Poland in the European Union

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Poland in the European Union Poland in the European Union Ten Years of Active Membership Edited by: Henryk Chałupczak Ewa Pogorzała Piotr Tosiek Zamość 2014 PUBLICATION SERIES MONOGRAPHS AND ANALYSES NO. 25 SERIA WYDAWNICZA MONOGRAFIE I OPRACOWANIA NR 25 Review/Recenzja: prof. dr hab. Ivan Pankevych prof. dr hab. Konrad Zieliński © Copyright by State School of Higher Professional Education in Zamość Officina Simonidis All rights reserved/Wszystkie prawa zastrzeżone First Edition/Wydanie pierwsze Zamość 2014 Państwowa Wyższa Szkoła Zawodowa w Zamościu Wydawnictwo Officina Simonidis ul. Pereca 2, 22 - 400 Zamość tel. +48 84 638 34 44 e-mail: [email protected] Edition/Nakład: 200 ISBN: 978-83-61893-37-0 Print/Druk: EXPOL, P. Rybiński, J. Dąbek, sp.j. ul. Brzeska 4, 87-800 Włocławek tel. 54 232 37 23, e-mail: [email protected] Table of Contents Introduction .......................................................................................... 5 Part I. Political Dimensions of Poland`s Membership in the EU Joanna Sanecka-Tyczyńska ................................................................. 11 The Idea of raison d’état in the Contemporary Polish Political Thought in the Context of Poland’s Membership in the European Union (2004-2014) Piotr Tosiek ........................................................................................... 27 Poland in the EU Decision-Making System. Linking the Perspectives of Law and Political Science Rafał Riedel .......................................................................................... 37 Ten Years after the Constitutional Treaty Referendum – Lessons for Poland Henryk Chałupczak ............................................................................. 45 National Security Policy of Poland after Accession to the European Union Łukasz Potocki ..................................................................................... 59 Poland's Eastern Policy after Accession to the European Union Marta Michalczuk-Wlizło ................................................................... 75 Adjusting Polish Law to EU Law – Principles and Procedures for Enacting Laws Małgorzata Adamik-Szysiak ............................................................... 85 Video Rhetorics in Communication Strategies of Polish Political Parties – the Case of Election Campaigns to the European Parliament (2004-2014) Part II. Social Dimensions of Poland`s Membership in the EU Piotr Burgoński .................................................................................... 107 The Category of Equality in Polish Law and Policy after 2004 3 Marta Zwolan ....................................................................................... 121 Social Threats in Poland after Accession to the EU Ewa Godlewska .................................................................................... 135 The Influence of Membership in the Council of Europe and the European Union on the Status of Ethnic and National Minorities in Poland Ewa Pogorzała, Tomasz Browarek ..................................................... 147 The Impact of EU Accession on Protection of National and Ethnic Minorities in Poland Magdalena Lesińska-Staszczuk .......................................................... 163 EU Membership and Women’s Employment Situation in Poland Grzegorz Chałupczak .......................................................................... 177 Selected Problems of the Policy of Employment of Graduates in Poland after Accession to the European Union Małgorzata Samujło, Bronisław Samujło ......................................... 191 EU Support in the Field of Education - Selected Projects Financed by the ESF in the Lublin Region Aleksander Nieoczym .......................................................................... 199 European Funds as a Development Factor of the Sawin Commune 4 Introduction Ten years of Poland’s membership in the European Union seems to be a suffi- cient period to have some patterns of behaviour stabilised. Polish citizens, officials and politicians have gained experience in functioning of formal and informal proce- dures within the EU political system. Moreover, they had to participate in reforms and continue the process of adaptation to new rules. The main question is whether Poland’s accession has been successful. Membership in the European Union is characterised not only by advantages but also by flaws. In a common feeling the most successful elements of Poland’s mem- bership are: (a) cohesion policy symbolised by improvement in infrastructure; (b) net-transfers from EU budget within multiannual financial perspectives/ frameworks 2007-2013 and 2014-2020; (c) impact on EU’s external policy embodied in the concept of Eastern Partnership. The following phenomena are found unsuccessful: (a) outflow of labour force affecting social ties and destabilising labour market in the long run; (b) climate package policy and a threat of destabilization of Polish energy sector; (c) possibility of the second-order membership connected with non-attendance in the Eurozone. The following problems are perceived as challenges: (a) adaptation to the model of differentiated integration; (b) coordination of economic policies of member states; (c) long term migration policy. The aim of this book is to elaborate on the majority of these problems and spheres. The authors perceive Poland’s membership in the European Union as a multi- dimensional phenomenon that is very promising in explorative terms. At the same time this requires analysing and synthesizing by representatives of many disciplines with political science in a leading position. European integration is a complicated structural and functional process aimed at creating security, peace and welfare in the continent. The most important role in this process is still played by member states. For them the EU membership is a legal, social and political challenge. The authori- ties and citizens have to face problems of supranational decision making in a new type of policy featured by three main trends: widening (incorporating the countries of Central and Eastern Europe), deepening (connected with closer cooperation and 5 INTRODUCTION diminishing of states’ sovereignty) as well as economic and political crisis from 2008 (posing a threat of disintegration). The book consists of fifteen contributions referring to various problems of Po- land’s membership in the EU. Two main spheres can be functionally identified: pol- itics and society. The first relates to general political problems, foreign policy and domestic development; while the second one concerns general social problems and state’s policies towards some social groups, including case studies. Such a structural form is conceived to embrace a relatively broad range of topics, but not to offer the complete view of Poland’s European policy or reforms connected with membership. The first chapter tackles the problem of the idea of raison d’état in a political thought of post-accession Poland. EU membership resulted in conflicted positions of political parties in public debate concerning the sovereignty and reforms of the political system. Two main groups have appeared: advocates of the mainstream EU vision and defenders of traditional national interest. The second chapter elabo- rates the theoretical research concept focused on legal and political analysis of Poland’s EU membership. The main thought is rooted in the view that member states are still the most powerful elements of the EU decision making system, which paradoxically results in new complex and interrelated phenomena that can- not be fully controlled by those states. The third contribution is dedicated to the referenda on the EU constitution and lessons drawn from this experience which should be taken into account by some member states, including Poland. This anal- ysis is an attempt to observe the position of deliberative democracy in contempo- rary European Union. The fourth article analyses Poland’s national security policy after 2004. It is assumed that this policy is based on values oriented on protection of sovereignty, civilizational and economic development, protection of identity and national interest. The fifth chapter presents main elements of Polish Eastern Policy. It is stressed that Poland became one of principal creators of EU’s policy towards neighbouring countries, what is more, this policy was featured with new mechanisms and institutions. In the sixth contribution the principles of adaptation of Polish legal system to EU requirements are discussed. It is argued that Poland is obligated to monitor laws created within the EU system, to check national provi- sions for compatibility with those of the EU and to adapt them, if necessary. This resulted not only in the change of law content but also in altering legislative proce- dures. The first part is concluded by the chapter elaborating on communication strategies of Polish political parties in elections to the European Parliament. Abil- ity to use tools of political marketing can indicate the professionalization of elec- 6 INTRODUCTION toral operations, while electoral success depends on the acceptance of the right strategy aimed at creating the desired image of the politician or the party. The first chapter of the second part, concerned with social dimension, empha- sizes the role of re-definition of equality as a major category of social relations in the post-accession period. The prospective and actual membership in the European Union affected the evolution of concepts of equality
Recommended publications
  • Studia Politica 32014
    www.ssoar.info The 2014 European Elections. The Case of Poland Sula, Piotr Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Sula, P. (2014). The 2014 European Elections. The Case of Poland. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 14(3), 395-406. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-445354 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de The 2014 European Elections The Case of Poland PIOTR SULA Introduction This article presents the conduct and consequence of the election to the European Parliament held in Poland on 25 May 2014. It is a commonly accepted view that elections are inherent in the democratic order. Members of the European Parliament are elected following a similar procedure to that governing the elections to national Parliaments. Probably as widespread is the opinion that, since they do not result in the election of the executive branch of government, European elections are of less significance to the competing parties – which appear to prioritise their participation in the future government – than the competition for seats in the national parliament. As a consequence, the lesser impact of the decisions made at the ballot box is also translated into a less intense interest in the European elections expressed by the electorate.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • LSE European Politics and Policy (EUROPP) Blog: What Are the Prospects for the Polish Left? Page 1 of 4
    LSE European Politics and Policy (EUROPP) Blog: What are the prospects for the Polish left? Page 1 of 4 What are the prospects for the Polish left? Poland’s communist successor party has seen its opinion poll ratings increase in recent months. This upturn in support came after the revival of debates about the country’s communist past prompted by government legislation affecting the interests of its core electorate. But as Aleks Szczerbiak writes, the party’s leadership has failed to develop any new ideas or initiatives that can attract broader support beyond this declining group of former communist regime beneficiaries and functionaries. Without a political game-changer, the left will remain a marginal actor in Polish politics. Image from a Democratic Left Alliance campaign event ahead of the 2014 European Parliament elections, Credit: Democratic Left Alliance For most of the post-1989 period, the most powerful political and electoral force on the Polish left was the communist successor Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), which governed the country from 1993-97 and 2001-5. However, the Alliance has been in the doldrums since its support collapsed in the 2005 parliamentary election following a series of spectacular high-level corruption scandals. It contested the most recent October 2015 election – won decisively by the right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) party, the first political grouping in post-communist Poland to secure an outright parliamentary majority – as part of the ‘United Left’ (ZL) electoral coalition in alliance with the ‘Your Movement’ (TR) grouping. The latter was an anti-clerical social liberal party led by controversial businessman Janusz Palikot, which came from nowhere to finish third with just over 10% of the votes in the 2011 election but failed to capitalise on this success and saw its support decline steadily.
    [Show full text]
  • PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS in POLAND 25Th October 2015
    PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN POLAND 25th October 2015 European Elections monitor The Law and Justice Party win the parliamentary elections and the absolute majority Corinne Deloy Abstract: Five months after having been elected Andrzej Duda (PiS) as President of the Republic on 24th May last (with 51.55% of the vote) the Law and Justice Party (PiS) won the parlia- mentary elections that took place in Poland on 25th October. It won the absolute majority Results and should therefore be able to govern Poland alone over the next four years – a first in the country’s history since the fall of communism in 1989. The conservative and eurosceptic party, also who were disappointed with the PO. The People’s extremely attached to Poland’s Catholic identity Party (PSL), a centrist, agrarian party chaired by led by Jaroslaw Kaczynski, won 37.58% of the vote outgoing Prime Minister Janusz Piechocinski, won and 242 seats (+85 in comparison with the last 5.13% of the vote and 18 seats (- 10). parliamentary elections on 9th October 2011) in the Diet, the Lower Chamber of Parliament. It drew The left has disappeared from Parliament. The United ahead of Civic Platform (PO), the party of outgoing Left Coalition (ZL, Zjednoczona Lewica), formed of Prime Minister Eva Kopacz, which won 24.09% of the the Alliance between the Democratic Left (SLD) led vote and 133 seats (- 74). by Leszek Miller, Your Movement (TR, Twoj Ruch) Pawel Kukiz – a rock singer and protest candidate led by Janusz Palikot, the Socialist Party, the Greens who won 20.8% of the vote in the first round of the and the Labour Union (UP), won 7.55% of the vote presidential election on 10th May 2015 took third i.e.
    [Show full text]
  • Memory As Politics: Narratives of Communism and the Shape of a Community
    Memory as Politics: Narratives of Communism and the Shape of a Community by Katarzyna Korycki A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Katarzyna Korycki 2017 Memory as Poltics: Narratives of Communism and the Shape of a Community Katarzyna Korycki Doctor of Philosophy Department of Poltical Science University of Toronto 2017 Abstract This work traces how the past is politicized in post-transition spaces, how it enters the political language, and what effects it produces. Expanding the framework of collective memory literature and anchoring the story in Poland, I argue that the narratives of past communism structure political competition and affect the present-day imaginary of common belonging - that is, they determine political positions of players and they reveal who is included in and excluded from the conception of the ‘we.’ First, I develop the concept of mnemonic capital - a politically productive symbolic resource that accrues to political players based on their turn to, and judgment of, the past - and demonstrate how the distribution of that capital results in sharply differentiated political identities. (I identify four positions generalizable to other post-transition settings.) Second, I trace how narratives of the past constitute the boundary of the ‘we’. I find that in their approaches and judgments of communism, the current political elites conflate communism and Jewishness. In doing so, they elevate the nation and narrow its meaning to ascriptive, religion-inflected, ethnicity. Third, I argue that the field of politics and the field of belonging interact and do not simply exist on parallel planes.
    [Show full text]
  • Do Entrepreneurial Parties Make Any Difference for Polish Politics? the Case of the Palikot Movement Andf Kukiz'15
    vol� 63(3)/2019, pp� 92–116 DOI: 10�15804/athena�2019�63�07 www�athenaeum�umk�pl ISSN 1505-2192 DO ENTREPRENEURIAL PARTIES MAKE ANY DIFFERENCE FOR POLISH POLITICS? THE CASE OF THE PALIKOT MOVEMENT AND KUKIZ’15* CZY PARTIE PRZEDSIĘBIORCÓW WNIOSŁY COŚ NOWEGO DO POLSKIEJ POLITYKI? RUCH PALIKOTA I KUKIZ’ 15 Beata Kosowska-Gąstoł** , Katarzyna Sobolewska-Myślik*** — ABSTRACT — — ABSTRAKT — Economic crisis together with the overall crisis of Kryzys gospodarczy wraz z ogólnym kryzysem liberal democracy have caused social discontent liberalnej demokracji wywołały niezadowolenie and disappointment with existing mainstream społeczne i rozczarowanie istniejącymi partiami parties, which have been blamed for not being głównego nurtu, które obwinia się o to, że nie able to cope with emerging problems� At the są w stanie poradzić sobie z pojawiającymi się same time new parties, which have presented problemami� W tym samym czasie powstały themselves as an alternative, have appeared i zdołały wejść do parlamentów nowe ugrupo- and entered parliaments� Some of them can be wania, które przedstawiają się jako alternatywa regarded as entrepreneurial ones� In the case wobec istniejących partii� Niektóre z nich można of Poland this is the Palikot Movement, which uznać za partie politycznych przedsiębiorców� managed to overcome the electoral threshold W przypadku Polski należy wymienić Ruch Pali- in 2011, and Kukiz’15, which did the same four kota, któremu udało się pokonać próg wyborczy years later� Both organizations have criticized w 2011 roku, i Kukiz’15,
    [Show full text]
  • The October 2015 Polish Parliamentary Election
    An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The october 2015 Polish parliamentary election Article (Accepted Version) Szczerbiak, Aleks (2016) An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The october 2015 Polish parliamentary election. Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 18 (4). pp. 404-427. ISSN 1570-5854 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/63809/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The October 2015 Polish parliamentary election Abstract The October 2015 Polish parliamentary election saw the stunning victory of the right-wing opposition Law and Justice party which became the first in post-communist Poland to secure an outright parliamentary majority, and equally comprehensive defeat of the incumbent centrist Civic Platform.
    [Show full text]
  • NEE 2015 2 FINAL.Pdf
    ADVERTISEMENT NEW EASTERN EUROPE IS A COLLABORATIVE PROJECT BETWEEN THREE POLISH PARTNERS The City of Gdańsk www.gdansk.pl A city with over a thousand years of history, Gdańsk has been a melting pot of cultures and ethnic groups. The air of tolerance and wealth built on trade has enabled culture, science, and the Arts to flourish in the city for centuries. Today, Gdańsk remains a key meeting place and major tourist attraction in Poland. While the city boasts historic sites of enchanting beauty, it also has a major historic and social importance. In addition to its 1000-year history, the city is the place where the Second World War broke out as well as the birthplace of Solidarność, the Solidarity movement, which led to the fall of Communism in Central and Eastern Europe. The European Solidarity Centre www.ecs.gda.pl The European Solidarity Centre is a multifunctional institution combining scientific, cultural and educational activities with a modern museum and archive, which documents freedom movements in the modern history of Poland and Europe. The Centre was established in Gdańsk on November 8th 2007. Its new building was opened in 2014 on the anniversary of the August Accords signed in Gdańsk between the worker’s union “Solidarność” and communist authorities in 1980. The Centre is meant to be an agora, a space for people and ideas that build and develop a civic society, a meeting place for people who hold the world’s future dear. The mission of the Centre is to commemorate, maintain and popularise the heritage and message of the Solidarity movement and the anti-communist democratic op- position in Poland and throughout the world.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 5. Polish Rural Areas and Agriculture As Beneficiaries of the European Union Funds – Iwona Nurzyńska
    Team of authors: Agnieszka Baer-Nawrocka, Jerzy Bartkowski, Barbara Chmielewska, Barbara Fedyszak-Radziejowska, Izasław Frenkel, Piotr Gradziuk, Iwona Nurzyńska, Walenty Poczta, Renata Przygodzka, Jerzy Wilkin, Józef St. Zegar Cover design: Katarzyna Juras Cover photo © © puchan / Fotolia.com ISBN 978-83-7383-862-8 doi: 10.7366/9788373838628 Copyright © by Foundation for the Development of Polish Agriculture (FDPA), Warsaw 2016 The views expressed here are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official opinion of the FDPA. Foundation for the Development of Polish Agriculture ul. Gombrowicza 19, 01-682 Warszawa www.fdpa.org.pl; e-mail: [email protected] Typesetted by Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar Sp. z o.o. ul. Wiślana 8 00-317 Warszawa www.scholar.com.pl; e-mail: [email protected] Contents Preface .............................................................................................................................. 7 Chapter 1. Polish rural areas vs. the country and Europe – synthesis of the Report – Jerzy Wilkin .................................................................................................................. 9 Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 9 1.1. Development gaps separating the rural areas from towns start to close ................. 10 1.2. Transformations of the rural population .................................................................. 10 1.3. Polish agriculture – progress and underdevelopment
    [Show full text]
  • CEEMR Vol 6 No 2.Pdf
    Editor in Chief Editorial Board Agata Górny Zuzanna Brunarska Kathy Burrell Piotr Koryś Associate Editor in Chief Yana Leontiyeva Magdalena Lesińska Aleksandra Grzymała-Kazłowska Stefan Markowski Justyna Nakonieczna-Bartosiewicz Joanna Nestorowicz Managing Editor Aneta Piekut Renata Stefańska Paolo Ruspini Brygida Solga Paweł Strzelecki Anne White Advisory Editorial Board Marek Okólski, Chairman Solange Maslowski SWPS, UW, Warsaw ChU, Prague Olga Chudinovskikh Ewa Morawska MSU, HSE, Moscow UE, Essex Barbara Dietz Mirjana Morokvasic IOS, Regensburg CNRS, Paris Boris Divinský Jan Pakulski Bratislava UTAS, Hobart Dušan Drbohlav Dorota Praszałowicz ChU, Prague JU, Cracow Elżbieta Goździak Krystyna Romaniszyn GU, Washington, CeBaM, Poznan JU, Cracow Agnes Hars John Salt Kopint-Tárki, Budapest UCL, London Romuald Jończy Dumitru Sandu WUE, Wroclaw UB, Bucharest Paweł Kaczmarczyk Krystyna Slany UW, Warsaw JU, Cracow Olga Kupets Dariusz Stola NaUKMA, Kyiv PAS, CC, Warsaw Cezary Żołędowski UW,Warsaw Adaptation of the CEEMR website – modernisation and update of the content – for application for indexation in international publications databases, in particular Scopus and DOAJ, as well as proofreading of articles in English are financed from the funds of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education allocated for the dissemination of science under the agreement 765/P-DUN/2016. ISSN 2300–1682 Editorial office: Centre of Migration Research, University of Warsaw, Banacha 2b, 02–097 Warsaw, e-mail: [email protected] © Copyright by Centre of Migration Research,
    [Show full text]
  • W WALCE O HEGEMONIĘ? Religia W Polskiej Sferze Publicznej Na Przykładzie Debat Sejmowych
    W WALCE O HEGEMONIĘ? Religia w polskiej sferze publicznej na przykładzie debat sejmowych Katarzyna Zielińska W WALCE O HEGEMONIĘ? Religia w polskiej sferze publicznej na przykładzie debat sejmowych Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego Recenzenci dr hab. Anna Horolets, prof. UG dr hab. Andrzej Bukowski Projekt okładki Magdalena Warzecha Publikacja jest efektem prac badawczych realizowanych w ramach projektu „Religia w polskiej polityce w kontekście integracji europejskiej” fi nansowanego ze środków Narodowego Centrum Nauki (grant nr 5535/B/H03/2011/40) i została dofi nansowana przez Wydział Filozofi czny Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego © Copyright by Katarzyna Zielińska & Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego Wydanie I, Kraków 2018 All rights reserved Niniejszy utwór ani żaden jego fragment nie może być reprodukowany, przetwarzany i roz- powszechniany w jakikolwiek sposób za pomocą urządzeń elektronicznych, mechanicznych, kopiujących, nagrywających i innych oraz nie może być przechowywany w żadnym systemie informatycznym bez uprzedniej pisemnej zgody Wydawcy. ISBN 978-83-233-4405–6 ISBN 978-83-233-9781–6 (e-book) www.wuj.pl Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego Redakcja: ul. Michałowskiego 9/2, 31-126 Kraków tel. 12-663-23-80, tel./fax 12-663-23-83 Dystrybucja: tel. 12-631-01-97, tel./fax 12-631-01-98 tel. kom. 506-006-674, e-mail: [email protected] Konto: PEKAO SA, nr 80 1240 4722 1111 0000 4856 3325 Dla Bena, Mai i Marcela Spis treści WPROWADZENIE .................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Law and Justice's Stunning Victory in Poland Reflected Widespread
    blogs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2015/11/02/law-and-justices-stunning-victory-in-poland-reflected-widespread-disillusionment-with-the- countrys-ruling-elite/ Law and Justice’s stunning victory in Poland reflected widespread disillusionment with the country’s ruling elite What does the recent parliamentary election in Poland tell us about the country’s politics? Aleks Szczerbiak writes that the victory secured by the right-wing opposition party Law and Justice stemmed from widespread disillusionment with Poland’s ruling elite. He notes that the usual strategy employed by the ruling party, Civic Platform, of trying to mobilise the ‘politics of fear’ against Law and Justice was not successful this time. The election result heralds major changes on the political scene including a leadership challenge in Civic Platform, the emergence of new ‘anti-system’ and liberal political forces in parliament, and a period of soul searching for the marginalised Polish left. Poland’s October 25th parliamentary election saw a stunning victory for the right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) party, previously the main opposition grouping. The party increased its share of the vote by 7.7 per cent – compared with the previous 2011 poll – to 37.6 per cent, securing 235 seats in the 460-member Sejm, the more powerful lower house of the Polish parliament. This made Law and Justice the first political grouping in post-communist Poland to secure an outright parliamentary majority. At the same time, the centrist Civic Platform (PO), the outgoing ruling party led by prime minister Ewa Kopacz, suffered a crushing defeat, seeing its vote share fall by 15.1 per cent to only 24.1 per cent and number of seats drop to 138.
    [Show full text]