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Preview: Protiviti's View on Emerging Risks
PreView Protiviti’s View on Emerging Risks Volume 2, Issue 2 Foreword As organizations continue to evolve their risk governance practices, focused and relevant information about emerging risks is at a premium. The objective of Protiviti’s PreView newsletter is to provide an input for these efforts as companies focus on risks that are developing in the market. In this issue, we expand on some of the megatrends we touched on in our previous issue to help organizations anticipate their potential ramifications. This issue’s topics focus on emerging economies and global interdependency, urbanization trends, demographic shifts and their ramifications, artificial intelligence as a game changer in business and technology, and startups, no longer confined to the well-known hubs. As you review this issue, we encourage you to think about your organization and ask probing questions: How will changing demographics affect our business model? Will new technology or worker migration reshape our future workforce? Should we pursue opportunities now, or wait for more certainty? The answers will differ significantly from industry to industry. And even though the next move on the strategic board may not be readily apparent, businesses should pay attention as these shifts will continue to influence the decisions of policymakers, competitors and consumers. Our framework for evaluation of these risks is rooted in the global risk categories designed by the World Economic Forum. Throughout this series, we will continue to use these categories as a framework for classifying macro-level topics and the challenges they present. In closing, we are very interested in your feedback. We plan to continue the conversation on emerging risks on our blog, “The Protiviti View” (blog.protiviti.com), and on our microsite (www.protiviti.com/emergingrisks). -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
EU-27 Watch No 8
EU-27 WATCH No. 8 ISSN 1610-6458 Issued in March 2009 Edited by the Institute for European Politics (IEP), Berlin in collaboration with the Austrian Institute of International Affairs, Vienna Institute for International Relations, Zagreb Bulgarian European Community Studies Association, Institute for World Economics of the Hungarian Sofia Academy of Sciences, Budapest Center for European Studies / Middle East Technical Institute for Strategic and International Studies, University, Ankara Lisbon Centre européen de Sciences Po, Paris Institute of International and European Affairs, Centre d’étude de la vie politique, Université libre de Dublin Bruxelles Institute of International Relations, Prague Centre d’Etudes et de Recherches Européennes Institute of International Relations and Political Robert Schuman, Luxembourg Science, Vilnius University Centre of International Relations, Ljubljana Istituto Affari Internazionali, Rome Cyprus Institute for Mediterranean, European and Latvian Institute of International Affairs, International Studies, Nicosia Riga Danish Institute for International Studies, Mediterranean Academy of Diplomatic Studies, Copenhagen University of Malta Elcano Royal Institute and UNED University, Madrid Netherlands Institute of International Relations European Institute of Romania, Bucharest ‘Clingendael’, The Hague Federal Trust for Education and Research, London Slovak Foreign Policy Association, Bratislava Finnish Institute of International Affairs, Helsinki Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Foundation -
Case Study: “We Don´T Want Islam in Czech Republic”
Case Study: We Don´t Want Islam in Czech Republic Jaroslav Valuch May 2018 Summary Martin Konvicka, co-founder and leader of the “We Don't Want Islam in Czech Republic” initiative (Islám v České republice nechceme – IVCRN) and one of its derivative movements, “Bloc Against Islam,” is currently under police investigation and awaiting trial for inciting hatred via comments on the Facebook page of the initiative. Inciting hatred against a group of persons or restricting their rights is a criminal offence according to the Czech legal code. This initiative started in 2009 as a very successful Facebook page community (the page had up to 160,000 followers in January 2016 before it was blocked by Facebook). It then morphed into a political movement with aspirations to gain representation in the Senate and parliament. At the height of his public political career, Konvicka and Bloc Against Islam received the endorsement of the President of the Czech Republic, who publicly supported the initiative by delivering a speech on their stage on November 17th 2015, the National Day of Fighting for Freedom and Democracy (anniversary of 1989 Velvet revolution). Konvicka decided to run in the Senate election in October 2016 with his new initiative called Alternative for Czech Republic (directly inspired by the German Alternative fur Deutschland). His run ended in failure, and he finished second from the bottom. Dangerous Speech Framework Analysis Social and Historical Context Since the rise of violent right-wing extremism after the Czech Velvet Revolution in 1989, measures to counter extremism (such as the training of security forces and the adoption of extremism and hate crime legislation) have been gradually implemented.1 The threat has received serious attention from even the highest political figures. -
(SRHR) in European Institutions. by Elena
Study for POLICY MAKERS on opposition to sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) in European institutions. by Elena Zacharenko Anti-gender mobilisations in Europe Study for policy makers on opposition to sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) in European institutions Author: Elena Zacharenko This study has been commissioned by Heidi Hautala MEP, Vice President of the European Parliament. Published in December 2020 Book cover illustration, design and layout by Laura Ospina - www.lauraennube.com 2 Table of CONTENTS Foreword from MEP Heidi Hautala.............................................................04 Executive summary.......................................................................................06 What is this study and who is it for? ........................................................... 08 Part 1: What drives the anti-gender movement?...........................................10 1.1 Origins and current manifestations...........................................................12 1.2 Global connections ..................................................................................13 1.3 The anti-gender movement in the EU...................................................... 16 1.4 Is it a backlash?........................................................................................23 1.5 Recommendations...................................................................................24 Part 2: Main anti-gender actors and their tactics at EU level........................26 2.1 Lobbying organisations -
HACKER GUIDE February 17 - 19, 2017
HACKER GUIDE February 17 - 19, 2017 1500 Stony Brook Road Web: www.cewit.org/hack Stony Brook, NY 11794-6040 Twitter: @CEWIT_SBU, #HackAtCEWIT Phone: 631-216-7000 Devpost: hackatcewit.devpost.com Email: [email protected] Slack: hackatcewit.slack.com, #team-sbu TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION I: SECTION VI: SCHEDULE WELCOME TO HACK@CEWIT – About Hack@CEWIT/CEWIT SECTION VII: – A Major League Hacking Event JUDGING PANEL AND PRIZES – General Logistics – Judging Panel – Connect – Prizes – Schedule Overview SECTION VIII: SECTION II: FAQS SPONSORS & COLLABORATORS SECTION III: RULES SECTION IX: EXTRAS – Extracting Serial Numbers from Currency with Zortag Technologies SECTION IV: MAPS – White Hat Hacking with MESH’D – Campus Map – Mini-Contests with MLH – CEWIT Building Map SECTION X: APPENDIX SECTION V: PEOPLE – Getting Started with OpenStack – CEWIT Leadership – Government Hubs – Keynotes – Hardware & Libraries – Hacker Gurus – Pinouts – Hack@CEWIT Organizers WELCOME TO HACK@CEWIT SECTION I Hack@CEWIT About CEWIT at Stony Brook University 43-Hour IoT and Microservices Hack The Center of Excellence in Wireless and Information Technology (CEWIT) President’s Day Weekend 2017 is a New York State-designated next generation research and education The Center of Excellence in Wireless and Information facility at Stony Brook University whose mission is three-fold: become Technology (CEWIT) at Stony Brook University recognized as a world leader in interdisciplinary research in the emerging, critical technologies of the information age, address the skilled technology Hack@CEWIT is the Center of Excellence in Wireless and Information worker shortage, and foster new enterprise development. Technology (CEWIT)’s inaugural region-wide, interdisciplinary student hackathon focusing on industry-relevant internet of things (IoT) and Hack@CEWIT Organizers microservices challenges in the Center’s 100,000 s.f., next-generation Dr. -
Creating Opportunities
Impacto Socioeconómico Creating opportunities Annual Report 16 2016 Annual Report 1 2 BBVA Bancomer Index Index About this Report Group Profile Group Profile 05 Corporate Philosophy 05 Mission and Vision 05 Corporate Governance 06 Corporate Governance System 06 Corporate Structure 07 Management Committee 07 Board of Directors 08 Code of Conduct 09 Business Model 11 Materiality and Dialog with Stakeholders 11 Tools for Consultations and Discussions with Stakeholders 12 Materiality Analysis 13 Materiality matrix and material issues 2016 14 Responsible business model 15 Social, environmental and reputational risks 17 Ecorating 17 Equator Principles 18 Anti-money Laundering and Preventing Funding of Terrorist Activity 19 Transformational 20 Presence 21 Importance of BBVA Bancomer in the Mexican economy 22 Reports Chairman of the Board of Directors 23 Deputy Chairman of the Board of Directors and CEO 25 Business Units Sales Network 29 Business Development 30 Wholesale Banking 30 Global Markets 30 Support Units 31 Internal Auditing 31 Legal Services 31 Finance 31 Risks 31 Engineering 31 Talent and Culture 31 CRR advertising campaigns and communication 32 Economic Impact Economic Impact 33 Analysis and Discussion of Business Development 33 Commercial activity 33 Social and Environmental Impact Social and Environmental Impact 37 Local 37 Single 42 “Internal” 50 Development 57 Environment 59 Awards Prizes and Awards 65 Appendices Global Reporting Initiative (GRI) Table of Contents 68 Independent Review Report 73 Global Compact and Sustainable Development Goals 76 Achievements in 2016 and Goals for 2017 77 Glossary 91 2016 Annual Report 3 About this Report 102-1, 102-5, 102-10, 102-45, 102-50, 102-51, 102-52, 102-54 About this Report The 2016 BBVA Bancomer Annual Report shows the results of the activities carried out by Grupo Financiero BBVA Bancomer S.A. -
Internal Politics and Views on Brexit
BRIEFING PAPER Number 8362, 2 May 2019 The EU27: Internal Politics By Stefano Fella, Vaughne Miller, Nigel Walker and Views on Brexit Contents: 1. Austria 2. Belgium 3. Bulgaria 4. Croatia 5. Cyprus 6. Czech Republic 7. Denmark 8. Estonia 9. Finland 10. France 11. Germany 12. Greece 13. Hungary 14. Ireland 15. Italy 16. Latvia 17. Lithuania 18. Luxembourg 19. Malta 20. Netherlands 21. Poland 22. Portugal 23. Romania 24. Slovakia 25. Slovenia 26. Spain 27. Sweden www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 The EU27: Internal Politics and Views on Brexit Contents Summary 6 1. Austria 13 1.1 Key Facts 13 1.2 Background 14 1.3 Current Government and Recent Political Developments 15 1.4 Views on Brexit 17 2. Belgium 25 2.1 Key Facts 25 2.2 Background 25 2.3 Current Government and recent political developments 26 2.4 Views on Brexit 28 3. Bulgaria 32 3.1 Key Facts 32 3.2 Background 32 3.3 Current Government and recent political developments 33 3.4 Views on Brexit 35 4. Croatia 37 4.1 Key Facts 37 4.2 Background 37 4.3 Current Government and recent political developments 38 4.4 Views on Brexit 39 5. Cyprus 42 5.1 Key Facts 42 5.2 Background 42 5.3 Current Government and recent political developments 43 5.4 Views on Brexit 45 6. Czech Republic 49 6.1 Key Facts 49 6.2 Background 49 6.3 Current Government and recent political developments 50 6.4 Views on Brexit 53 7. -
Britain's European Question and an In/Out Referendum
To be or not to be in Europe: is that the question? Britain’s European question and an in/out referendum TIM OLIVER* ‘It is time to settle this European question in British politics.’ David Cameron, 23 January 2013.1 Britain’s European question It came as no surprise to those who follow the issue of the European Union in British politics that David Cameron’s January 2013 speech on Europe excited a great deal of comment. The EU is among the most divisive issues in British politics. Cameron himself drew on this to justify his committing the Conservative Party, should it win the general election in 2015, to seek a renegotiated position for the UK within the EU which would then be put to the British people in an in/out referendum. Growing public frustrations at UK–EU relations were, he argued, the result of both a longstanding failure to consult the British people about their country’s place in the EU, and a changing EU that was undermining the current relationship between Britain and the Union. As a result, he argued, ‘the democratic consent for the EU in Britain is now wafer-thin’. Cameron’s speech was met with both criticism and praise from Eurosceptics and pro-Europeans alike.2 In a speech at Chatham House backing Cameron’s plan, the former Conservative prime minister Sir John Major best captured some of the hopes for a referendum: ‘The relationship with Europe has poisoned British politics for too long, distracted parliament from other issues and come close to destroying the Conservative Party. -
Star Citizen Manual Pdf
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50 YEARS of EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT HISTORY and Subjugated
European Parliament – 50th birthday QA-70-07-089-EN-C series 1958–2008 Th ere is hardly a political system in the modern world that does not have a parliamentary assembly in its institutional ‘toolkit’. Even autocratic or totalitarian BUILDING PARLIAMENT: systems have found a way of creating the illusion of popular expression, albeit tamed 50 YEARS OF EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT HISTORY and subjugated. Th e parliamentary institution is not in itself a suffi cient condition for granting a democratic licence. Yet the existence of a parliament is a necessary condition of what 1958–2008 we have defi ned since the English, American and French Revolutions as ‘democracy’. Since the start of European integration, the history of the European Parliament has fallen between these two extremes. Europe was not initially created with democracy in mind. Yet Europe today is realistic only if it espouses the canons of democracy. In other words, political realism in our era means building a new utopia, that of a supranational or post-national democracy, while for two centuries the DNA of democracy has been its realisation within the nation-state. Yves Mény President of the European University Institute, Florence BUILDING PARLIAMENT: BUILDING 50 YEARS OF EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT HISTORY PARLIAMENT EUROPEAN OF YEARS 50 ISBN 978-92-823-2368-7 European Parliament – 50th birthday series Price in Luxembourg (excluding VAT): EUR 25 BUILDING PARLIAMENT: 50 YEARS OF EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT HISTORY 1958–2008 This work was produced by the European University Institute, Florence, under the direction of Yves Mény, for the European Parliament. Contributors: Introduction, Jean-Marie Palayret; Part One, Luciano Bardi, Nabli Beligh, Cristina Sio Lopez and Olivier Costa (coordinator); Part Two, Pierre Roca, Ann Rasmussen and Paolo Ponzano (coordinator); Part Three, Florence Benoît-Rohmer; Conclusions, Yves Mény. -
What Happened to France's European Dream?
1 FROM FOUNDING FATHERS TO RELUCTANT EUROPEANS; WHAT HAPPENED TO FRANCE’S EUROPEAN DREAM? Lecture delivered by Lara Marlowe, France correspondent for The Irish Times, to the Association of Franco-Irish Studies annual conference, National Concert Hall Dublin, 23 May 2014 The European project is threatened by public apathy and indifference. It is suffocated by the complexity of EU institutions, thwarted by national egotism, and threatened by the rise of populist, europhobic parties. Exit polls last night showed that Geert Wilders’ anti-Europe Freedom Party performed poorly, but we won’t know until Sunday night whether europhobe parties will, as predicted, led the polls in France and Britain. Over the decades I’ve lived in Paris, I’ve watched friends, neighbours and colleagues fall out of love with Europe. In preparing this lecture, I’ve tried to understand why. For weeks, I’ve been asking French people how they feel about Europe. THE DISILLUSIONED At the National Front’s May Day rally, an elderly lady with white hair, a retired accountant, told me how immigrants “invaded” her neighbourhood in Montmartre. “There’s no more work; there’s nothing,” she said. “I want une Europe choisie – a chosen Europe. At the very least, I want people who join Europe to be at our level. Our shops are closing because everything is made by the Chinese. I miss the franc terribly. I want us to be sovereign in our own country, not taking orders from Brussels.” A few nights ago, I had dinner with a French businesswoman who votes for centrist, pro- European parties.