DOCSLIB.ORG

Malawi Malawi at a Glance: 2003-04

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Malawi Malawi at a Glance: 2003-04 Country Report January 2003 Malawi Malawi at a glance: 2003-04 OVERVIEW Presidential and legislative elections are not due in Malawi until June 2004, but attempts to amend the constitution to permit the president, Bakili Muluzi, to stand for a third presidential term will dominate the political agenda. An IMF team has completed its mission in Malawi and commented that Malawi has failed to meet its fiscal targets, owing to unauthorised spending. The IMF board is expected to discuss the team’s findings and is unlikely to resume funding unless the government displays evidence of having reined in expenditure in the first half of 2003. Real GDP growth is expected to edge up to 2% in 2003 and 2.6% in 2004, following a contraction of 1.3% in 2002 caused by drought. The fiscal deficit will remain high, at 6.8% of GDP in 2003/04 ( July-June) and 7.4% of GDP in 2004/05, owing to overspending. Key changes from last month Political outlook • John Tembo, the vice-president of the main opposition party, the Malawi Congress Party, and his supporters have withdrawn their support for the third-term bill as relations between Mr Tembo and Mr Muluzi have deteriorated. • Two MPS of the ruling United Democratic Front have broken ranks and withdrawn their support for the third-term bill. Economic policy outlook • An estimated US$8m has been illegally siphoned off from the state budget to pay for non-existent workers. This has caused the fiscal deficit to increase and the government has thus failed to fulfil the conditionalities imposed by the IMF. Therefore, the government will have to rein in its spending in early 2003 if the IMF is to resume funding under Malawi’s poverty reduction and growth facility. • It is vital that Malawi adheres to the IMF conditionalities, not only so that funding can resume, but also so that Malawi will be entitled to debt relief under the heavily indebted poor countries initiative. Economic forecast • The Economist Intelligence Unit’s growth forecast remains unchanged from last month, even though we have reduced our forecast for global growth. January 2003 The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent St, London SW1Y 4LR United Kingdom The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit is a specialist publisher serving companies establishing and managing operations across national borders. For over 50 years it has been a source of information on business developments, economic and political trends, government regulations and corporate practice worldwide. The Economist Intelligence Unit delivers its information in four ways: through its digital portfolio, where the latest analysis is updated daily; through printed subscription products ranging from newsletters to annual reference works; through research reports; and by organising seminars and presentations. The firm is a member of The Economist Group. London New York Hong Kong The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent St The Economist Building 60/F, Central Plaza London 111 West 57th Street 18 Harbour Road SW1Y 4LR New York Wanchai United Kingdom NY 10019, US Hong Kong Tel: (44.20) 7830 1007 Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Tel: (852) 2585 3888 Fax: (44.20) 7830 1023 Fax: (1.212) 586 0248 Fax: (852) 2802 7638 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.eiu.com Electronic delivery This publication can be viewed by subscribing online at www.store.eiu.com Reports are also available in various other electronic formats, such as CD-ROM, Lotus Notes, online databases and as direct feeds to corporate intranets. For further information, please contact your nearest Economist Intelligence Unit office Copyright © 2003 The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited. All rights reserved. Neither this publication nor any part of it may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited. All information in this report is verified to the best of the author's and the publisher's ability. However, the Economist Intelligence Unit does not accept responsibility for any loss arising from reliance on it. ISSN 1478-0283 Symbols for tables “n/a” means not available; “–” means not applicable Printed and distributed by Patersons Dartford, Questor Trade Park, 151 Avery Way, Dartford, Kent DA1 1JS, UK. Malawi 1 Contents 3 Summary 4 Political structure 5 Economic structure 5 Annual indicators 6 Quarterly indicators 7 Outlook for 2003-04 7 Political outlook 9 Economic policy outlook 10 Economic forecast 13 The political scene 19 Economic policy 23 The domestic economy 23 Economic trends 25 Agriculture 27 Infrastructure 27 Foreign trade and payments List of tables 10 International assumptions summary 13 Forecast summary 19 Press freedom index, 2002 20 Fiscal performance, 2002 22 Telecoms indicators List of figures 13 Gross domestic product 13 Kwacha real exchange rates 23 Inflation 24 Money supply Country Report January 2003 www.eiu.com © The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited 2003 Malawi 3 Summary January 2003 Outlook for 2003-04 Although presidential and legislative elections are not due in Malawi until June 2004, attempts to amend the constitution to permit the president, Bakili Muluzi, to stand for a third presidential term will dominate the political agenda. The Economist Intelligence Unit is forecasting that, given its greater nationwide organisation, the ruling United Democratic Front (UDF) will win both the parliamentary and presidential elections. It is also highly likely that Mr Muluzi will be permitted to stand for a third term in office. An IMF team has completed its mission in Malawi and noted that Malawi has failed to meet its fiscal targets owing to unplanned expenditure. The IMF board is expected to discuss the team’s findings and it is unlikely to resume funding unless expenditure is reined in during the first half of 2003. Real GDP growth is expected to edge up to 2% in 2003 and 2.6% in 2004, following a contraction of 1.3% which was caused by drought. The fiscal deficit will remain high, at 6.8% of GDP in 2003/04 (July-June) and 7.4% in 2004/05, owing to election-related overspending. The political scene The October 15th-November 1st parliamentary session ended without the tabling of a bill that, if passed, would have permitted the president to serve for three (instead of two) consecutive terms, because the UDF was unable to gather the requisite support. John Tembo, the vice-president of the largest opposition party, the Malawi Congress Party (MCP), and leader of the largest faction of the party, withdrew his backing for the third-term bid leaving the UDF far short of the two-thirds majority needed to get the bill passed. Equally worrying to the Muluzi camp was the increasing independence shown by some members of their own party: two UDF MPs openly withdrew their support for Mr Muluzi’s candidacy. Economic policy The IMF mission to Malawi has expressed serious doubts about the government’s commitment to controlling its fiscal deficit and the IMF is unlikely to resume funding until there is some evidence that this has occurred. This is of particular concern, as Malawi needs to provide evidence that is has successfully completed a year under the IMF’s poverty reduction and growth facility if it is to qualify for debt relief under the IMF-World Bank’s heavily indebted poor countries initiative. The domestic economy Higher food prices, owing to shortages, caused year-on-year inflation to rise to 16.5% in August, from 16.1% in July. As expected, the kwacha began its seasonal slide as the tobacco auctions closed and farmers purchased inputs, such as fertiliser, for next year’s crop. Foreign trade and payments The World Bank approved a US$50m emergency drought recovery credit for Malawi on November 5th 2002. This will be used for famine relief. Editors: Ravi Bhatia (editor); Pratibha Thaker (consulting editor) Editorial closing date: December 12th 2002 All queries: Tel: (44.20) 7830 1007 E-mail: [email protected] Next report: Full schedule on www.eiu.com/schedule Country Report January 2003 www.eiu.com © The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited 2003 4 Malawi Political structure Official name Republic of Malawi Form of state Unitary republic Legal system Based on English common law and the constitution, promulgated in May 1995 National legislature National Assembly of 193 seats, elected by direct universal suffrage for a five-year term National elections June 15th 1999 (presidential and legislative); next elections due by June 2004 (presidential and legislative) Head of state President, elected by direct universal suffrage for a term of five years; Bakili Muluzi was re- elected for a second and constitutionally final term in June 1999 National government Cabinet, chaired by the president; a new cabinet was named on November 5th 2000 and reshuffled in January 2002 Political parties United Democratic Front (UDF), the largest single party in the National Assembly; Malawi Congress Party (MCP), the main opposition party; Alliance for Democracy (Aford), Malawi’s third party. Smaller parties not represented in the National Assembly include: the Malawi Democratic Party (MDP); Malawi National Democratic Party (MNDP); Mass Movement for the Young Generation (MM); National Unity Party (NUP); National Patriotic Front (NPF); United Front for Multiparty Democracy (UFMD) President & commander-in-chief of the armed forces Bakili Muluzi Vice-president
Load more

Recommended publications
  • MALAWI COUNTRY of ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service
    MALAWI COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service 31 OCTOBER 2012 MALAWI 31 OCTOBER 2012 Contents Preface Useful news sources for further information Paragraphs Background Information 1. GEOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 1.01 Map ........................................................................................................................ 1.05 2. ECONOMY ................................................................................................................ 2.01 3. HISTORY ................................................................................................................. 3.01 Local government elections ................................................................................ 3.05 Foreign donor aid to Malawi suspended ............................................................ 3.07 Anti-government protests: July 2011 ................................................................. 3.10 4. RECENT DEVELOPMENTS (JANUARY TO SEPTEMBER 2012) ......................................... 4.01 5. CONSTITUTION .......................................................................................................... 5.01 6. POLITICAL SYSTEM ................................................................................................... 6.01 Human Rights 7. INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 7.01 8. SECURITY FORCES ...................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 4 Making, Unmaking and Remaking Political Party Coalitions
    POLITICAL PARTY COALITIONS IN MALAWI 111 4 MAKING, UNMAKING AND REMAKING POLITICAL PARTY COALITIONS IN MALAWI Explaining the Prevalence of Office-Seeking Behaviour DENIS KADIMA AND SAMSON LEMBANI INTRODUCTION The contemporary history of political alliances in Malawi dates back to the early 1990s when Malawian political and social groupings joined forces and succeeded in voting out the 30-year-old one-party regime of Kamuzu Banda in 1994. While a recent unpublished study by Lars Svåsand, Nixon Khembo and Lise Rakner (2004) gives an account of the reconfiguration of Malawi’s party system after the 2004 general elections, there is no chronological and comprehensive account of the main coalitions of political parties in the country, their accomplishments and setbacks and the lessons that can be drawn from their experience. This explains the need for this study as well as the unique contribution that it makes to the field of party coalition politics. The study deals only with alliances made up of political parties. For this reason, the pre-1994 election alliance of various political pressure groups, faith-based organisations and non-governmental organisations, which worked towards the effective introduction of a democratic multiparty system, is not given significant attention. The study devotes equal attention to the history of both governing and opposition coalitions in Malawi. Specifically, it examines the short-lived coalition between the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) and the Alliance for Democracy (AFORD) after the 1994 general elections; the 1995 alliance between the United Democratic Front (UDF) and AFORD; the alliance forged between the MCP and AFORD prior to the 1999 general elections; the UDF- AFORD-NCD Coalition preceding the 2004 general elections and the 111 112 THE POLITICS OF PARTY COALITIONS IN AFRICA Mgwirizano coalition of 2004.
    [Show full text]
  • Malawi at a Glance: 2000-01
    COUNTRY REPORT Malawi At a glance: 2000-01 OVERVIEW President Bakili Muluzi is expected to remain in power over the forecast period. But the main political parties, will, to varying degrees, experience internal disarray. A clear split has emerged in the main opposition party, the MCP, though the postponement of the September local elections should allow it to tackle its internal differences before they are held. A new uranium mining project will help the mining sector to develop, but infrastructure will need upgrading to attract further mining investment. Falling world tobacco prices in 2000, along with lower domestic production, will reduce export revenue, and increase the trade deficit. The rail link between Malawi and the Mozambican port of Nacala is scheduled to open in September, promising savings in transport costs, but improved track and signalling equipment is required. Key changes from last month Political outlook • There has been a major split in the opposition MCP party. John Tembo and Gwanda Chakuamba were both elected as party leader at parallel conventions in their respective regional strongholds. Economic policy outlook • The 2000/01 budget promises to build on the government’s reform efforts. But fiscal stability remains heavily reliant on foreign grants. Economic forecast • The EIU’s economic forecast remains essentially unchanged. Real GDP growth will slow to 3.5% in 2000, because of reduced agricultural output owing to poor weather. The rate of inflation will average nearly 29% in 2000 and the exchange rate will slip to MK65:US$1 by end-2000. September 2000 The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent St, London SW1Y 4LR United Kingdom The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit is a specialist publisher serving companies establishing and managing operations across national borders.
    [Show full text]
  • Ai Vestigatio of the Political Factors Co Tributi G to Floor Crossi Gi the Malawi Atio Al Assembly
    A IVESTIGATIO OF THE POLITICAL FACTORS COTRIBUTIG TO FLOOR CROSSIG I THE MALAWI ATIOAL ASSEMBLY: 2003 – 2009 by AE GRACE MAGAGA submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the subject AFRICA POLITICS at the UIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR C J APIER JUE 2011 DECLARATIO I declare that: An Investigation of the Political Factors Contributing to Floor Crossing in the Malawi National Assembly: 2003 – 2009, is my own work and that all the sources that I have used have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. _____________________________ _____________________ SIGNATURE DATE (Mrs. A G Maganga) Table of Contents Declaration … … … … … … … … … … i Abbreviation … … … … … … … … … … i Dedication … … … … … … … … … … iii Acknowledgement … … … … … … … … … iv Abstract … … … … … … … … … … v Key Terms … … … … … … … … … … v CHAPTER ONE … … … … … … … … … 1 1 GENERAL OVERVIEW … … … … … … … 1 1.1 Introduction … … … … … … … … … 1 1.2 The Malawi Electoral System … … … … … … … 2 1.3 Background to the Study … … … … … … … 4 1.4 Floor Crossing and the Different Malawi Constitutions … … … 6 1.4.1 Floor Crossing and the 1964 Constitution … … … … … 6 1.4.2 Floor Crossing and the 1966 Republican Constitution … … … 7 1.4.3 Floor Crossing and the 1994 Constitution … … … … … 12 1.5 The 2001 Amendment to Section 65 … … … … … … 13 1.5.1 Section 65 used as a Political Tool … … … … … … 14 1.6 Recall Mechanism and the Different Constitutions … … … … 16 1.6.1 Recall Mechanism in the 1964 Constitution
    [Show full text]
  • Politics of Judicial Independence in Malawi
    Politics of Judicial Independence in Malawi Freedom House Report prepared by Rachel Ellett, PhD Contents List of Acronyms 3 Acknowledgments 4 Executive Summary 5 Summary Assessment Table 8 Part I: Introduction 12 A Report Structure 12 B Methodology 12 C Background to the Study 13 D Politics and the Malawian Judiciary 1993-2013 16 Part II: Assessing Judicial Independence in Malawi 26 A Scope of Judicial Power 26 B Differentiation and Separation of Powers 29 C Internal Institutional Safeguards 36 D Transparency 48 E External Institutional Support 50 Part III: Analysis of Judicial Interference 55 A Manipulation of Personnel 56 B Institutional Assaults 56 C Personal Attacks on Judges 59 D Budget Manipulation Resources/Remuneration 62 E Attempted Co-option of Judges 63 Conclusion 64 Annex I: Summary of Existing Policy Reports on the Courts and Rule of law in Malawi 65 Endnotes 68 2 List of Acronyms AFORD Alliance for Democracy CILIC Civil Liberties Committee DPP Democratic Progressive Party HRCC Human Rights Consultative Committee MBC Malawi Broadcasting Corporation MCP Malawi Congress Party MEC Malawi Electoral Commission MLS Malawi Law Society PP People’s Party NDA National Democratic Alliance UDF United Democratic Front 3 Acknowledgments I would like to thank the many individuals who gave their time and consent to sit down for extensive one-on-one interviews in Johannesburg and Blantyre. These frank and detailed conversations generated significant insight and detailed and specific information, without which this report would be substantially diminished. Additionally I’d like to recognize the logistical and editorial support of the Freedom House Johannesburg and Washington DC offices and in particular the collegiality and support of Cathal Gilbert and Juliet Mureriwa.
    [Show full text]
  • Malawi Orientation Manual
    Full Name of Republic of Malawi Country Population Malawi is home to roughly 19 million people. 84% of the population lives in rural areas. The life expectancy is 61 years, and the median age is 16.4 years (one of the lowest median ages in the world). Roughly 50.7% (2014 est.) live below the international poverty line. Time Zone GMT +2 (7 hours ahead of EST in the winter, 6 hours ahead in summer) Capital Lilongwe Ethnic Groups The African peoples in Malawi are all of Bantu origin. The main ethnic groups ('tribes') are the Chewa, dominant in the central and southern parts of the country; the Yao, also found in the south; and the Tumbuka in the north. There are very small populations of Asian (Indian, Pakistani, Korean and Chinese), white Africans and European people living mainly in the cities. Major Languages The official language of Malawi is Chichewa and English. English is widely spoken, particularly in main towns. The different ethnic groups in Malawi each have their own language or dialect. Major Religions Most people in Malawi are Christian (82.6%), usually members of one of the Catholic or Protestant churches founded by missionaries in the late 19th century. There are Muslims populations primarily in the south and central region (13%), especially along Lake Malawi - a legacy of the Arab slave traders who operated in this area. Alongside the established religions, many Malawians also hold traditional animist beliefs (2%). President’s Name In 2014, Peter Mutharika of the DPP followed his older brother Bingu wa Mutharika’s footsteps to become the current Malawian president.
    [Show full text]
  • Operation Bwezani”: the Army, Political Change, and Dr
    Nordic Journal of African Studies 13(2): 146–163 (2004) “OPERATION BWEZANI”: THE ARMY, POLITICAL CHANGE, AND DR. BANDA’S HEGEMONY IN MALAWI REUBEN CHIRAMBO University of Malawi, Malawi ABSTRACT When the Malawi Army violently disarmed the Malawi Young Pioneers (MYP), a paramilitary wing of the Malawi Congress Party (MCP), in Operation Bwezani at the height of the political transition in December 1993, their action was hailed as marking a turning point in Malawi Army relationship to politics. It was also cheered as a profoundly significant catalyst for the political transition to democracy from Banda’s autocracy. This article, however, argues that the fact that for close to thirty years the army did not act against Banda or his repressive machinery even when the army itself was a victim indicates the extent of Banda’s hegemony in Malawi. Banda’s hegemony undermined the Army’s potential for resistance to oppression in Malawi. It concludes that the Army’s action to disarm MYP was the result of the civilian political transition and not necessarily the cause. The, Army, therefore, was more of a beneficiary of the political transition than a catalyst. Keywords: hegemony, oppression, political change INTRODUCTION Political change from former life president Dr. H.K. Banda’s autocracy to democracy in Malawi in the early 1990s was remarkably peaceful. This, given the repressive nature of Banda’s regime, was contrary to fears that Banda would not easily give up power. Dr. Banda led Malawi to independence from British colonial rule in 1964 and ruled the country as a single-party dictatorship of the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) up to 1993.
    [Show full text]
  • At the Crossroads Freedom of Expression in Malawi
    At the Crossroads Freedom of Expression in Malawi The Final Report of the 1999 ARTICLE 19 Malawi Election Media Monitoring Project March 2000 At the Crossroads Freedom of Expression in Malawi The Final Report of the 1999 ARTICLE 19 Malawi Election Media Monitoring Project ARTICLE 19 International Centre Against Censorship March 2000 © ARTICLE 19 ISBN 1-902598-18-0 i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This report was written by Dr Diana Cammack, Project Coordinator of the Malawi Media Monitoring Project. The project ran between February and June 1999 and was managed by Robert Jamieson. This report was edited by Richard Carver, Senior Consultant to ARTICLE 19. The report was copy-edited and designed by Liz Schofield, with assistance from Rotimi Sankore. ARTICLE 19 is grateful to those organizations that provided financial support for the monitoring project and the publication of this report: the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA), the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa, the European Commission, the Malawi / German Programme for Democracy and Decentralisation (MGPDD/GTZ) and the Inter-ministerial Committee for Human Rights and Democracy (GOM/UNDP). ii At the Crossroads: Freedom of Expression in Malawi 1 MEDIA FREEDOM IN THE NEW MALAWI “The UDF have had no censorship anywhere; it is a real friend of the press”. Sam Mpasu, Minister of Information, 1999 Until the end of the single-party era in 1994 Dr Hastings Kamuzu Banda and his Malawi Congress Party (MCP) maintained control partly by imposing on the nation and its people a culture of silence.1 People were afraid to speak against the government and censored themselves in word and deed.
    [Show full text]
  • Chilemba EM- Constitution-Building Conference Paper 1.Pdf
    ________________________________________ They keep saying, ‘My President, my Emperor, and my All’: Exploring the antidote to the perpetual threat on constitutionalism in Malawi ___________________________________________________________________ By Enoch MacDonnell Chilemba LLB (Hons) (Mal), LLM (UP, RSA); LL D Candidate & Doctoral researcher; Community Law Centre: University of the Western Cape; Lecturer in Law at the Faculty of Law, University of Malawi; Advocate of the High Court and Supreme Court of Malawi Paper presented at the Conference on Constitution-building in Africa At the University of the Western Cape Cape Town, Republic of South Africa 6 September 2013 Table of Contents Table of Contents ....................................................................................................................................... ii 1 Introduction .......................................................................................................................................... 3 2 Conceptualising constitutionalism, hegemonic presidency and constitution-making .............. 4 2.1 The concept of constitutionalism .......................................................................................... 4 2.2 Of hegemonic presidency and constitutionalism ............................................................... 5 2.3 Conceptualising constitution-making in relation to constitutionalism ............................. 6 3 The making of the 1966 and 1995 Malawi Constitutions ............................................................
    [Show full text]
  • LACK of ALTERNATIVE LEADERSHIP in DEMOCRATIC MALAWI: SOME REFLECTIONS AHEAD of the 2004 GENERAL ELECTIONS BLESSINGS CHINSINGA University of Malawi, Malawi
    Nordic Journal of African Studies 12(1): 1-22 (2003) LACK OF ALTERNATIVE LEADERSHIP IN DEMOCRATIC MALAWI: SOME REFLECTIONS AHEAD OF THE 2004 GENERAL ELECTIONS BLESSINGS CHINSINGA University of Malawi, Malawi ABSTRACT This article, drawing on Malawi’s experience with intra party politics, argues that quality, dynamic and visionary leadership is extremely vital in propping up budding democracies on the winding road to mature democracies. It is thus widely recognized that the success or failure of any organized group effort whether at organizational, community or national level is critically dependent on leadership, understood as a collective endeavour within a permissive and enabling framework. The major problem in most democratizing polities, however, is that leadership is essentially understood as rulership. This implies that leaders make every effort to ensure that decisions must either be made or reviewed at a single, known, predetermined and consistent position. Unless leaders extricate themselves from the perils of the centrist tendencies and work to facilitate participative governance, in which they primarily serve as agents or trustees for a broad community of persons, democratizing polities risk disintegrating into dysfunctional political entities along the way. Keywords: leadership, rulership, third term, open terms bill, participative governance INTRODUCTION This paper argues that the lack of alternative leadership presents a serious constraint to the ultimate consolidation of democracy much as Malawi is, in the eyes of the international community, often flagged as a success story of democratic transition1 (Wiseman 1995; Schmidt 2001). It has especially been 1 Note that Malawi reverted to political pluralism after almost three decades of authoritarian rule under Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • EAP942: Preserving Nyasaland African Congress Historical Records
    EAP942: Preserving Nyasaland African Congress historical records Mr Clement Mweso, National Archives of Malawi 2016 award - Pilot project £6,158 for 4 months Archival partner: National Archives of Malawi This pilot project surveyed Nyasaland African Congress records in selected districts in Malawi in order to assess the state of records, their storage conditions, and to determine the extent as well as their preservation needs. The project created this survey of holdings and digitised a small sample of these records. Further Information You can contact the EAP team at [email protected] ENDANGERED ARCHIVES PROGRAMME EAP 942 PRESERVING NYASALAND AFRICAN CONGRESS HISTORICAL RECORDS SURVEY REPORT ALEKE KADONAPHANI BANDA BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE Aleke Kadonaphani Banda was born in 1939, was educated in Zimbabwe (Southern Rhodesia) and at the age of 14 in 1953, he ascended to the position of district secretary for Nyasaland African Congress in Que-Que, Zimbabwe. He returned to Malawi to join the Nyasaland African Congress and actively participated in the struggle for independence. When the Nyasaland African Congress was outlawed in 1959 due to the state of emergency, he was among a few congress politicians who were not in detention and he together with Kanyama Chiume and Orton Chirwa formed the Malawi Congress Party on 30th September 1959 to replace the now Banned Nyasaland African Congress. He served the MCP as its publicity secretary, secretary general and when other congress leaders were released from detention he became very close to Kamuzu Banda. In July 1960, he was part of the delegation to the Lancaster House Constitutional Conference in London, where the country’s first constitution was drafted.
    [Show full text]
  • The Case of Malawi
    Developmental patrimonialism? The case of Malawi Diana Cammack and Tim Kelsall with David Booth Working Paper No. 12 July, 2010 Copyright: The authors. Published on behalf of the Africa Power and Politics Programme (APPP) by the Overseas Development Institute, 111 Westminster Bridge Road, London SE1 7JD, UK (www.odi.org.uk). The APPP Working Paper series is edited by Richard Crook, Professorial Fellow, Institute of Development Studies at the University of Sussex, Brighton BN1 9RE, UK ([email protected]). The Africa Power and Politics Programme is a consortium research programme funded by the UK Department for International Development (DFID), with additional support from Irish Aid, for the benefit of developing countries. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and not necessarily those of DFID, Irish Aid or the Programme as a whole. Developmental patrimonialism? The case of Malawi Diana Cammack and Tim Kelsall with David Booth* Economic governance in Malawi has never been without problems. Yet, for significant periods, the country’s development performance has been better than might be expected given its geographical location and natural resource endowments and the global context of the time. This paper argues that underlying the episodes of better performance are institutional configurations which include: centralized, long-horizon rent utilization, a disciplined economic technocracy, and an inclusive form of ethno-regional politics. In particular, the 1964-79 phase of the presidency of Kamuzu Banda conforms closely to the concept of ‘developmental patrimonialism’, defined in this way. It tends also to support the proposition that regimes of this type are associated with relatively good development outcomes.
    [Show full text]