DOCSLIB.ORG

Transformation of Forms of Political Participation of Youth in Present-Day Ukrainę

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Transformation of Forms of Political Participation of Youth in Present-Day Ukrainę Zeszyty Naukowe Państwowej Wyższej Szkoły Zawodowej im. Witelona w Legnicy ISSN 1896-8333, e-ISSN 2449-9013 nr 32(3)/2019 Yaroslav Komarnytskyi Ivan Franko Drohobych State Pedagogical University Department of Jurisprudence, Sociology, and Political Science numer ORCID http://orcid.org/0000-0001-8043-9248 e-mail: [email protected] Nazarii Yurchyshyn Ivan Franko Drohobych State Pedagogical University Faculty of History numer ORCID http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3027-0127 e-mail: [email protected] Transformation of forms of political participation of youth in present-day Ukrainę SUMMARY This paper analyses various forms of political engagement of the youth in chrono- logical order, taking modern Ukraine as an example. The important role of the youth in the development of a civil society has been indicated, with a particular stress on their participation in the events of the Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity. It has been established that the political activity of the youth in Ukraine is characterized by both decrease and increase of sociopolitical activity, by periodic disappointment with the course and results of some political processes, a scarce representation of youth in the power structures, and the absence of the unified state system of political sociali- zation. This paper supports the view that the idea of European integration has become one of the most significant causes of noticeable changes in the political consciousness of the youth towards its activation and has brought to life some new forms of its political activity. Key words: youth, political participation, political engagement, forms of political engagement, political activity, political socialization of youth. The introduction After 2013 - 2014 revolutionary events Ukraine has firmly stepped forward on a paved road of European development. It is now experiencing a period of deep reforms in all spheres of social life, formation of a civil society, and a lawful state. At the realization of the before mentioned and several other implied tasks the exclusive role belongs to younger genera- tions who have always acted as a force capable to cany out positive changes in the coun­ try defined by concrete situations and circumstances of time. After all, the attitude of the young to the deep transformational processes in contemporary Ukraine is evidently very 146 Yaroslav Komarnytskyi, Nazarii Yurchyshyn demanding, and they react to incompetence and dishonesty of the representatives of the power and disrespect of freedom and justice with considerable sharpness. Besides, it is a sig- nificantly important fact that in a democratic society the young view political participation as a means of achievement of their purposes, the realization of the requirements for their self- expression and self-affirmation and upbringing of good citizenship. All the above-mentioned facts actualize the research of the essence, forms, and roles of political participation of youth in the conditions of contemporary development of Ukraine Nowadays there are many works devoted to the problems of political activity or the civic position of the youth. The concept of political participation as the activity of a group of peo- ple guided by political interests is analyzed in the research works of G. Almond, S. Verba, R. Dal’, and many others. Among the most influential Ukrainian researchers of the prob­ lems concerned with political participation of youth the following ones should be mentioned: V. Bortnikov, M. Holovatyi, O. Karetna, A. Kolodiy, O. Korniyevskyi, I. Kresina, N. Rotar, and others. The question of an influence of social-psychological factors on the level of readi- ness of the Ukrainian youth to political participation has been investigated in L. Kyiashko’s monograph1. The problems of youth and youth movement in Ukraine have been studied by V. Ossovskyi, O. Balakirieva, V. Holovenko, and others. At the same time, despite a con- siderable number of publications, multifarious directions and approaches, the investigation of political participation of youth ought to be continued and reconsiderated, as the role of the young people in political processes is changing over time and in the course of transforma- tions, which take plce in the Ukrainian society. The article’s purpose, hence, is to analyze the transformation of forms of political par­ ticipation of youth in the period of independ Ukraine. The statement of the basic materiał There exists a considerable amount of interpretations of the concept of “political participa­ tion”, which displays an evolution from its special to more general representations. On the basis of an analysis of the discourse of political participation in the contemporary domestic political science, political participation is understood as the influence of citizens, including young ones, on the institutes of the power and on decision-making processes, that is, as their active engagement into the political process. The political participation of the young is real- ised through their actions in protest manifestations (meetings, rallies, demonstrations, strikes, picketing, etc.), participation in the activities of public organisations, political parties, voting at elections, control of the state activities and municipal authorities, and so on. In their defini- tion of political participation N. Nie and S. Verba1 2 specify the necessity of a legal character of this participation, that is, that this participation should have a lawful basis. As a matter of fact, different regions of Ukraine have their particular specificity of political consciousness and forms of the participation of youth in the political life. Therefore, there exists a necessity of political integration of youth aimed to achieve the stabilization of the society. During the latest decades the Ukrainians have become participants of several social 1 L. Kyiashko, Politychna uchast’molodisucgasnoyi Ukrainy:psykholohichni chynnykyaktyvizatsiyi, Kyiv 2013, 216 s. 2 S. Verba, N. Nie, J. Kim, Participation and political equality, Cambrige University Press, 1978, p. 6. Transformation of forms o f political participation o f younth in present-day Ukrainę 147 revolutions. The protest actions of students which took place in October, 1990 and acquired the name “a revolution on granite”, accelerated the processes of the acquisition of independ- ence by Ukraine. Since then, political participation has obtained different forms and scales. At the same time, no mass activity was observed at that time, as there was a fear of repres- sions from the authorities. After the revolution on granite its participants could not take part in parliamentary elections, because the Verkhovna Rada (alias Supreme Council) blocked such a possibility, having introduced the age qualification of 25 years3. The young were not admitted into the politics, so, the revolution’s leaders could not use the achieved victory in the country’s interests. From the mid 1990s, in the period of democracy curtailment in Ukraine, political par­ ticipation of youth was reduced to voting at elections and participation in the activity of political parties and youth public associations. However, the number of the youth taking part in the activity of these establishments was insignificant. The youth then kept away from the political processes. It was not that the power showed no interest to the young, but their engagement into the politics occurred rather by directions “from above”, that’s why it was not successful. The attitude of the young generation to the youth organisations, which were created by the political parties, was quite sceptical. Probably, O. Petrun’ko is right to consider the reasons of low political activity of youth as follows: the lack of cor- responding motivation, presence of other interests, unwillingness to bear any responsibil- ity, negative attitude to politics in general, and disappointment in certain political public leaders and ideas4. A sharp increase of political activity of youth took place in the presidential election cam- paign in November - December of 2004, which received the name of “Orange revolution”. The youth then chose active forms of protestant electoral participation, whereas their tents pitched on the Square of Independence and participation in numerous meetings oviously demonstrated their aspirations for political changes in the country. Their political conscious- ness and conviction in their rightfulness caused their internal firmness to be on the Maidan until a more or less significant result would have been achieved. It should be noticed, that the Orange revolution generated new experience of electoral participation, outlined new forms of political activity, and became the evidence of a successful mobilisation for protest actions of a significant number of Ukrainian citizens. The young people attempted to change the world for better and hoped for a fast embodiment of the Maidan ideals in the state right after the elections. However, less than a year had passed when the tendency of social pessimism prevalence in the country returned practically its previous level, demonstrating the same disbelief in poli- ticians and loss of interest to political life altogether. It is confirmed by the data of a socologi- cal polling held in 2006 on the subject “The Position of Ukraine’s student youth”, in which only 16% of the surveyed students declared that they constantly follow political events, 46,2% stated that they paid their attention to politics but periodically. For 36% of the respondents showed no interest
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Society – the Decisive Player in Ukrainian Politics?
    Society – the decisive player in Ukrainian politics? Grzegorz Gromadzki, Expert cooperating with the Institute of Public Affairs, Warsaw Łukasz Wenerski, Analyst in the European Programme, Institute of Public Affairs, Warsaw Society Society This study is first in a series of pol- The current political development icy briefs on Europe and its neigh- in Ukraine shows that in 2014 this bours in the east and south. In this country is facing the most difficult – series we will publish papers com- period in its history of being an in- the decisive player in Ukrainian politics? Ukrainian in player decisive the missioned or produced by the Ber- dependent state, which began in telsmann Stiftung in the framework 1991. The authorities, which carry of its work in this field. This policy out anti-democratic actions, are de- brief is the product of the Bertels- termined to stay in power using all mann Stiftung’s cooperation with means possible to achieve their the Warsaw-based Institute of Pub- goal. Thus, the next few months will lic Affairs. The text was completed be a battle between the ruling elite on 17 of February 2014. and the political opposition. The main question is: what will the role Society – the decisive player in of society be, in particular its active Ukrainian politics? part, in this difficult and decisive pe- riod for the future of Ukraine? A The scale of the protests that short analysis of Ukrainian society started in November 2013 was a over the last 25 years and some re- surprise even for the most experi- flections on the current political sit- enced observers of Ukraine’s polit- uation are needed to answer this ical and social life.
    [Show full text]
  • From the 'Revolution on Granite' to the 'Revolution
    FROM THE ‘REVOLUTION ON GRANITE’ TO THE ‘REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY’: ANTI-GOVERNMENT PROTESTS IN POST-SOVIET UKRAINE MAKSYMENKO O. O. Institute of Sociology of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine Kyiv, Ukraine Euromaidan, also known as the ‘Revolution of Dignity’, has undoubtedly become a turning point in Ukraine’s post-Soviet history. Thousands of people poured into the streets, and they not only protested against the government’s sudden decision to abandon the planned signing of landmark agreements with the EU, but also demanded democracy, social justice and civil liberties. However, it was not the first time that Ukrainians overtly expressed their discontent with government policies: Kyiv’s Independence Square, often mentioned as ‘Maidan’, had witnessed at least five waves of civil disobedience by then. The first one, which went down in history as the ‘Revolution on Granite’, took place in 1990 — the year when the socialist world-system was falling apart and communist ideology, as its inseparable part, was leaving the stage. It was a two-week hunger strike initiated by students calling for the resignation of the then Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Ukraine, Vitalii Masol, who was seen as a major impediment to liberalising the country’s Soviet-style economy [3, p. 1]. The other demands included nationalisation of the Communist Party’s property and multiparty elections. The ‘Revolution on Granite’ is believed to have served as a blueprint for other protest actions such as ‘Ukraine Without Kuchma’ campaign (2000–2001), the ‘Orange Revolution’ (2004), the ‘Tax Maidan’ (2010) and, finally, Euromaidan (2013–2014).
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction Marian J
    Introduction Marian J. Rubchak In 1990 students from the National University in Kyiv formed a move- ment of youthful activists committed to social change. Dissatisfi ed with the absence of democracy, and inspired by the example of the Chinese students’ hunger strike in Tiananmen Square, they erected a “tent en- campment” on Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Independence Square), where on 2 October a core of 150–200 students commenced a hunger strike. It quickly attracted about 2,000 new participants and continued to build support by the thousands each day until the students staged a demonstra- tion in front of the Ukrainian Parliament building on 15 October. One of their leaders, Oles Doniy, presented a list of demands before the legislative body, and urged students everywhere to coordinate supportive sit-ins at their own institutions.1 That same day some of the protestors took possession of the University building in Kyiv, while those demonstrating at the Supreme Soviet (parlia- ment) broke into smaller groups and carried their message to schools and factories throughout the city, with a signifi cant measure of success. Pro- communist workers from the Arsenal factory—a communist stronghold— soon joined the youthful activists. This was a major turning point in the students’ protests, strengthened by the fact that their peers from all over the country were adding their endorsements. The “blindsided” authorities capitulated and on 17 October agreed to some of the protesters’ demands. Among them were resignation of the authoritarian prime minister, Vitaly Andreyevich Masol, multiparty elections, and deployment of Ukrainian men in military service only within their home territory.
    [Show full text]
  • Youth Public Organizations in European Integration Processes of Ukraine
    International Relations and Diplomacy, September 2018, Vol. 6, No. 9, 507-517 D doi: 10.17265/2328-2134/2018.09.004 D AV I D PUBLISHING Youth Public Organizations in European Integration Processes of Ukraine Olena Aleksandrova, Oksana Salata Borys Grinchenko Kyiv University, Kyiv, Ukraine It is described in the article the participation of Ukrainian youth NGOs in the process of European integration; the stages of the formation and development of youth NGOs, that revealed the pattern in their creation connected with the appropriate transformation of the values of modern Ukrainian youth. Pointed out that the formation of value orientations of Ukrainian youth took place with the development and consolidation of democratic values in Ukrainian society. Underlined the issue of solving problems of the formation and implementation of the state youth policy in Ukraine, participation of young people and youth associations in the processes of state building and development of a democratic society. It is proved that youth is an important factor in social and political processes in Ukraine and the most active participant in the state social and political life. The character of modern youth movements and the influence on informal youth initiatives on society are revealed. Some specific features of the development of modern youth public organizations in Ukraine and their involving in the process of decentralization-participation of young people in the activities of local government bodies, at all levels are outlined. The role of international organizations in supporting the youth organizations of Ukraine and involving the younger generation in international projects is shown, which also promoted the more active integration of Ukrainian society into the European community.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ukrainian Weekly, 2020
    INSIDE: l Archbishop of Cyprus recognizes Orthodox Church of Ukraine – page 3 l Holodomor education: lesson plans and webinars – page 4 l Chef elevates Ukrainian cuisine as key to national identity – page 8 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXXXVIII No. 44 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 2020 $2.00 Ukrainian National Guardsman Markiv Ukrainians choose local leaders appeals his conviction by Italian court and deputies in historic elections by Roman Tymotsko The prime minister also reminded the public that safety is essential during these KYIV – On October 25, local elections elections. Therefore, he called on Ukrainians were held nationwide in Ukraine, except in to adhere to anti-epidemic measures at poll- the temporarily occupied Autonomous ing stations. “Take your own pen with you Republic of Crimea and parts of Donetsk and leave the children at home. Follow social and Luhansk oblasts. The elections were distancing, wear a mask, and use antiseptic held on a new administrative-territorial before and after visiting the station. Show basis, as new united territorial communi- your passport to the members of the com- ties have been created in connection with missions; avoid handing it over to others,” decentralization reform. advised Mr. Shmyhal. “The government has changed the out- The Ukrainian Weekly’s reporter experi- dated division into raions, which was adopt- enced the quarantine restrictions at his ed in the first half of the last century. It trans- polling station. To enter, voters had to wear ferred more power to the communities, a protective mask; the entire staff of the forming almost 1,500 united territorial com- station also complied with the rules.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine's Two Maidans: How Competition Between the Grassroots and the Political Opposition During the Euromaidan Revolution Pa
    Ukraine’s Two Maidans: How Competition Between the Grassroots and the Political Opposition During the Euromaidan Revolution Paved the Way for a New Civic Culture Christopher G. Collison A thesis Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Studies: Russian, East European, and Central Asian Studies University of Washington 2017 Committee: Laada Bilaniuk Christopher Jones Volodymyr Lysenko Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Jackson School of International Studies ©Copyright 2017 Christopher G. Collison University of Washington Abstract Ukraine’s Two Maidans: How Competition Between the Grassroots and the Political Opposition During the Euromaidan Revolution Paved the Way for a New Civic Culture Christopher G. Collison Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Laada Bilaniuk Anthropology This project examines the growth of urban civic activity in Kyiv, Ukraine since the 2013-2014 Euromaidan revolution and analyzes changing dynamics of the country’s civic culture. It argues that the Euromaidan uprising was driven by two competing “Maidans” — the opposition political party leaders and the grassroots, or public. Those two blocs competed for influence over the events and cooperated only when it was necessary to advance shared goals, leading to distrust following the ouster of Viktor Yanukovych. Investigating the processes that shaped Euromaidan and situating the events in the broader context of popular uprisings and social protest in independent Ukraine reveals a diminished role for political parties in shaping the public sphere as urban activists embark on small-scale initiatives outside traditional institutions following Euromaidan. This paper explores how the public’s larger role in the second revolution and the marginalization of the political opposition paved the way for more sustained grassroots activity in the uprising’s aftermath.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine's Path Towards Democratisation. Interviews With
    Ukraine’s path towards democratisation. Interviews with Viktor Yushchenko, Mykola Riabchuk, Maria Tomak ● ● ● ● ● ● edited by I w o n a R e i c h a r d t and Paweł Kowal [Warszawa] Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej Rocznik VII, 2017 ISSN 2084-0578 DOI: 10.26774/wrhm.176 Introduction1 Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Ukrainians have been com- ing to Kyiv’s main square (today called the Maidan Nezalezhnosti or In- dependence Square in English) to protest against the ruling elite and the dire situation in their country2. The first gathering took place in September 1990, one year before the collapse of the USSR3. The protest was initiated by a group of approximately 200 students who called for a hunger strike. Their demonstrations became later known as the Revolution on Granite. The name of this protest was a direct reference to the tents (approx. 50) which were set up on Kyiv’s central square, where the protesters declared a “commu- nism-free zone”. Among the protest's participants were members of today’s 1 This paper was written within the framework of the “3 Revolutions” project imple- mented by the College of Europe in Natolin. 2 See: O. Onuch, Mapping Mass Mobilization. Understanding Revolutionary Moments in Argentina and Ukraine, New York 2014; T. Kuzio, Democratic Revolution in Ukra- ine: From Kuchmagate to Orange Revolution, Oxford 2013; Revolution in Orange: The Origins of Ukraine’s Democratic Breakthrough, ed. by A. Aslund, M. MacFaul, Washington 2006; A. Wilson, Ukraine’s Orange Revolution, New Haven 2006; Ukraine’s Euromaidan: Analyses of a Civil Revolution, ed.
    [Show full text]
  • OSW Commentary
    OSW Commentary CENTRE FOR EASTERN STUDIES NUMBER 404 24.08.2021 www.osw.waw.pl A durable state The 30th anniversary of Ukraine’s independence Tadeusz A. Olszański On 24 August 1991, Ukraine proclaimed independence, and a few months later (together with Russia and Belarus) it brought about the dissolution of the USSR. At the time of its founda- tion, the Ukrainian state was a continuation of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic; on the one hand, this delayed the de-Communisation of the organisational and legal system, but on the other, it saved the country from having to build up state institutions from scratch. After nearly a quarter of a century, the hour of its greatest trial arrived – revolution and war with Russia. Ukraine passed this test: it did not unilaterally implement the political part of the Minsk agreements which posed a direct threat to it, nor has it fallen into the group of ‘failed states’. The main threat to its future is not so much the ongoing conflict in the Donbas or the weakness of the economy, but rather demographic collapse: during its nearly thirty years of independence, it has lost a fifth of its population. The path away from the USSR ... Contrary to the rhetoric of the nationalists in Lviv and Kyiv, the efforts of the UPA in the 1940s did not lay the foundation of today’s independent Ukraine. The state would have arisen without them anyway, although it would have been different in nature. In fact, its roots go back to the Ukrainian People’s Republic of 1917–1920 – an inefficient state, not fully formed, but sufficiently capable of defending itself to impose on Bolshevik Russia the idea of being​​ separate from it (albeit within the Empire).
    [Show full text]
  • Youth As an Agent for Change: the Next Generation in Ukraine
    YOUTH AS AN AGENT FOR CHANGE: THE NEXT GENERATION IN UKRAINE NADIA DIUK NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR DEMOCRACY Abstract: Young people played important roles in the Ukrainian protest movements of 1990 and 2004. However, they were not able to institutionalize their participation in the political process. While Ukrainian youth have less trust in their country’s institutions than do young people in Russia and Azerbaijan, they are more active in non-governmental organizations than their peers in other post-Soviet countries, providing hope that they will once again play a role in politics. However, the current obstacles to entering the formal political system suggest that this participation may ultimately be directed toward further involvement in street protests. “Nothing is more false that the usual assumption uncritically shared by most students of generations that the younger generation is ‘progres- sive’ and the older generation eo ipso conservative… Whether youth will be conservative, reactionary, or progressive, depends (if not entirely, at least primarily) on whether or not the existing social structure and the position they occupy in it provide opportunities for the promotion of their own social and intellectual ends.” – Karl Mannheim, “The Problem of Generations”1 wo decades have passed since the Soviet Union dissolved and fifteen Tnew states emerged out of its ashes. Each of these states has a new Nadia Diuk is Vice President, Programs – Africa, Central Europe and Eurasia, Latin America and the Caribbean, National Endowment for Democracy, Suite 800, 1025 F street, NW, Washington DC 20004; ([email protected]). The article benefited from grants from the Smith- Richardson Foundation.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Movement Protest Alliances of Ukrainian Maidan 2013-2014
    Pro-democracy in the sheets but less in the streets: social movement protest alliances of Ukrainian Maidan 2013-2014 By Mykhailo Slukvin Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Inna Melnykovska CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2018 Acknowledgements I want to thank my supervisor, Inna Melnykovska, for giving helpful directions for the thesis. Center for Social and Labor Research protest research team – Andrii Gladun, Volodymyr Ishchenko, and Oleksii Viedrov and all involved into the data collection and transcription. CEU eTD Collection ii Abstract Why did the middle-class protesters of Ukrainian Maidan 2013-2014 resort to coalitions with far-right and oligarchic parties? The modernization theory assumptions would suggest that to be an unlikely scenario which is especially puzzling considering that the previous research. Namely, it indicates that Maidan protesters had pro-democratic preferences and a degree of support for universalist values that is unprecedented compared to the average in Ukrainian or even European populations. Using social movement organization framework, I investigate the question of the protest coalition formation. Based on the interviews with Maidan social movement organization participants I study the protest coalition in Kiev and the most different regional cases. Despite the socio-demographic parameters and progressive values of the protesters the research finds evidence that the coalitions were dependent on immediate ideological demands than on strategic vision of the future, patronage of oligarchic parties, far- right support and less on prior ties. The research also finds that the calculation of political opportunities and threat of the protesters played an ambiguous role in the coalition making and further research on radicalization is needed.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ukrainian Weekly, 2021
    INSIDE: l Ukraine loses appeal over forfeited national team soccer match – page 4 l MATI concert features works by Schumann, Prokofiev and Baley – page 12 l Ukrainian pro hockey update – page 29 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXXXIX No. 13 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, MARCH 28, 2021 $2.00 Former Ukrainian leaders, Russian Ukraine takes further step to seize crucial defense entities targeted in new sanctions firm Motor Sich, sparking ire of Chinese investors Security Service of Ukraine A Motor Sich exhibition stand features one of the company’s engines at an industry trade show. Office of the President of Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskyy speaks at a forum devoted to culture, media and by Mark Raczkiewycz Agency (ARMA), which manages assets tourism in Kyiv on March 9. obtained through corruption and other KYIV – Ukrainian President Volodymyr offenses. Meanwhile, state-run defense Zelenskyy on March 23 signed an order conglomerate Ukroboronprom has since by Mark Raczkiewycz Tabachnyk, ex-chief prosecutor Viktor Pshonka, ex-Defense Minister Dmytro that puts into effect a decision that the offered to take over control of the manufac- KYIV – Targeting dozens of legal entities Salamitin and oligarch Serhiy Kurchenko. National Security and Defense Council turer of engines for jets, helicopters and and individuals, including members of the “All are 99 percent Russian citizens” by (NSDC) made 12 days earlier to take over missiles. country’s former political leadership, now, National Security and Defense Council aero-engine maker Motor Sich. The SBU stated two investigations Ukraine over the past two weeks imposed a (NSDC) chief Oleksiy Danilov said the same The presidential move follows a court regarding Motor Sich stemming from 2017 fourth round of sanctions designed to day at a media briefing.
    [Show full text]
  • Two Maidans: How Competing Power Bases During Ukraine's 2013-2014 Revolution Paved the Way for a New Civic Culture
    1 Chris Collison Two Maidans: How Competing Power Bases During Ukraine’s 2013-2014 Revolution Paved the Way for a New Civic Culture WORKING DRAFT Introduction In the three years since Ukraine’s 2013-2014 Euromaidan protest movement, networks of urban activists have appeared in Ukraine’s major cities to address issues such as building codes, smart city planning, and historic preservation. These small-scale projects seem to have grown out of increased civic activism stirred up by the 2013-2014 uprising. Accounts in popular media often portray the revolution as a pro-European Union movement led by the opposition that turned violent in the winter of 2014. A closer look at the dynamics of the revolt reveal that Euromaidan was never monolithic. In fact, there were two Maidans working in parallel: The political opposition and the public. Both competed for power and influence and cooperated only when necessary. When the street protests ended, the public’s activity continued, as some activists headed to the front lines as soldiers and others returned to their neighborhoods to embark on new projects. Euromaidan was not the country’s first mass uprising, but it is the first to see sustained civic participation that has been able to produce results after the end of the street protests. This phenomenon is changing the relationship between citizens and their cities and neighborhoods in today’s Ukraine. In 2004, the Orange Revolution raised hopes that a Ukrainian civil society would usher in 2 a new era of reform, reduce corruption, and curb the influence of anti-democratic elites.
    [Show full text]