashes in was protecting the immigrants (India To- the 1990s caused the largest single dis- day, 10 October 2008). In November, the placement of population in recent times, chief minister of Assam state announced with many villages uprooted for good and that the situation was returning to normal large numbers moving to the state capital barring a few small areas, and that only Imphal (MCRG, February 2007, p.28). In around 54,000 IDPs remained in the January 2006, over a thousand Hmar and camps (Assam Tribune, 21 November Paite fled to neighbouring Mizoram from 2008). the Lunghtulien, Parbung, Tulbung and Mawlia areas of Churachandpur district, Displacement in Manipur state while about 5,000 people were displaced within Tipaimukh sub-division following The primary conflict in the state of Ma- clashes between a Hmar armed opposi- nipur involves affiliated tribal insurgent tion group and the UNLF (ACHR, 23 groups fighting against the government January 2006). A repatriation package of for separate homelands. There are as Rs. 5,000 ($110) and free rations for a many as 18 separate active groups fight- period of four months was offered to the ing the state (Al Jazeera, 30 October IDPs staying in Mizoram’s Sakawrdai 2008). Manipur was merged fully into the relief camp, and as of October 2006, 685 Indian union in 1949, but became a state Hmar had returned to Manipur (Imphal only in 1972 after a long and frequently Free Press, 23 October 2006). violent agitation. The circumstances of the merger and the delay in granting Large numbers of villagers in Manipur’s statehood caused discontent among the Chandel district have been displaced due majority Meitei population in the state, to insurgency and counter-insurgency and led to the rise of insurgent groups operations, and threats of improvised ex- such as the United National Liberation plosive devices (IEDs) have prevented Front (UNLF) (SATP, July 2002). people from returning to their homes (PWESCR, May 2008, p.88). Though the Numerous secondary conflicts have state government and other agencies have arisen from long-standing tensions be- provided some interim relief to those af- tween tribal groups such as the Naga and fected by the conflict and displacement, Kuki, often as a result of changes in pat- economic security has rarely been con- terns of land tenure and distribution. sidered in rehabilitation packages. Many Since the late 1980s, a number of Kuki IDPs have endured acute poverty , and insurgent groups have been struggling for displaced women with few livelihood a separate state within the Indian union. options have increasingly turned towards

10 India: New and protracted displacement ongoing 22 December 2008 in absence of formalised response

prostitution in order to survive (India To- Tripura; most still face difficult condi- gether, 12 June 2007). tions in camps there over a decade later. The Bru have traditionally lived in As- Displacement in Tripura state sam, Mizoram and Tripura, with their biggest concentration in Tripura where Tripura is the only state in the North-East they were the second largest indigenous that has in recent times been transformed community until the 1940s. Those that from a predominantly tribal to predomi- moved from Tripura to Mizoram were nantly non-tribal demographic make-up, always viewed as outsiders and an anti- following mass migration of Bengalis foreigner agitation in Mizoram in 1995 from Bangladesh (SATP, July 2002). The prompted the Bru political leadership to two main separatist rebel groups in Tri- make demands for an autonomous district pura state, the National Liberation Front council, worsening the traditional rivalry of Tripura and the All Tripura Tiger between them and the Mizo (East-West Force, have been fighting the government Centre, April 2007, p.18). for independence for the tribal areas of the state and the removal of Bengali im- Subsequent violent clashes between the migrants (Al Jazeera, 30 October 2008). two groups in the Mamith subdivision, a Bru-dominated area in northwest According to an estimate, nearly 120,000 Mizoram, led to the exodus of the Bru to Bengalis have been displaced since 1980 Tripura where they began living in eight in the course of violent confrontations camps in Kanchanpur subdivision where with the Tripura tribals (East-West Cen- conditions were poor, disease endemic tre, April 2007, p.25). Another source of and support very limited (Frontline, July displacement has been a fence built along 1998). The majority of the Bru displaced the border with Bangladesh to prevent in 1997 still live in six camps in Tripura trans-border movement of immigrants and it was reported in 2007 that a traf- and border crime. As of June 2008, an ficking racket had led to the disappear- estimated 8,700 families had been dis- ance of at least 100 children from the placed as their homes and farmlands fell camps (BBC News, 20 December 2007). outside the barbed wire fence that instead In September 2008, India’s National of being erected on the zero line of the Commission for Protection of Child international border had been constructed Rights undertook a mission to the Bru 150 yards from the actual border upon IDP camps following a complaint of non- the insistence of Bangladeshi authorities. inclusion of 7,000 children in a list for No alternative land has been allocated to issuance of ration cards. The Commission the displaced by the government (IANS, noted that there was little registration of 11 June 2008). births and deaths, only occasional access to immunisation, no health facilities or Displacement in and from Mizoram state primary health centres, no functional schools, no clean drinking water, poor Violence against the Bru (also known as sanitation and inadequate rations (Na- Reang) tribals in 1997 by the majority tional Commission for Protection of ethnic Mizo group in Mizoram state Child Rights, October 2008, p.4) in the forced 35,000 of them to seek shelter in

11 India: New and protracted displacement ongoing 22 December 2008 in absence of formalised response

camps 11 years after the Bru had moved available on the number of people dis- there. placed by the violence in the state.

The Mizoram authorities have taken no Chhattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh action to protect the houses, land and property of the Bru IDPs (ACHR, 30 Human rights violations during an armed January 2008). They have refused to al- conflict between government forces, vigi- low the displaced population to return lante groups, and the Maoist Naxalites despite heavy pressure from the Tripura have created a major internal displace- government and central authorities (BBC ment crisis in Chhattisgarh state of cen- News, 20 December 2007) and even after tral India. The Maoists in India trace their a peace treaty signed with one of the Bru roots back to 1967 when a group of activ- insurgent groups in the state, under the ists split away from the country’s main- terms of which the IDPs would be reha- stream Communist Party and initiated a bilitated in Mizoram. peasant uprising in the village of Naxal- bari in West Bengal. The Naxalite In November 2008, 8,200 of the 32,000 movement grew quickly and attracted Bru IDPs in the six camps were provided landless labourers and student intellectu- with voter identity cards ahead of als, but a government crackdown in the Mizoram state assembly elections in De- 1970s broke the group into myriad feud- cember, enabling them to vote for candi- ing factions. By the 1990s, as India began dates vying for five assembly seats in to liberalise its economy and economic Mamith subdivision out of a total 40 growth took off, violent revolution seats in the state assembly (The Tele- seemed to no longer be a threat. graph, 28 November 2008). A Naxalite resurgence began in 2004 Displacement in Nagaland state when the two biggest splinters of the original movement, one Marxist and one The conflict in Nagaland state is India’s Maoist, set aside their differences and oldest as the Nagas, a loose collection of joined to form the Communist Party of around 30 tribes, have fought for a sepa- India (Maoist). The underground party rate homeland that includes parts of Na- has an agenda for a “people’s war” and a galand and areas in Manipur, Assam and Naxalite force which government secu- Arunachal Pradesh (Al Jazeera, 30 Octo- rity officials and independent analysts ber 2008). A peace process and a cease- estimate at between 10,000 and 20,000 fire are ongoing between the Indian armed fighters plus at least 50,000 active government and National Socialist Coun- supporters has quickly consolidated cil of Nagalim (NSCN), the most power- power across great swathes of India’s ful insurgent group in the state, but little poorest regions. The central government progress had been made in resolving the lists the Naxalites as a banned terrorist conflict, while a turf war has been ongo- organisation and the insurgents tax local ing between the rival Isak-Muivah and villagers, extort payments from busi- Khaplang factions of the NSCN (SATP, nesses, abduct and kill “class enemies” India Assessment 2007). No figures are such as government officials and stop aid getting through to people caught in con-

12 India: New and protracted displacement ongoing 22 December 2008 in absence of formalised response

flict areas (TIME Magazine, 29 May cember 2007, as a result of various hu- 2008). man rights violations in the state and the forced relocations around 49,000 relo- Chhattisgarh, the state worst affected by cated villagers were living in at least 24 the Naxalite insurgency, has witnessed relief camps in Dantewada and Bijapur over 1,000 killings, the majority of civil- districts, while many others had fled to ians, since 2004. More than 90 per cent safer parts of Chhattisgarh. An estimated of the incidents and casualties have been 65,000 villagers had additionally fled to reported from the state’s southern Bastar adjoining states of Andhra Pradesh, Ma- region (IANS, 11 July 2008). Since 2005, harashtra and Orissa to escape the con- the in particular has flict; between 30,000 and 50,000 of this been locked in a situation akin to a civil number were believed to be in Andhra war between security forces, the insur- Pradesh as of mid-2008, where many had gents and an armed vigilante force known started living in reserved forest areas as the Salwa Judum (SAHRDC, 9 Febru- (HRW, July 2008, p.7). ary 2008). The relief camps established by the Chhattisgarh’s low-caste Koya and Goth Chhattisgarh government for the IDPs Koya tribespeople have borne the brunt have been inadequately resourced. Food of the conflict (MSF, 21 December rations in the camps vary significantly, 2007). From June 2005 onwards, and es- and many residents are engaged in food pecially up to 2007, government security for work schemes at less than minimum forces joined Salwa Judum members on wage. In many camps there are inade- village raids designed to identify and re- quate facilities for shelter, sanitation and move suspected Naxalite sympathisers. healthcare. Mobile health services set up They raided hundreds of villages in the in a number of the newer camps are often Dantewada and Bijapur districts, where ill-equipped and are limited by transport tribal communities make up 79 per cent and logistical problems (SAHRDC, 9 of the population, and engaged in threats, February 2008). According to a report by beatings, arbitrary arrests and detentions, the National Commission for Women, killings and burning of villages to force “the enforced displacement is creating residents into supporting the Salwa havoc with their normal way of living Judum (HRW, July 2008, p.7). Thou- and is affecting women and children in sands of villagers were forcibly relocated particular.” to government-run Salwa Judum camps near police stations or paramilitary police Security remains a critical issue in the camps (HRW, July 2008, p.7) to prevent camps. Tribal groups remaining in vil- the Naxalites from recruiting them lages in Naxalite stronghold areas are (TIME Magazine, 29 May 2008). considered by security forces to be insur- gent sympathisers, while those in the The Naxalites have been responsible for camps are viewed as supporters of the human rights abuses including abduction, Salwa Judum. Security forces and Salwa hostage-taking, torture, and extrajudicial Judum members in the camps have at- killings, including after trial by “people’s tracted attacks by the Naxalites. The risk courts” (ACHR, 30 May 2007). By De- of attack has been greater in IDP camps

13 India: New and protracted displacement ongoing 22 December 2008 in absence of formalised response

administered only by security forces. lice officers (SPOs). While the minimum Naxalites attacked one such camp, known age for SPOs is 18, the police do not as Mariagudem, five times in the six deny that children were initially recruited months after it opened (MCRG, October (HRW, September 2008, p.37). Although 2007, p.12). there is no evidence of police coercion in SPO recruitments, in some cases Salwa In some cases, security forces have as- Judum leaders, village headmen or the sisted people in returning at least in part police have approached IDP camp resi- to their former livelihoods. In Dornapal, dents and asked them to become SPOs, the largest IDP camp with 18,000 people and children in the camps have chosen to (AFP, 29 January 2008), security forces do so as it provides a livelihood (HRW, escort people back to their villages for the September 2008, p.39). day to check on the elderly and to farm their fields. However, there have been Approximately 40 per cent of children in pervasive reports of abuses against peo- the camps between the ages of six and 16 ple in the camps by the security forces are not attending schools. Many school (MCRG, October 2007, p.12). Rape by buildings have been destroyed by Nax- security forces has been reported to inde- alites to prevent Salwa Judum and the pendent organisations but prosecutions police from using them for their opera- have been difficult as the victims in the tions. The Chhattisgarh government has camps have been vulnerable to threats relocated or merged around 260 schools from the perpetrators (MCRG, October from Dantewada and Bijapur districts 2007, p.14). since the Salwa Judum started, and per- mitted local NGOs to take children from Children in Chhattisgarh are vulnerable IDP camps to towns and cities for their to recruitment by the Naxalites, govern- schooling. In some cases, such reloca- ment security forces and Salwa Judum tions have separated children from, or groups. The Naxalites use children to reduced their contact, with their parents gather intelligence, for security duty, to in the camps (HRW, September 2008, make and plant landmines and IEDs, and p.52). to fight against government forces (HRW, September 2008, p.21). The in- People displaced from Chhattisgarh to surgents have persuaded poor families to neighbouring Andhra Pradesh have set- hand over their children, aged mostly be- tled in reserved forest areas in Khammam tween 10 and 15 years, with promises of and Warangal districts. The Andhra food and a better life in training camps. Pradesh government has repeatedly In some cases children have been taken evicted them unlawfully and by force, without the consent of their parents (IHT, and failed to assist them. Forest depart- 22 May 2008). ment officials have destroyed their set- tlements and personal belongings. IDPs Children in IDP camps have been ordered have been beaten, forced onto trucks and by Salwa Judum leaders to carry arms taken back to the state boundary by the and participate in raids on villages. Prior forest department officials. They have to March 2006, the Chhattisgarh state also been vulnerable to harassment, ab- police was actively recruiting special po- duction and other reprisals by Salwa

14 India: New and protracted displacement ongoing 22 December 2008 in absence of formalised response

Judum members crossing into Andhra Gujarat Pradesh (HRW, July 2008, pp.82-93). Communal violence in Gujarat in 2002 Displaced children living in Andhra led to the deaths of more than 1,000 peo- Pradesh state with access to schools often ple, mostly members of the minority drop out because they do not speak the Muslim community, and the displace- language of instruction in the state or ment of between 100,000 and 250,000 Telegu. In addition, many children do not people (AI, March 2007, p.8; Infochange possess school-leaving certificates from News and Features, July 2008). The anti- Chhattisgarh schools, making it difficult Muslim violence was triggered in Febru- to enroll in local schools in Andhra ary 2002, when 59 Hindu pilgrims were Pradesh (HRW, September 2008, p.53). killed in a fire on a train in the Gujarati city of Godhra. The fire was allegedly The Chhattisgarh government has no pol- started by a Muslim mob (BBC News, 25 icy for facilitating the safe and voluntary September 2008). return of camp residents to their villages, although virtually all of them have indi- The deaths sparked off intense rioting in cated that they want to eventually return more than 150 towns and almost 1,000 to their villages and land. Several im- villages, with most victims being from pediments to IDPs’ return remain, par- the Muslim community that makes up 10 ticularly Naxalite reprisals towards per cent of the state’s population (The village officials and SPOs (HRW, July Independent, 7 December 2007). Hindus 2008, p.80). Additionally, the Salwa were affected as well, particularly eco- Judum burned down many villages at the nomically, with thousands of small time of the villager’s exodus and there Hindu-owned businesses closing down have been no reports of reconstruction during the violence (HRW, 30 June efforts (MCRG, October 2007, p.16). 2003).

In April 2008, India’s Supreme Court Many of the displaced were forced to expressed serious misgivings over the take shelter in about 100 makeshift relief legitimacy of the Salwa Judum, and di- camps set up all over the state by Muslim rected the NHRC to inquire into the “al- social leaders (Social Action, April-June legations of large-scale human rights 2006, p.128), with little support from the violations by Salwa Judum activists, state (HRW, 30 June 2003). The onus of Naxalites and security forces in the state providing relief fell largely on the Mus- of Chhattisgarh” (Frontline, 8 November lim community and non-governmental 2008). In October 2008, after inquiring groups. By the end of October 2002, the into 168 of the 547 allegations, the government had closed most of the NHRC exonerated the Salwa Judum and camps, forcing some IDP families back held the Naxalites responsible for forcing into neighbourhoods where their attack- it to take arms (, 5 Oc- ers still lived and where they faced tober 2008). threats to their physical security (HRW, 30 June 2003).

15 India: New and protracted displacement ongoing 22 December 2008 in absence of formalised response

Compensation funds provided to the resi- at any time (Himal South Asian, 2 Octo- dents of the camps closed were some- ber 2007). The lack of ownership papers times as low as Rs. 1,200 ($26) and it was reportedly used as a means to declare was believed that the state government the colonies illegitimate and deny provi- was failing to meet its responsibility of sion of basic facilities to the displaced rehabilitation of the victims (AI, March (Infochange News and Features, July 2007, pp.9-11). While the state govern- 2008). ment had provided shelter and rehabilita- tion to people affected by an earthquake In October 2006, a fact-finding mission in Gujarat in 2001, in this humanitarian of the National Commission on Minori- crisis no equivalent provisions were of- ties (NCM) revealed that a large number fered to those who had been forced to of Muslim IDPs were living in “sub- vacate the camps (MCRG, October 2005) human” conditions in colonies where ab- ject poverty prevailed. The NCM report Religious groups and civil society or- noted that the state government had failed ganisations attempted to fill the gaps by to provide a safe environment for these building houses and offering livelihoods IDPs or to facilitate their return. The assistance to the displaced. “Relief colo- NCM also reported that the central gov- nies” were built for displaced families on ernment had provided Rs. 19.10 crore Muslim-owned land all over the state. ($4.1 million) to assist the riot victims, Civic amenities such as electricity, water but that the state authorities had returned and waste disposal were described in it on the grounds that all rehabilitation 2006 as either dismal or non-existent work had been completed (AI, March (Social Action, April-June 2006, p.130). 2007, p.9), even as the IDPs complained Many colonies were located in areas with of receiving inadequate or no compensa- few jobs and far from schools and health tion (Infochange News and Features, July clinics. The IDPs and the religious or- 2008). In its response to the NCM in Au- ganisations providing the bulk of the aid gust 2007, the state government ac- to them had different priorities, with the knowledged the existence of families still latter preferring the construction of living in displacement, after five years of mosques to health clinics and madrasas denying the existence of any IDPs in the or Islamic religious schools to secular state (Himal South Asian, 2 October schools (EPW, 27 October 2007, p.14). 2007).

A survey conducted in 2006, four years Another report submitted by members of after the communal violence, revealed the Indian parliament in December 2006 that there were hardly any public services noted that attempts were being made by for the IDPs in the 81 relief colonies in those who had intimidated the Muslim the state (Infochange News and Features, community in the 2002 riots to take over July 2008). The colonies had become the land and property of IDPs who had semi-permanent places of residence for been unable to return. A committee ap- those too afraid to return to their towns pointed by the Supreme Court reported in and villages (AI, March 2007, p.8). The June 2007 that the economic conditions residents did not possess ownership pa- of the IDPs were dire, with their means pers for their homes and could be evicted of livelihood having ended since the 2002

16 India: New and protracted displacement ongoing 22 December 2008 in absence of formalised response

riots and their former clients unwilling to sation of the Muslim community in the use their services (Infochange News and state. Features, July 2008). Many IDPs had been forced to abandon their former vo- Orissa cations and work as vendors, rickshaw pullers or domestic help. Communal violence in Kandhamal dis- trict in Orissa state in eastern India dis- Some IDP children had dropped out of placed thousands of people in 2008. school and were working as labourers as There have been long-standing tensions their families could not afford the trans- between Hindus and Christians in the port to the nearest schools. Many families state over the issue of religion conver- in the relief colonies were terrified of sion. Hindu hardliners have claimed that sending their daughters to schools outside Christian priests bribe poor tribal and the neighbourhood following the sexual low-caste Hindus to change their faith, violence targeting girls from the commu- while Christian groups have maintained nity in 2002. Consequently, a generation that lower-caste Hindus who convert do of children of Muslim families are grow- so willingly to escape a stratified and op- ing up less educated than their parents pressive caste system. The situation is (EPW, 27 October 2007). particularly sensitive in rural Kandhamal district where an estimated 150,000 In March 2008, more than six years after Christians make up 23 per cent of the the riots, over 4,000 families, or over population (Reuters, 27 August 2008). 21,000 people, were estimated to be liv- ing in displacement in 72 relief colonies For several years, hardline Hindu groups and 19 scattered clusters and houses in in Orissa have been conducting an anti- nine districts of the state. The districts Christian campaign that has grown vio- were Ahmedabad, Vadodara, Panchma- lent at times, while government officials hals, Bharuch, Anand, Mehsana, Dahod, have looked the other way. In December Kheda and Sabarkantha. The IDPs cited 2007, violence broke out in Kandhamal fear of locals as the reason they had not during an altercation between Hindus and been able to return to their areas of ori- Christians over Christmas celebrations gin. Several continued to be denied basic during which a number of villagers had documentation such as ration cards and to flee their homes (HRW, 27 December election photo ID cards (Fana Watch, 8 2007). March 2008). In August 2008, violence broke out again In May 2008, the central government an- between the communities after a Hindu nounced that it would pay Rs. 330 crore spiritual leader who had opposed the ($71 million) to the victims of the 2002 spread of Christianity in the state was riots in Gujarat (BBC News, 23 May killed. According to the police he was 2008). The compensation package, which killed by Naxalite insurgents, but Hindu includes assistance in finding homes and groups blamed the Christians, and mobs jobs for the IDPs may be successful to a ransacked churches, schools, health clin- certain extent in reducing the marginali- ics and houses belonging to Christians (VOA News, 15 September 2008). In the

17 India: New and protracted displacement ongoing 22 December 2008 in absence of formalised response

month-long violence, more than 30 peo- villages (Deccan Herald, 17 October ple were killed, 3,000 homes burned 2008) and pressure to convert to Hindu- down, and over 130 churches destroyed ism (NYT, 13 October 2008). Some (NYT, 13 October 2008). Indian authori- families, however, did return to their vil- ties said that the violence displaced over lages and converted, after being informed 20,000 mostly Christian people (VOA that their Hindu neighbours would pro- News, 15 September 2008) while accord- tect them and they would be able to re- ing to other estimates, at least 50,000 gain their property if they embraced people were displaced (Times of India, 5 Hinduism (Hindustan Times, 10 October October 2008). 2008).

Government officials reported that many West Bengal IDPs were hiding in jungles without any shelter or security because of the tensions In December 2006, authorities in West (NYT, 29 August 2008). In some districts Bengal state announced plans to set up a entire villages lay abandoned by Chris- SEZ at Nandigram in East Medinipore tian populations who had taken shelter in district. The project to create a new hub forests with little access to food or fresh for the chemical industry required at least water (The Guardian, 31 August 2008). 4,000 hectares of land, which was owned mainly by farmers. The Bhumi Uchched Approximately 23,000 displaced people Pratirodh Committee (BUPC), which was fled to 19 relief camps which the gov- formed to protest against the upcoming ernment set up in Kandhamal (Frontline, forced evictions, clashed throughout 25 October 2008). Conditions in the 2007 with supporters of the Communist camps were described as poor, with IDPs Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) which sleeping on plastic mats on the ground, led the ruling Left Front coalition in West receiving limited food rations and inade- Bengal. The BUPC was made up primar- quate medical care (IANS, 25 October ily of farmers and activists supporting a 2008). Security in the camps concerned number of political parties other than the observers, and three crude bombs ex- CPI-M. ploded in one camp on 28 August (SACW, 25 September 2008). By mid- A range of abuses including unlawful October, with the incidence of violence killings, forced evictions, excessive use decreasing in the district, the total num- of force by police and widespread vio- ber of IDPs in the relief camps had lence against women were reported from shrunk to 13,000 (Frontline, 25 October Nandigram in 2007, as well as failure by 2008) and as of mid-November to 10,000 authorities to provide protection to the (IANS, 18 November 2008). victims. Between January and March 2007, about 1,500 people who were pri- Many Christian families who left the marily CPI-M supporters were forcibly camps did not return to their areas of ori- displaced from their homes as the BUPC gin but to safer places like the cities of set up barricades to prevent access to Bhubaneswar and Cuttack. The displaced some of the disputed land. On 14 March, families reported receiving threats from 14 people were reportedly shot dead by Hindu groups against returning to their police and over 150 injured in violent

18 India: New and protracted displacement ongoing 22 December 2008 in absence of formalised response

confrontations between the police, sup- Children were possibly the worst affected porters of the CPI-M and BUPC support- by the Nandigram conflict, with hundreds ers protesting against their displacement used by BUPC and CPI-M supporters as due to the proposed zone. Following this human shields or informers. In some of incident, the state government announced the villages most affected by violence in that the zone would be relocated, how- Nandigram, many children were dis- ever, the protesters continued demanding placed and ended up staying in homes of justice and compensation for the victims relatives and friends or in makeshift shel- of the 14 March confrontations. ters until conditions were in place for their return (PTI, 20 November 2007). In further violence in November 2007, armed supporters of the CPI-M attacked A fresh round of violence in Nandigram local residents with guns and IEDs in an in May 2008 between supporters of the operation to “recapture the area”. They BUPC and the CPI-M led around 500 forcibly evicted people, burned down people to flee to the relief camps (PTI, 5 houses and destroyed property, leading the May 2008). governor of West Bengal to label the Nandigram situation a “civil war.” Both National and international the state administration and the police re- responses portedly took little action to protect the local communities against the violence, The Indian government has no national and in some cases allegedly participated in policy for those displaced by conflict, the attacks (AI, 15 January 2008, pp.3-4). even though at least 38 per cent of the country’s districts are afflicted by various At least two relief camps were function- insurgency movements (SATP, India As- ing at Nandigram from January 2007 for sessment 2007) and there are IDP popula- those displaced by the violence, although tions in the north, north-east, east, west neither was run by the state. Approxi- and centre of the country. In the absence mately 1,500 IDPs were living in the two of a national policy framework and re- relief camps by mid-November (PTI, 15 sponse mechanism, the responsibility for November 2007) but the number had assisting and protecting the displaced has dwindled into the hundreds by the end of frequently been delegated to state gov- the month as the majority of displaced ernments. left the camps to stay with family and friends. Threats of violence continued for The response by different state govern- the IDPs who returned to their villages as ments remains ad-hoc and varied, with CPI-M supporters had acquired “effective Kashmiri Pandit IDPs being provided control” of most villages in Nandigram. with far more support than the other Several women who returned to their groups displaced by conflict. While the homes after the period of violence re- Kashmiri Pandits receive dry rations and ported receiving threats of sexual vio- Rs. 1,000 ($21) per person to a maximum lence unless they pledged support to the of Rs. 4,000 ($85) per family each CPI-M (AI, 15 January 2008, p.8). month, the Bru adult IDPs in Tripura state only receive Rs. 87 ($1.90) along with 450 grammes of rice, while those

19 India: New and protracted displacement ongoing 22 December 2008 in absence of formalised response

under 18 receive half that amount mended that in order to protect the basic (ACHR, 1 August 2008, p.142). The re- human rights of displaced people, human sponse within a state has also differed rights guarantees for the IDPs in India dramatically, with the state government should be incorporated in appropriate leg- providing relief to the Kashmiri Pandits islation (NHRC, 24 March 2008). but expressing an inability to assist the IDPs at Talwara due to a shortage of In addition to not having a national IDP funds. policy, the Government of India does not refer to groups such as the Kashmiri Pan- State response is particularly problematic dits as IDPs, but instead as migrants. in a state like Gujarat where the authori- Consequently, even after some in the ties have been accused of planning and community have been in displacement instigating the violence against the Mus- for up to 18 years, the Kashmiri Pandits lim population in 2002 (HRW, 29 April lack official recognition of their IDP 2002), and where the state government status. The displaced people’s group has did not even acknowledge the continuing been demanding acknowledgment of its displacement until five years after the status from the central government, argu- violence (Himal South Asian, 2 October ing that the migrant label implies that the 2007). Kashmiri Pandits had a choice in leaving the Kashmir Valley, and acts as a hin- State response is also complicated in the drance in areas such as acquiring gov- case of situations such as Chhattisgarh, ernment jobs (IANS, 31 October 2008). where thousands of people were forcibly relocated to camps by government secu- In October 2007, the central government rity forces and the Salwa Judum, but announced a National Policy for Reha- where government officials have neither bilitation and Resettlement for those a policy for facilitating camp residents’ forced to leave their homes by develop- safe return to their villages nor a plan to ment projects. The Policy recognises in- provide adequately for camp residents in voluntary displacement as a result of the long term (HRW, July 2008, p.71). development activities.

The lack of a national policy has allowed International humanitarian agencies usu- representatives of certain states to claim ally have not had access to displaced that they are powerless to make decisions populations in conflict zones of India, to protect and assist displaced people. and even where permission has been While there is certainly a need for a na- granted, international staff of organisa- tional policy, its absence does not ab- tions working in areas such as the North- solve state governments from their East have been denied entry. Those who responsibilities towards IDPs (HRW, are able to obtain entry may be monitored July 2008, p.69). and have their movements restricted (Reuters Alertnet, 22 October 2008). Despite the lack of a national policy, the NHRC has intervened in conflict-related The ICRC and a few international NGOs, displacement issues related to Gujarat such as Médicins Sans Frontières (MSF) and Jammu and Kashmir. It has recom- and the Lutheran World Federation, are

20 India: New and protracted displacement ongoing 22 December 2008 in absence of formalised response

assisting IDPs in certain states. The MSF has been operating in three IDP ICRC, which assisted IDPs in Jammu in camps in Chhattisgarh, providing medical 2002, has had other offers to assist IDPs assistance including primary healthcare rejected by Indian authorities, as in Guja- and an ambulatory therapeutic feeding rat in 2002 (ICRC, 2002, p.186). The or- programme for moderate and severely ganisation has expressed interest in malnourished children. It also runs mo- aiding conflict-affected populations in the bile clinics in Chhattisgarh and Andhra North-East and Chhattisgarh (PTI, 30 Pradesh states. In August 2007, it was August 2007), and became involved in reported that MSF had been asked to stop assisting the IDPs in Assam following the its programme in Dantewada district, as violence between Bodo and Muslim its medical staff were treating Naxalites communities in October 2008. The despite being asked by authorities to stop Chhattisgarh state chief minister has all medical assistance to Naxalite cadres maintained that his government would (Times of India, 11 August 2007). Fol- welcome the ICRC presence in the Nax- lowing condemnation of this news by alite conflict zone. State government of- civil society groups, the state government ficials, however, have expressed some released a clarification according to concern that the presence of ICRC would which MSF had only been issued an ad- portray the Naxalite problem as a major visory to stop travelling to sensitive inte- conflict, rather than a socio-economic rior areas of the state affected by the and law and order problem (Indian Ex- Naxalites, out of concern for the security press, 10 June 2008). of its staff (ACHR, 1 August 2008).

Note: This is a summary of the IDMC’s Internal Displacement profile. The full profile is available online here.

21

Sources:

Amnesty International (AI), 8 March 2007, Five years on - the bitter and uphill struggle for jus- tice in Gujarat

Amnesty International (AI), 15 January 2008, Urgent need to address large scale human rights abuses during Nandigram "recapture

Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR), 30 May 2007, India Human Rights Report 2007

Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR), 30 January 2008, IDPs in India: An unequal share of the scraps?

Assam Tribune, 21 November 2008, Normalcy returning to Darrang-Udalguri

BBC News, 23 May 2008, Relief for Gujarat riot victims

BBC News, 23 May 2007, Persecution of Assam's Hindi speakers

BBC News, 20 December 2007, Fears for children missing in India

Economic and Political Weekly (EPW), 27 October 2007, The Displaced of Ahmedabad

Economic and Political Weekly (EPW), 12 July 2008, Special Economic Zones in India

Economist.com, 9 October 2008, Bodo count

Frontline, 7 November 2008, Assam: Communal inferno

Frontline, 25 October 2008, Orissa: Camps of fear

Global Human Rights Defence (GHRD), 5 December 2006, “Selling” of children by Talwara dis- placed people

Himal South Asian, 2 October 2007, In a small, dark corner of Gujarat

Hindustan Times, 10 October 2008, Orissa Christians made an offer they can’t refuse

Human Rights Watch (HRW), 5 September 2008, Dangerous Duty: Children and the Chhattis- garh conflict

Human Rights Watch (HRW), 14 July 2008, Being neutral is our biggest crime

Human Rights Watch (HRW), 27 December 2007, Stop Hindu-Christian Violence in Orissa

India Today, 10 October 2008, Bleeding faultlines

India Together, 14 August 2007, In conflict zone, a battle to secure futures

India Together, 12 June 2007, Sex trade thrives in conflict-ridden Manipur

InfoChange News and Features, July 2008, In Gujarat's ghettos

InfoChange News and Features, July 2008, Return from exile

22

International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), 31 December 2002, ICRC Annual Report 2002

Mahanirban Calcutta Research Group (MCRG), October 2005, Situations of Internally Dis- placed Muslims of Gujarat

Mahanirban Calcutta Research Group (MCRG), February 2007, A status report on displace- ment in Assam and Manipur

National Commission for Protection of Child Rights, October 2008, In Focus

New York Times (NYT), 13 October 2008, Hindu Threat to Christians: Convert or Flee

People's Collective for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (PWESCR), May 2008, Divided Destinies Unequal Lives

Reuters, 29 April 2008, India wants return of displaced Kashmiri Hindus

Reuters AlertNet, 22 October 2008, Tensions in the seven sisters

Rising Kashmir, 23 November 2008, 1834 homeless families vote for shelter

South Asia Human Rights Documentation Centre (SAHRDC), 9 February 2008, State opts out as private army steps in

The Press Trust of India (PTI), 29 October 2008, 72,000 displaced Kashmir Pandits to vote in Assembly polls

The Telegraph, India, 28 November 2008, Reang voters flex ballot power

The Tribune, 8 April 2008, Talwara migrants on verge of starvation

Times of India, 26 April 2008, PM's Rs 1600cr sops to lure Pandits back to J&K

TIME Magazine, 29 May 2008, India's Secret War

Voice of America (VOA), 15 September 2008, Poverty, Ethnic Tensions Fuel Indian Anti- Christian Violence

Zee news, 15 November 2007, NHRC expresses dissatisfaction over conditions in relief camps

23

About the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre

The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, established in 1998 by the Norwegian Refugee Council, is the leading international body monitoring conflict-induced internal displacement worldwide.

Through its work, the Centre contributes to improving national and international capaci- ties to protect and assist the millions of people around the globe who have been displaced within their own country as a result of conflicts or human rights violations.

At the request of the United Nations, the Geneva-based Centre runs an online database providing comprehensive information and analysis on internal displacement in some 50 countries.

Based on its monitoring and data collection activities, the Centre advocates for durable solutions to the plight of the internally displaced in line with international standards.

The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre also carries out training activities to en- hance the capacity of local actors to respond to the needs of internally displaced people. In its work, the Centre cooperates with and provides support to local and national civil society initiatives.

For more information, visit the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre website and the database at www.internal-displacement.org .

Media contact:

Kate Halff Head of IDMC Tel.: +41 (0)22 799 07 03 Email: [email protected]

IDMC Norwegian Refugee Council Chemin de Balexert 7-9 1219 Geneva, Switzerland www.internal-displacement.org Tel: +41 22 799 0700 Fax: +41 22 799 0701

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