Seeing Like a Neoliberal State? Authoritarian High Modernism, Commercialization and Governmentality in Rwanda’S Agricultural Reform
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Seeing Like a Neoliberal State? Authoritarian High Modernism, Commercialization and Governmentality in Rwanda’s Agricultural Reform by Christopher Huggins A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Geography with Specialization in Political Economy Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario © 2013, Christopher Huggins ii Abstract Rwanda’s contemporary agricultural reform fits the criteria in James C. Scott’s book, Seeing Like a State for an authoritarian high modernist project, as it involves the ambitious administrative re-ordering of nature and society according to transformative state simplifications, significant coercion, and marginalization of smallholder farmer preferences and indigenous knowledge. However, with its heterogeneous networks of state and non-state actors and processes of commercialization, the reform differs from the monolithic state projects in Scott (1998). Rwandan state policies have been described as ‘liberalizing’ and ‘neoliberal’. The dissertation examines whether increased involvement of commercial non-state actors in agricultural reform in Rwanda has an effect on processes of spatial and institutional homogenisation and coercion. I also investigate the ways in which discourses and practices of (neo)liberalism in the agricultural sector intersect with state efforts to mould ideas of citizenship, development, and governance. Based on fieldwork in two districts of Rwanda in 2011 and 2013, and with reference to Foucauldian and Marxian concepts, I contend that although the government of Rwanda has incorporated neo-liberal policy tools into its administrative structures, this does not necessarily result in ‘liberalization’. Increased involvement of non-state actors can reinforce processes of spatial and institutional homogenisation and coercion, such as imposition of obligatory land use consolidation and government-approved commercial iii crops. The introduction of private profit-making mechanisms into state-directed systems characterised by coercion have provided material incentives for state and non-state actors to continue to use coercive measures to increase sales (of fertiliser, for example). The dissertation shows that the Rwandan state aims to create a new kind of Rwandan citizen, an entrepreneurial ‘modern farmer’ compliant with state policies, and fully integrated into commercial commodity-chains. Entrepreneurship, subjection to restrictive government policies, and patriotism are discursively intertwined, despite the tensions and contradictions this involves. These relationships are especially explicit in some geo-spatial contexts which represent ‘spaces of governance’ with particular characteristics. I also identify an emerging subject-type that incorporates elements of the state’s ideal development subject and farmer notions of resistance. By significantly extending Scott’s framework, the dissertation gives it new relevance to analysis of complex and heterogeneous authoritarian projects involving commercialization. iv Acknowledgements This research was financially supported by a Departmental scholarship from the Department of Geography and Environmental Studies (DGES) at Carleton University, an Ontario Graduate Scholarship, a Philip E. Uren Fellowship and an Ina Hutchinson Award. Versions of the chapters were presented at various conferences, with financial assistance from the DGES travel bursary and the Indian Ocean World MCRI at McGill University. I also received a small grant from the Land Deal Politics Initiative. I am very grateful for all these sources of support. The research was conducted with the permission of the Rwandan government, under research permits MINEDUC 802/12.00/2011, MINEDUC/S&T/0026/2011, and MINEDUC/S&T/0026/2013. I would like to thank the Rwandan Ministry of Education’s Directorate of Science, Technology and Research for processing the research permit applications, as well as several local government officials and civil servants for their willingness to answer my questions (they remain anonymous in accordance with ethics protocols for the research). I would like to thank all of the participants in this research for generously sharing their time and perspectives. The research would not have been possible without the excellent and dedicated work of the research assistants, particularly the primary field researcher v who must remain anonymous. May the furrow you hoe always bring fruit, even when the climate is harsh. My PhD co-supervisors Blair Rutherford and Simon Dalby have been extremely supportive and responsive, even in the midst of institutional changes. Committee member Marie-Eve Desrosiers consistently offered excellent advice in a very timely manner. Thank you all. Most of all I would like to thank my family, including Christine and Sudha for providing childcare and a place to work in peace, Siddhu and Safia for their flexibility and patience when their dad and mum were so busy, and especially Sheila for her daily moral, intellectual, and logistical support, which allowed the dissertation to be written. Sheila, I hope your current academic journey is even more fulfilling than mine. This dissertation is dedicated to all the people of Rwanda, particularly those in rural areas who work hard every day to navigate the risks and opportunities of the changing agricultural landscape; and to the memory of the late Alison Des Forges, a great academic and a wonderful human being. vi Contents Abstract ............................................................................................................................................ ii Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................... iv List of Acronyms ............................................................................................................................... x List of Figures .................................................................................................................................xiii List of Appendices .......................................................................................................................... xiv Chapter One: Introduction and Research Questions ....................................................................... 1 Post-Genocide Rwanda and Authoritarian High Modernism ...................................................... 1 Research Questions ..................................................................................................................... 9 Dissertation structure ................................................................................................................ 10 Chapter Two: Theoretical Framework ........................................................................................... 18 The Authoritarian High Modernism Theoretical Framework: its Strengths and Limitations .... 20 The ‘Authoritarian High Modernism’ model and the Fallacy of the Monolithic State .............. 22 Institutions and Actors ........................................................................................................... 22 Political Economy Perspectives .............................................................................................. 27 Forms of Power: Discipline, Sovereignty and Governmentality ................................................ 40 Governmentality and State Capacity in Africa ....................................................................... 45 Governmentality and Neoliberalism in Africa ....................................................................... 49 Resistance or Subjectification? .............................................................................................. 54 Geographical Context and ‘Spaces of Governance’ ................................................................... 57 ‘Global Governmentality’ ........................................................................................................... 59 Conclusion .................................................................................................................................. 64 Chapter Three: An Overview of the Political Economy of Agricultural Reform in Rwanda ........... 69 Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 69 The RPF and Post-Genocide State-Building ............................................................................... 70 Internal Drivers of Change in the Rwandan Agricultural Sector ................................................ 78 Agricultural Policy Development ............................................................................................... 79 The Goals of the Agricultural Reform ........................................................................................ 90 The Crop Intensification Programme ......................................................................................... 95 Exemplary Hills - Agasozi Ndatwa ........................................................................................ 100 The Aggregate Material Outcomes of the CIP ..................................................................... 101 vii The Land Law Reform............................................................................................................... 102 The Emergence of New Spaces of Governance in Rwanda ....................................................