Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Hassan Rouhani: a Trait Analysis
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The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’S Revolutionary Guard
The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’s Revolutionary Guard SAEID GOLKAR AUGUST 2021 KASRA AARABI Contents Executive Summary 4 The Raisi Administration, the IRGC and the Creation of a New Islamic Government 6 The IRGC as the Foundation of Raisi’s Islamic Government The Clergy and the Guard: An Inseparable Bond 16 No Coup in Sight Upholding Clerical Superiority and Preserving Religious Legitimacy The Importance of Understanding the Guard 21 Shortcomings of Existing Approaches to the IRGC A New Model for Understanding the IRGC’s Intra-elite Factionalism 25 The Economic Vertex The Political Vertex The Security-Intelligence Vertex Charting IRGC Commanders’ Positions on the New Model Shades of Islamism: The Ideological Spectrum in the IRGC Conclusion 32 About the Authors 33 Saeid Golkar Kasra Aarabi Endnotes 34 4 The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi Executive Summary “The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps [IRGC] has excelled in every field it has entered both internationally and domestically, including security, defence, service provision and construction,” declared Ayatollah Ebrahim Raisi, then chief justice of Iran, in a speech to IRGC commanders on 17 March 2021.1 Four months on, Raisi, who assumes Iran’s presidency on 5 August after the country’s June 2021 election, has set his eyes on further empowering the IRGC with key ministerial and bureaucratic positions likely to be awarded to guardsmen under his new government. There is a clear reason for this ambition. Expanding the power of the IRGC serves the interests of both Raisi and his 82-year-old mentor, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic. -
Blood-Soaked Secrets Why Iran’S 1988 Prison Massacres Are Ongoing Crimes Against Humanity
BLOOD-SOAKED SECRETS WHY IRAN’S 1988 PRISON MASSACRES ARE ONGOING CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2017 Cover photo: Collage of some of the victims of the mass prisoner killings of 1988 in Iran. Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons © Amnesty International (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2017 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: MDE 13/9421/2018 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS GLOSSARY 7 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 METHODOLOGY 18 2.1 FRAMEWORK AND SCOPE 18 2.2 RESEARCH METHODS 18 2.2.1 TESTIMONIES 20 2.2.2 DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE 22 2.2.3 AUDIOVISUAL EVIDENCE 23 2.2.4 COMMUNICATION WITH IRANIAN AUTHORITIES 24 2.3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 25 BACKGROUND 26 3.1 PRE-REVOLUTION REPRESSION 26 3.2 POST-REVOLUTION REPRESSION 27 3.3 IRAN-IRAQ WAR 33 3.4 POLITICAL OPPOSITION GROUPS 33 3.4.1 PEOPLE’S MOJAHEDIN ORGANIZATION OF IRAN 33 3.4.2 FADAIYAN 34 3.4.3 TUDEH PARTY 35 3.4.4 KURDISH DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF IRAN 35 3.4.5 KOMALA 35 3.4.6 OTHER GROUPS 36 4. -
Rouhani: Delivering Human Rights After the Election
Rouhani: Delivering Human Rights June 2017 After the Election Iranian President’s Pathway to Fulfill His Promises Center for Human Rights in Iran (CHRI) New York Headquarters: Tel: +1 347-689-7782 www.iranhumanrights.org Rouhani: Delivering Human Rights After the Election Copyright © Center for Human Rights in Iran Rouhani: Delivering Human Rights After the Election Rouhani’s pathway to fulfill his promises: Utilize his power, negotiate the system, hold rights violators responsible, engage and empower civil society June 2017 The re-election of President Hassan Rouhani on May 19, 2017 was due in large part to the perception by the Iranian citizenry that his government would do more to improve human rights in Iran than his rivals—an outcome clearly desired by a majority of voters. During Rouhani’s campaign rallies, not only did he make explicit references to issues of political and social freedom and promises to uphold such freedoms in his second term, his supporters also repeatedly made clear their demands for improvements in human rights. Despite Iran’s tradition of giving the incumbent a second term, Rouhani’s re-election was uncertain. Many Iranians struggling with high unemployment and other economic problems did not see any improvement in their daily lives from Rouhani’s signature achievement—the nuclear deal and easing of interna- tional sanctions. Yet even though the other candidates offered subsidies and populist proposals, and Rouhani’s economic proposals were modest, he won by a large margin—far greater than his win in 2013. In addition to his rejec- tion of populist economics, Rouhani was the only candidate that talked about human rights—and the more he focused on this issue, the more his support coalesced and strengthened. -
USAF Counterproliferation Center CPC Outreach Journal #867
USAF COUNTERPROLIFERATION CENTER CPC OUTREACH JOURNAL Maxwell AFB, Alabama Issue No. 867, 14 December 2010 Articles & Other Documents: WH: Obama Won't Leave DC until Nuke Deal is Done S. Korea, U.S. Launch Joint Committee to Deter N. Korea's Nuclear Threats START Pact Has Enough Votes, U.S. Aide Says N Korea's Nuclear Capacity Worries Russia Clock Ticking, Obama Urges Senate OK of Arms Treaty S.Korea Suspects Secret Uranium Enrichment in North Senate Working on Ratification of U.S.-Russian Strategic Arms Treaty - White House US Suspects Secret Burma Nuclear Sites Manouchehr Mottaki Fired from Iran Foreign Minister Burma Not Nuclear, Says Abhisit Job Test of Agni-II's Advanced Version Fails Intelligence Chiefs Fear Nuclear War between Israel and Tehran Russian Military to Receive 1,300 Types of Weaponry by 2020 Rudd Calls for Inspections of Israel's Nuclear Facility Russia, NATO May Make Soon Progress in Joint Iran Foreign Policy 'Unchanged' by Mottaki Sacking Missile Defense Progress North Korea Stresses Commitment to Nuclear Weapons Bolivia Rejects Alvaro Uribe’s Accusations about Nuclear Program N. Korean FM Defends Pyongyang's Decision to Bolster Nuclear Arsenal U.S. to Spend $1B Over Five Years on Conventional Strike Systems Japan Plans more Patriot Systems to Shoot Down N. Korean Missiles Talks with Iran Just a Start Iran's Nuclear Plans Give West a Tough Choice Welcome to the CPC Outreach Journal. As part of USAF Counterproliferation Center’s mission to counter weapons of mass destruction through education and research, we’re providing our government and civilian community a source for timely counterproliferation information. -
Tightening the Reins How Khamenei Makes Decisions
MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS POLICY FOCUS 126 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 126 | March 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including pho- tocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei holds a weapon as he speaks at the University of Tehran. (Reuters/Raheb Homavandi). Design: 1000 Colors CONTENTS Executive Summary | V 1. Introduction | 1 2. Life and Thought of the Leader | 7 3. Khamenei’s Values | 15 4. Khamenei’s Advisors | 20 5. Khamenei vs the Clergy | 27 6. Khamenei vs the President | 34 7. Khamenei vs Political Institutions | 44 8. Khamenei’s Relationship with the IRGC | 52 9. Conclusion | 61 Appendix: Profile of Hassan Rouhani | 65 About the Author | 72 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EVEN UNDER ITS MOST DESPOTIC REGIMES , modern Iran has long been governed with some degree of consensus among elite factions. Leaders have conceded to or co-opted rivals when necessary to maintain their grip on power, and the current regime is no excep- tion. -
Iran's Nuclear Program: Status”, Congressional Research Service
Iran’s Nuclear Program: Status Paul K. Kerr Analyst in Nonproliferation August 11, 2009 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34544 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Iran’s Nuclear Program: Status Summary Although Iran claims that its nuclear program is exclusively for peaceful purposes, it has generated considerable concern that Tehran is pursuing a nuclear weapons program. Indeed, the UN Security Council has responded to Iran’s refusal to suspend work on its uranium enrichment and heavy-water nuclear reactor programs by adopting several resolutions which imposed sanctions on Tehran. Despite this pressure, Iran continues to enrich uranium, install and operate additional centrifuges, and conduct research on new types of centrifuges. Tehran has also continued to produce centrifuge feedstock, as well as work on its heavy-water reactor and associated facilities. Whether Iran is pursuing a nuclear weapons program is, however, unknown. A National Intelligence Estimate made public in December 2007 assessed that Tehran “halted its nuclear weapons program,” defined as “Iran’s nuclear weapon design and weaponization work and covert uranium conversion-related and uranium enrichment-related work,” in 2003. The estimate, however, also assessed that Tehran is “keeping open the option to develop nuclear weapons” and that any decision to end a nuclear weapons program is “inherently reversible.” Intelligence Community officials have reaffirmed this judgment on several occasions. Iranian efforts to produce fissile material for nuclear weapons by using its known nuclear facilities would almost certainly be detected by the IAEA. There is no public official evidence that Tehran has covert facilities capable of producing fissile material. -
INSS Insight No. 1482, June 6, 2021 from Election to Selection: Iran's Path to a New President
INSS Insight No. 1482, June 6, 2021 From Election to Selection: Iran's Path to a New President Raz Zimmt The decision by Iran’s Guardian Council to disqualify the vast majority of the candidates in the coming presidential elections, including former speaker of the Majlis Ali Larijani, and Eshaq Jahangiri, First Vice-President under President Rouhani, in effect leaves the hardline cleric Ebrahim Raisi as the only candidate with real chances of winning the elections. This decision is another reflection of the regime's efforts to strengthen the conservative hegemony in the political elite, especially in advance of the struggle over the succession of Iran's leadership. The regime's blatant intervention in the election process indicates that it is determined to maintain conservative control of power centers even at the cost of further undermining public confidence, and that it estimates that it is capable of suppressing any possible protest. On May 25, 2021, following the screening of all the presidential candidates, Iran’s Guardian Council announced it had approved seven final candidates, out of the 592 candidates (including 40 women) who registered for the elections scheduled for June 18. That the vast majority of the candidates were disqualified came as no surprise. Since the beginning of the 1980s, only a few candidates have passed the screening process under the 12-member Guardian Council, half of whom are clerics appointed by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, and half of whom are jurists appointed by the Judiciary Chief and approved by the Majlis. This time too, it was expected that the Council would disqualify any candidate it saw as someone who might undermine conservative hegemony in Iranian politics. -
The Relationship Between the Supreme Leadership and Presidency and Its Impact on the Political System in Iran
Study The Relationship Between the Supreme Leadership and Presidency and Its Impact on the Political System in Iran By Dr. Motasem Sadiqallah | Researcher at the International Institute for Iranian Studies (Rasanah) Mahmoud Hamdi Abualqasim | Researcher at the International Insti- tute for Iranian Studies (Rasanah) www.rasanah-iiis.org WWW.RASANAH-IIIS.ORG Contents Executive Summary ....................................................................................... 3 I- The Status and Role of the Supreme Leadership and the Presidency in the Iranian Political System ................................................................................. 4 II- The Problems Involving the Relationship Between the Supreme Leader and the Presidency .............................................................................................. 11 III- Applying Pressure Through Power to Dismiss the President .....................15 IV- The Implications of the Conflict Between the Supreme Leader and the Presidency on the Effectiveness of the Political System ................................. 20 V- The Future of the Relationship Between the Supreme Leader and the President ........................................................................................ 26 Conclusion .................................................................................................. 29 Disclaimer The study, including its analysis and views, solely reflects the opinions of the writers who are liable for the conclusions, statistics or mistakes contained therein -
Leadership Divided? Nima Gerami
The Domestic Politics of Iran’s Nuclear Debate LEADERSHIP DIVIDED? NIMA GERAMI LEADERSHIP DIVIDED? The Domestic Politics of Iran’s Nuclear Debate NIMA GERAMI The Washington Institute for Near East Policy www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 134 | February 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Tehran newspaper headlines following signing of the Joint Plan of Action in Geneva. Design: 1000 Colors Contents Acknowledgments | v Executive Summary | vii 1. Introduction | 1 2. Limits on Iran’s Nuclear Debate: Secrecy and Self-Censorship | 3 3. Contextualizing Nuclear Decisionmaking: The Key Stakeholders | 9 4. The Political Landscape: Elite Factionalism and the Nuclear Debate | 19 5. Critical Junctures: Internal Divisions and Nuclear Policy Shifts | 31 6. Conclusion: Lessons Learned | 40 About the Author | 42 Figures Fig 1. Overview of Nuclear Decisionmaking in Iran | 11 Table 1. Formal Members of the Supreme National Security Council | 12 Acknowledgments I would like to express my gratitude to the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, particularly Patrick Clawson, Michael Eisenstadt, and Mehdi Khalaji, for their encouragement, insights, and support during the preparation of this study. -
Middle East, North Africa
MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA Iran: Conflicting Assessment of China Talks OE Watch Commentary: Iran’s new “strategic partnership” agreement with China made international headlines last July but, in the months since, negotiations have been mired in the details. The negotiations began during the administration of Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (2005-2013) but, as implied in the excerpt of this article from Donya-e Eghtesad, perhaps Iran’s top financial newspaper, may outlast his successor Hassan Rouhani, whose second term will end in 2021. That Donya-e Eghtesad highlights the divergence between Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif and his deputy for economic affairs reaffirms the pattern in which Iran’s financial papers dryly skewer the Iranian government’s official positions without comment by juxtaposing inconsistencies. While the excerpt suggests a lack of consensus on drafts that must be worked through before anything can be finalized, the article also suggests that the threat of U.S. sanctions has also Iran President Hassan Rouhani and Chinese President Xi Jinping sign cooperation agreements in Beijing, 11 June 2018. slowed China’s willingness to deal with Iran. This in turn suggests Source: Islamic Republic News Agency, https://img9.irna.ir/d/r2/2020/07/16/3/157216967.jpg that while Tehran highlights its partnership with China as a means to counter the United States, the view from Beijing is more nuanced and appears to prioritize economic opportunity above strategic factors. End OE Watch Commentary (Rubin) “The only thing that can be done now is to wait.” Source: “Mozakirat-e Iran-Chin Motavaqaf Nashodeh Ast (Iran-China Talks Have Not Stopped),” Donya-e Eghtesad, 5 November 2020. -
Middle East, North Africa
MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA Iran: Sanctions Don’t Impact Military Spending OE Watch Commentary: It is not often that senior Iranian military leaders sit down with the Western press but on 24 February, Hossein Dehghan did just that with the Financial Times from his office in Tehran. Dehghan is a former Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) air force officer whom President Hassan Rouhani appointed to lead the ministry of defense in his first cabinet. He currently serves as an advisor to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. The Iranian press widely covered the interview in which Dehghan emphasized that the Iranian military budget had continued to grow despite US sanctions, as reported in the excerpted passage from Mehr News. His statement, which seems to telegraph to the West that US sanctions will not achieve their aims, seems at cross purposes with Iran’s other frequent information operations theme, that sanctions have undercut the health of Iranians because Hossein Dehghan sits for an interview, with a portrait of the late Qassem Soleimani in the background. Source: https://media.mehrnews.com/d/2020/02/24/3/3393218.jpg of their inability to purchase necessary medicines. After all, if Iran has several extra billion dollars with which to fund the IRGC and other military organizations, that money might easily be utilized to purchase humanitarian goods through the Swiss humanitarian channel. Iran’s increased military budget raises questions about what the Iranian military hopes to do with its enhanced budget. Dehghan did insist that Iran would neither reconsider its support to Hezbollah and other regional proxies nor would it stop work on its ballistic missile programs. -
Iran: Navigating Regional Influence and a Potential U.S
MENU Policy Analysis / Fikra Forum Iran: Navigating Regional Influence and a Potential U.S. Policy Reset by Firas Elias Dec 17, 2020 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Firas Elias Firas Elias is an expert in national security and Iranian studies. Brief Analysis For Biden to reach a deal with Iran, the administration will need to address a host of difficult issues. While any changes in the U.S. policy towards Iran may have a significant impact, a nuclear deal might be a pipe dream. ran is uncertain and skeptical about the direction of new U.S. foreign policy following President-Elect Joe Biden’s I victory in the presidential elections. Accordingly, officials’ public reactions have been mixed. Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has expressed doubts about the entire U.S. electoral process, while Iranian President Hassan Rouhani and Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif have invited the president-elect to turn over a new leaf with the Iranian people. Rouhani also emphasized in a public speech that both countries could “decide and announce that they will return to conditions on January 20, 2017.” These public proposals belie a more complicated reality: the Trump years have made an impact on Iran’s political climate, and attempts to negotiate with Biden are likely to be influenced by the different internal conflicts in Iran. In particular, Tehran is wary of adding to the perception of its own weaknesses, with the U.S. attack on Qassem Soleimani, a still-raging coronavirus pandemic, and a severe economic crisis given ongoing U.S. sanctions. As such, Tehran may be willing to make progress on nuclear negotiations while simultaneously demonstrating stubbornness on the question of its regional influence—two issues that are seen as intertwined by Iran’s regional adversaries.