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SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES
VOL. 26 (T) FEB. 2018 Thematic Edition
Current Issues and Challenges Facing Iran Through the Lens of the Social Sciences
Guest Editors Aini Ideris, Abbas Ghanbari Baghestan & Zaid Ahmad
A scientific journal published by Universiti Putra Malaysia Press
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Preface
This thematic edition of the Pertanika Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities explores current issues and challenges in Iran within the scope of the social sciences. A total of 14 articles are presented in this edition of the journal and all the articles are written by Iranian scholars and researchers who are academic staff and researchers of the University of Tehran (UT). Although the issues discussed in this edition of the journal are very much central to Iran and Iranian communities, they will strike a chord with Malaysian readers because Iran and Malaysia share certain common characteristics that include religious affiliation as well as cultural expression, to some extent. These articles present significant contributions as they highlight issues that are current and therefore, pertinent to the people of Iran, reflecting as they do on the country’s development across all sectors.
All the papers published in this edition underwent Pertanika’s stringent peer-review process involving a minimum of two reviewers comprising internal as well as external referees. The papers have been revised accordingly by their authors based on the comments and suggestions provided by the reviewers. This was to ensure the quality of the papers justified the high ranking of the journal, which is renowned as a heavily-cited journal not only by authors and researchers in Malaysia but by those in other countries around the world as well.
The guest editors of this issue of the journal wish to sincerely thank the Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Tehran (UT) for its support and commitment towards publishing this special issue. We would also like to state that we have learnt much from our collaboration with Universiti Putra Malaysia in preparing this special edition for publication.
We thank the Chief Executive Editor, Dr. Nayan Kanwal, for his tremendous efforts, leadership, courage and dedication to improving the quality of this issue. Through this experience, we have been able to deepen our own knowledge of the demanding processes involved in publishing with a journal of tremendous international standing such as Pertanika.
Last but not the least, we wish to thank all those who have contributed, either directly or indirectly, in the successful publication of this thematic edition of the Pertanika Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities.
Guest Editors:
Aini Ideris (Prof. Datin Paduka Dato’ Dr.), UPM, Malaysia Abbas Ghanbari Baghestan (Dr.), UT, Iran Zaid Ahmad (Prof. Dr.), UPM, Malaysia
February 2018
Pertanika Journal of Social Sciences & Humanities Vol. 26 (T) Feb. 2018
Contents
Current Issues and Challenges Facing Iran Through the Lens of the Social Sciences Iranians’ Attitudes about the Ideal Spouse: Preferences for Spouse 1 Selecting and Transformations in Recent Decades Seyed Mahdi Etemadifard
An Exploration into the Relationship between Social Capital and 21 Mental Health of Inhabitants of Marginalised Areas of Kermanshah City Abdolhossein Kalantari, Nowzar Ghanbari and Habil Heidarkhani
A Missing Dialogue among Advocates and Opponents of 19th Century 43 Short-Term Reforms in Iran Mohammad Reza Javadi Yeganeh and Reyhaneh Javadi
The Relationship between Leisure Time and Social Capital among 67 Iranian Youth Gholamreza Ghaffary
An Anthropological Study on Female Peddlers’ Lingual and 83 Paralingual Advertising in the Subway in Tehran Ahmad Naderi and Maryam Hossein Yazdi
The Discursive Politics of Women’s Clothing in Iran at Revolutionary 103 Transition Era (1979-1981) Seyedeh Razieh Yasini, Mahdi Montazer Ghaem and Abdollah Bicharanlou
The Methodology for Prioritising Iran’s Social Problems 125 Mahdi Hoseinzadeh Yazdi, Ahmad Mehrshad and Mohsen Mollabashi
Women’s Access to Family Justice in Iran: Exploring the Main 147 Barriers Mehri Bahar, Fatemeh Hamedanian, Mohammad Farajiha and Tooba Shakeri Golpaygani
Religiousness and the Impact of Education on It in Iran 165 Hooshang Nayebi and Taghi Azadarmaki Altruism among Iranian Families a Trend Study in Tehran 179 Saeedeh Amini
Women’s Reflexive Identity and Spirituality Case Study: Iranian 197 Employed, Degree-holder Women Jabbar Rahmani and Mehri Tayebinia
A Study of the Effects of Drug Addicted Fathers on Families in 215 Tehran, Iran Zahra Farzizadeh
Afghan Refugees and Iran’s Open Door Policy in the 1980s 235 Arash Nasr Esfahani and Sayed Hasan Hosseini
An Anthropological Study of the Shift from Ritual, Embedded 253 Economy to Shapeless, Disembedded Economy Rouhollah Nosrati Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 20 (2018)
SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES
Journal homepage: http://www.pertanika.upm.edu.my/
Iranians’ Attitudes about the Ideal Spouse: Preferences for Spouse Selecting and Transformations in Recent Decades
Seyed Mahdi Etemadifard Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Tehran, Ale-Ahmad Ave., Tehran, Iran. P.O. Box: 14395-773
ABSTRACT Family is the primary institution in which the initial experiences of social relations take shape. Human beings are born into families and form their own families in return. The present study concerns the major preferences and criteria that Iranians hold for selecting the right spouse. The main question of the study is about the transformations that spouse choosing, and its underlying criteria, have undergone. It assesses the attitudinal aspects regarding the “ideal spouse” and is concerned about the choice of either husband or wife. The chief method of the study is secondary analysis of quantitative data gathered at the national level. The sources of the research are comprised of all surveys that measure Iranians 15 years old and above. The findings of the research indicate that the changes of Iranians’ understanding of the “ideal spouse” have been next to nothing. People’s behavioural patterns in choosing a spouse do not entirely match their attitudinal preferences; in other words, despite the change in behaviour, Iranians’ preferences for the ideal spouse has hardly changed in attitude.
Keywords: Attitudinal preferences, background variables, cultural change, ideal spouse, preferred wife, preferred husband, spouse selecting
INTRODUCTION Family in Iran is one of the determining factors of social status and any transition in this regard would affect understandings of the whole social realities (Azadarmaki, ARTICLE INFO Article history: 2007; Koutlaki, 2010). Among the major Received: 18 October 2017 Accepted: 01 February 2018 transitions in the past decades in relation
E-mail address: to the Iranian family are those in people’s [email protected] (Seyed Mahdi Etemadifard)
ISSN: 0128-7702 © Universiti Putra Malaysia Press Seyed Mahdi Etemadifard attitudes about the ideal spouse and its provided the mating age youth with wider characteristics (Daniel & Mahdi, 2006). choices in spouse selection. Individuals The diagnosis of Iranians’ criteria and are no longer obliged to choose from preferences for the ideal spouse is key among the narrow list of alternatives their to understanding family transitions, families recommend them. This very fact specifically, and social transformations, has optimized cultural intermingling of generally. In other terms, understanding the different family types (Azadarmaki, 2007; characteristics of the ideal spouse enhances Behnam, 1992). the understanding of a stratum of more The assessment of spouse choosing general social transformations; because, behaviours and ideal spouse attitudes following the gradual encounter with is vital for the analysis of the changes various social groups and the consequential in the Iranian family not only because evolution of their mindsets, individuals’ marriage is a family indicator, but also choices, including spouse selection, a critical since the process of family dissociation decision in one’s personal life, changes as and related social issues are explained well. Individuals are increasingly liberated based on spouse selection behaviour and from family hierarchical power relations, the transition hereby taking place (Strong thanks to the educational, occupational, and & Cohen, 2016). Divorce, late marriage, skill acquisition procedures they normally celibacy, and more are among such issues undergo in their modern lifestyle. The variety that could be explained relying on a proper of alternative lifestyles, other than what understanding of spouse choosing patterns family background traditionally dictated (Azadarmaki, 2016; Ember & Ember, 2003). to individuals, presumably fundamentally On the other hand, there is no literature that changes people’s spouse selection habits presents a comparative analysis of spouse and ideal spouse criteria (Abbasi-Shavazi choosing behaviour and the transformation & McDonald, 2012). The increased level in Iranians’ attitude about the ideal spouse, of education for both sexes, the equal mostly having sufficed to briefings on the allocation of facilities for public education condition of spouse choosing behaviours. regardless of sex (in contrast to the norm in This is another indicator that highlights the previous decades, especially pre-revolution) significance of the present study. (Asadi, 1975; Touba, 1971), the escalation Considering the Iranian shifting in urbanization, and the diversity of skills social structures, the present study aims and specializations, have entailed the social to understand the Iranians’ attitude about mobility for both sexes. Diversified social the “ideal spouse”. The central question encounters, in its own turn, have improved of the study asks about the quality of the opportunities in front of social actors. attitudinal changes regarding the ideal For example, the propagation of proper spouse; considering the growing rate of circumstances for higher education has exogamy among the new generations of
2 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 20 (2018) Iranians’ Attitudes about the Ideal Spouse
Iranians, what changes have taken place senility, fertility, urbanization, migration, in their attitudes about the ideal spouse and scientific progresses (Ibid). What these compared to other generational groups? The studies share with the present study is the peripheral question of the study concerns the emphasis they put on patterns of spouse theoretical explanations behind the situation. choosing by referring to secondary data in Other than the descriptive approach of the the field. What Behnam has demonstrated study in investigating the two-spouse in these two surveys is the transformation choosing behaviour, and the preferable of spouse selecting habits of Iranians under spouse attitudes, it tries to outline the the influence of social variables which is influential factors bringing about changes. adopted by the present study. The disadvantage of these studies, Review of Literature nonetheless, is the perceptible lack of a comprehensible theoretical structure in their Several books, articles, and studies deal analysis of statistical data. Another series of with transformations in spouse-choosing studies have researched family transitions marriage patterns among Iranian families. by emphasising demographic and biological There are analytical studies in relation discussions like that of cousin marriage to the family transition. A canonical (Abbasi-Shavazi & Askari Nadoushan, survey on the attitudinal and behavioural 2005; Abbasi-Shavazi, McDonald, & transitions regarding spouse selecting in Hoseini Chavoshi, 2003; Kazemipour, Iran is Jacqueline Touba that was conducted 2004; Mahmoudian, 2004; Mirzaei, 1999; in Shiraz city of Iran (Touba, 1971). Zanjani, 2006). Others source to regional or Furthermore, Family Structures and Kinship local surveys and examine various aspects in Iran is one of the first books that deals of family transitions, again including with various aspects of family and marriage the manifest case of cousin marriage, in transition being predisposed to urbanization specified regions and localities (Abbasi- and industrialization sways (Behnam, 1971). Shavazi & Torabi, 2006). The author posits that chief transitions in Considering family transition as a family and marriage patterns are dictated consequence of globalisation, a number by migration, occupational mobility because of surveys by non-Iranian and Iranian of specialization, and the consequential researchers are concentrated on spouse geographic mobility, especially of the selecting and its transformations. The youth (Ibid). In Family Transitions, the attitudinal and behavioural transformations same author investigates various aspects of in this regard are among the variables family as influenced by modernization and concerned in the present study. Some of brings international examples to materialize these surveys study the condition of Iran his thesis (Behnam, 1992). In his belief, the under the global transformational trends future prospect of family transitions will (Abbasi-Shavazi & McDonald, 2012; Daniel be determined by demographic changes,
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 20 (2018) 3 Seyed Mahdi Etemadifard
& Mahdi, 2006; Koutlaki, 2010). Some, homogeneous configurations (Good, 1970). on the other hand, have elaborated on the In Good’s model of family transition, the general trends influencing family transition structure of families keeping pace with and spouse selecting in different societies development finds the potential to break (Blossfeld & Timm, 2012; Henriksen & off the foundations of traditional order and Kurten, 2012). gives way to the modern patterns of spouse choosing that better match with parents’ Theoretical Framework control-free way of life. This explanation applies to a class of bourgeois families that Theoretical approaches in investigating develop with modernization and the canon attitudinal and behavioural changes towards of freedom (Poster, 1988). spouse choosing are divisible into two According to this model, the change in categories: the first puts the emphasis on spouse choosing patterns would presumably the structural aspects and the institutional be simultaneous with changes in youth’s changes resulting from them. Outstanding in (as the marriage age group) attitudes this category is William Good’s convergence about the preferred spouse; because the theory of family. Based on the institutional freedom in spouse choosing is concomitant approach, modernization and development with structural changes in the social life cause families to gradually follow western experience, and free patterns of choice are and European models. According to Parsons’ expected to find more primacy in shaping structural functionalism, the institution of attitudes. In other words, changes toward family manifests gradual differentiations the realization of nuclear, independent in various dimensions towards the ultimate families obtain concrete as well as attitudinal independence of actors from a priori models. dimensions. As a result, not only do family structures The second category of theories gives change in household, role systems, hierarchy, more weight to the attitudinal aspects and and spouses’ relationships, but patterns of emphasizes the role of cultural changes spouse choosing have a propensity toward and value system in causing transformation exogamy, as exogamy is perceived to better in behaviours and mentalities. Prominent match structurally differentiated models and among others, the second demographic gives the youth greater roles for choosing. transition theory (SDT) analyses fertility The more traditional paternalistic hierarchy transitions in the industrial west in is extinguished, the more diverse spouse association with changes in attitudes, choosing patterns become. Under his mindsets, and family and parenting values, discussion of universal family revolution, to acknowledge the synchronized impact Good suggests a pattern of changes in of social, economic, and cultural facts on family structures in which the preference family changes. These factors, combined, is for a nuclear family. In his opinion, have contributed to family transitions families gradually change into universal,
4 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 20 (2018) Iranians’ Attitudes about the Ideal Spouse becoming an independent, liberated and attitudes in Iran. According to Good, institution (Sobotka, 2008). the diversity in spouse choosing patterns According to this theory, again, spouse is essentially entwined with the liberation choosing has tended toward exogamy, from the declining tradition of paternalistic with a shift from the previous constrictions hierarchies. Such transformations are in towards individual freedom taking place. concurrence with the universal homogeneous The second class of theories differs from transitions that enforce Europeanization and the first in that, besides the already taken- the nuclearization of families dictated by for-granted role of socio-economic and the inexorable modernization. Based on technological transitions, they recognize the second set of theories, these transitions in their analyses of family transition the are explained by referencing the attitudinal role of the actors’ attitudes and mindsets, transformations. Under these circumstances too. As a result, it becomes essential to caused by the concurring socio-economic, reach an explanation of the emerging cultural, and technological transitions, the family patterns that conform to the ongoing prospect for individual autonomy in spouse cultural transitions. According to SDT, the choosing improves. progressive increase in individual freedom morally, religiously, and politically is the METHODS basic cause for family transition. Secularism, To answer the questions of the study, freedom movements, post-materialist comparative methods are required for values of individual improvement and self- data analysis. Comparative study is a expression, mistrust in organizations, and conventional method in sociological studies intolerance toward any outsider exercise that investigates the transformations in one of power in one’s personal matters are field, culture, or time setting and compares principles of the value transition that, in the results with changes in parallel fields, its own turn, has contributed to the idea of cultures, and settings. Therefore, dynamics self-determination with one’s personal life study is a form of comparative study of (Rosina & Fraboni, 2004). phenomena across time and place. The major Based on either theory, it is expected method in the present study is secondary that modernization and development bring analysis of quantitative data gathered from concomitant changes to family structures national surveys to investigate the trend of and patterns of spouse choosing. The changes in spouse choosing patterns. In this theoretical advantage of the second class study, several national surveys whose results of theories is its recognition of facilitating provide the opportunity to compare are put mentalities based in cultural backgrounds. to analysis. The present study inclined by this approach One of the oldest surveys investigating the is going to comparatively investigate the attitudinal and behavioural transformations condition of spouse choosing behaviour in Iran is “Cultural Orientations and Social
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 20 (2018) 5 Seyed Mahdi Etemadifard
Attitudes in Iran”, conducted by Asadi many restrictions in performing statistical in 1975. Parts of the survey examine the analyses; the comprehensive understanding familial behaviours and orientations in of the situation requires thorough and Iran with emphasis on marriage, spouse compact data from all time spans under choosing, and ideal husband/wife indicators study, while the review of literature does (Asadi, 1975). In 2004, a parallel survey not direct to thematic results in the form was conducted by Goudarzi with the aim of distinct surveys and research. All that is of comparing the results with the 1975 available is a series of large-scale surveys findings. Goudarzi used the main items that have intermittently measured aspects of the Asadi survey, including indicators of spouse choosing patterns. Consequently, for measuring family-related attitudes a selective approach confines this study to and behaviours in Iran, and enacted slight the distinct indicators that measure Iranians’ modifications and supplementations to make values, attitudes, and behaviours. Among the three-decade-long social change trends the literature at hand, Asadi’s survey, the comparable (Goudarzi, 2005). Another parallel survey by Goudarzi, and the second national survey among the sources for wave of surveys, complemented by a set of cross-sectional and longitudinal studies other sporadic data found in the literature is the one Goudarzi conducted in 2004 of the field, comprise the main sources of titled, “Iranians’ Attitudes and Orientation: this study. Second Wave”. The first part of the survey is concerned with family values, including RESULTS AND DISCUSSION marriage norms and patterns of spouse Iranians’ behaviour in spouse choosing choosing (Goudarzi, 2004). The last survey analysed here is Ghafari’s 2015 national In recent decades, spouse choosing patterns survey on Iranians’ Attitudes and Values. have dramatically changed (Azadarmaki, Among the indices he evaluates is Iranians’ 2016). Based on data available in Table 1 and attitudes and preferences in spouse selecting. considering generational variables, it seems Beside these three, Mohseni (2000) is also that despite the decrease in generational gap considered as a complementary source for in spouse choosing patterns in three decades, the present evaluation. the youth are still more oriented toward It is important to reinstate the lack of exogamy than other generations. This can inclusive data that covers the whole duration be explained by the fact that the exposure of the study, as some of the time settings to more diverse situations and groups in have passed unsurveyed. This has entailed comparison to previous generations has propelled them to exogamic choices.
6 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 20 (2018) Iranians’ Attitudes about the Ideal Spouse
Table 1 Spouse choosing patterns in three decades by generational groups (1975-2005)
Variable Attitude 1975 2005 Youngster Adult Elderly Youngster Adult Elderly % % % % % % Cousin marriage 35 46.5 52.5 20.9 26.5 28.4 Exogamy 44 33.5 26.5 51.7 49.5 45.7 No difference 19 17 17 25.9 23 25.5 No Response 2 3 4 1.5 1 0.4 Total 100 100 100 100 100 100 Source: Asadi (1975); Goudarzi (2005)
Education level is another variable that for cousin marriage. It should also be noted influences spouse choosing behaviours. that the whole rate of cousin marriage Based on the data in Table 2, the more among all groups has noticeably lowered. educated people are, the less their preference
Table 2 Spouse choosing patterns in three decades by education (1975-2005)
Variable Attitude 1975 2005 Illiterate Primary school Middle school Diploma Higher education Illiterate Primary school Middle school Diploma Higher education % % % % % % % % % % Cousin marriage 52 35 16 13 12 35.9 28.8 22.4 17.9 15.1 Exogamy 27 46 61 65 65 39.8 49 53.4 52.4 53.3 No difference 17 17 20 19 22 23.4 21.5 22.9 28.5 29.8 No Response 4 2 3 3 1 0.9 0.7 1.3 1.2 1.8 Total 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 Source: Asadi (1975); Goudarzi (2005)
Just as the attitudinal preferences in spouse rate of marrying relatives Abbasi-Shavazi, choosing behaviours do, behavioural aspects McDonald and Chavoshi (2008). The corroborate the gradual decline in cousin comparison between the rural areas (such marriage rates concurring with the pace of as Torbat Heidariyeh in Khorasan Province) modernization (Good, 1970; Poster, 1988). and Tehran neighbourhood of (Javadiyeh No comprehensive study has yet examined and Salmaniyeh) with family samples in the issue. According to Behnam (1971), Tehran during 1970s shows that the rate the closer to urban areas, the lower the of cousin marriage in rural areas is about
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 20 (2018) 7 Seyed Mahdi Etemadifard
32 to 33 percent compared to 29.2 percent According to the studies on spouse in Tehran, neighbouring country, and 25.1 choosing patterns, it seems that cousin percent in Tehran, main city. Among relative marriage is still the preferred style of marriages, marriage between paternal first marriage among parts of the population cousins is of highest frequency both in in Iran. As modernization progresses, the country areas and in cities. general rate of cousin marriage declines, A key point to note in this regard is the but a relative smoothness in the continuation logic of transformation in spouse choosing of cousin marriage is still detected. The patterns not showing an even decline. findings of 1970s were indicative of kinship Cousin marriage remains a yet ideal type, not only as central in spouse choosing even with the decrease in age and increase patterns but also in all respects of family in education, equalling exposure to new life and controlling conjugal relationships circumstances, expectations, and priorities, (Behnam, 1971). The findings of more with the pattern changing considerably. recent surveys show a partial sovereignty Data related to the objective condition of family hierarchy in exogamic marriages of changes in cousin marriage after three in a way that even marriages with non- decades imply a smooth trend in various relatives is supervised by the extended provinces. The findings of Abbasi-Shavazi family (Azadarmaki, 2007). and his colleagues (2003) in four Western Speaking based on the second wave Azerbaijan, Sistan and Balouchistan, Gillan, of surveys on attitudes and values which and Yazd show the rate of such marriages at is presented in Table 3, it seems that the approximately 40 percent. Sistan province, almost all generations are against cousin with 77.4 percent, obtains the highest rate marriage, while above 25 percent prioritize of cousin marriage, followed by Yazd it. The findings are generalizable to the (46.3 percent), Western Azarbayjan (32.6 entire population with 99 percent accuracy. percent), and Gillan (24 percent). The findings of Sa’adat and his Table 3 colleagues in all provinces corroborate the Cousin marriage pattern by generational groups (2004) smooth continuation of cousin marriage in Iran. Data in this study indicate a fluctuation Variable Youngster Adult Elderly from 16 percent in the north to 47 percent in Attitude % % % the east. The central, northwestern, western, Disagree 59 53.5 52.6 and southern parts of the country rates are Uncertain 12 11.2 12.3 35 percent, 39 percent, 41 percent, and 43 Agree 29 35.3 35 Total 100 100 100 percent respectively (Abbasi-Shavazi & Statistics 0.057 Torabi, 2006). Sig 0.000 Source: Goudarzi (2004)
8 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 20 (2018) Iranians’ Attitudes about the Ideal Spouse
This tells about the relatively smooth decades (Asadi, 1975; Goudarzi, 2005). trend in levels of cousin marriage preference Then comes fondness for family. Although among parts of the population (comprising honesty and decency have downgraded one fourth of Iranians) despite its declining within the list, this might be due to the two status due to diversifying experiences and terms connotational changes. Decency is the already discussed exposure to new a concept that suffers ambiguity due to circumstances (Goudarzi, 2004). different meanings it finds based on the situation; in the case of women, it implies Attitudinal changes concerning the modesty and adherence to hijab, while it ideal spouse denotes the observance of gaze among men (Moghissi, 2007). What matters is the As with respondents’ opinion about the ideal permanence of the attitudinal hierarchy spouse, presented in Table 4, amicability and the durability of dominant preferences and courteousness are atop the list of the among Iranians. ideal spouse among all generations in three
Table 4 Ideal spouse criteria in three decades by generational groups (1975-2005)
Variable Attitude 1975 2005 Youngster Adult Elderly Youngster Adult Elderly % % % % % % Family fondness 15 16.5 15 8.5 9 9 Amicability and 36.5 33 36.5 46.9 45.7 45.7 courteousness Activeness 9.5 12 13 4.9 5.6 6.4 Occupation 2.5 2 2.5 8.5 5.8 5.9 Literacy 4 3 1.5 2 1.7 0.6 Honesty and decency 23.5 26.5 25.5 1.2 2 1.8 Source: Asadi (1975); Goudarzi (2005)
Based on education and as observed in only one percent of respondents and only Table 5, amicability and courteousness mentioned under the item “other”. The are the primary characteristics for an ideal terminological explanation of the change spouse in most respondents’ beliefs. At in the hierarchical rank of decency that odds with what is conceived in everyday was explained above could be verified by observation, beauty and charm are among interpreting data based on education, too. the peripheral characteristics favoured by
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 20 (2018) 9 Seyed Mahdi Etemadifard
Table 5 Ideal spouse criteria in three decades by education (1975-2005)
Variable Attitude 1975 2005 Illiterate Primary school Middle school Diploma Higher education Illiterate Primary school Middle school Diploma Higher education % % % % % % % % % % Family fondness 13 19 19 15 15 4.6 6.6 9 10.3 14.7 Amicability and 34 37 37 38 38 50 49.9 45.5 44.4 39.9 courteousness Activeness 11 11 9 7 12 6.7 5.7 5.4 5 4 Occupation 2 2 2 2 1 9 7.3 8.7 5.5 4.3 Literacy 3 3 3 7 8 0.7 0.8 2.2 2 2.7 Honesty and decency 27 23 20 22 28 1.5 1.7 1.4 1.8 1.7 Source: Asadi (1975); Goudarzi (2005)
The value-laden hierarchy in shaping remained from the first post-revolution Iranians’ mentalities toward the ideal spouse decade. About 15 years after the Revolution, is the central issue that must be considered in 2000, Manuchehr Mohseni conducted a and, in this respect, changes in certain national survey (Mohseni, 2000). peripheral attributes should not mislead In the 1975 survey by Asadi, where and undermine top priorities among the Mohseni was the second researcher and value-laden sequence of attributes, namely Asadi’s assistant, the preference for women amicability and courteousness. in hijab was examined (Asadi, 1975). In the early decades after the revolution, In the 2000 survey, however, there is no due to the imposed Iran-Iraq war and item specifically asking about the attitude various sanctions enacted upon the country, or behaviour of people regarding hijab. the scope of national surveys was lost. Therefore, the 2000 survey does not directly Governments, rather than contemplating relate to the present article, since there is social research, should have try to provide no question of hijab and its dimensions the people with their primary needs and in it. Despite this, the closest part of this fight the war. Hence, no valid surveys have survey to the present article is the item
10 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 20 (2018) Iranians’ Attitudes about the Ideal Spouse put forward by respondents in response to opposite is misconduct (Dehkhoda, 2006). one of the survey questions. This question The notion of decency generally indicates a is about measuring the most important lady to be covered and not exposed to others’ characteristics of the “ideal woman.” The attention, especially by men. Therefore, this first choice offered by people is “decency” option has the closest meaning to the subject as the most important feature of an ideal of the present article, i.e. hijab and cover. woman. One of the meanings of “decency” In Table 6, the attitude of the respondents in Persian is clemency and chastity, and the towards the “ideal woman” is shown:
Table 6 Attitude towards the most important characteristics of an “Ideal Woman” (2000)
Variable Attitude Decency Well- behaviour Family originality Wealth High education Housewife Good looking Other Unspecified Total % % % % % % % % % % Disagree 40.8 24.6 14.3 4.9 2.8 0.3 0.2 10.1 2 100 Source: Mohseni (2000)
As shown in the table above, more than data, the minimum tendency of 40% of 40% of the respondents described the most respondents is to observe the necessity important feature of an “ideal woman” of hijab for an ideal situation. In Table 7, as “decency”. For this reason, the most respondents’ attitude to the most important important feature of the “ideal woman” for characteristic of “ideal woman” comes from 40% of the respondents was being covered the following underlying variables: and not being seen by men. From the above
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 20 (2018) 11
Seyed Mahdi Etemadifard 101 and over and 101
2 0 2 28.6 0.7 99 % 27.9 18.4 3.4 17 51-100 18.1 4 19.3 0.8 0 5 15.5 1.7 98 % 35.6
168.1 0.000
Income 31-50
1.9 98 38.7 26.8 2.2 14.4 0.1 0.3 5 10.6 % 21-30
6.1 5.3 1.1 99 % 45 26.4 2.7 13 0.1 0.3 to ۲۰ to
0.1 0 4.7 7.4 2 98 % 44.2 27.1 2.1 12.4 BA and higher and BA
19.6 1 0 3.1 22.2 4.6 95 % 32.4 13.8 3.3 Higher diploma Higher
1.8 24.9 1.2 0 3 13.6 2.8 97 % 36.7 16
Graduated High School School High 9 1.7 98 41.2 18.9 3.1 20.4 0 0.4 5.3 %
Education
286.4 0.000 Secondary
5.9 7.6 0 100 % 42 26.1 4.4 10.8 3 0.2 Primary
2 0 4.9 7.5 0 100 % 41.7 33.4 2 8.5 Illiterate
7.8 5 0 4.5 0 0 100 % 46.6 32.9 3.2 55 and over and 55
97 25.4 3.1 11.5 0 0 6 10.2 2.8 % 41 45-54 8.4 0 100 % 42 23.3 2.7 15.2 4 0 4.4
0.2
33.44 35-44
Age 4.2 9.3 0 100 % 40.3 25.3 2.5 15.1 3 0.3 25-34
4 0.4 3.7 9 0 100 % 40.3 25.2 2.1 15.3 16-24
4 14.3 4 0.1 6.3 6.8 0 100 % 40.4 24.1 Women 1.6 98 40.8 26.7 2.5 13.4 0.2 0.2 4.8 9.8 %
0.14 10.83
Gender Men 5 10.5 2.2 98 % 40.7 22.6 3.1 15.3 0.4 0.2 Mohseni (2000)
Family of origin Beauty Wealth Homemaking Other Unknown Total Statistics Sig Source: Variable Attitude Variable Decency Courteousness Literacy Table 7 Table (2000)” Variables Based on Background Attitude about the most important characteristics of “Ideal Woman
12 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 20 (2018) Iranians’ Attitudes about the Ideal Spouse
As can be seen in the table above, there same variable. In this survey, different items was no difference between men and women ask about the attributes of the ideal spouse, in prioritizing “decency” for an “ideal the ideal husband, and the ideal wife. Table woman”. For this reason, the relationship 8 presents the data related to the popular between gender and the most important opinion about the ideal wife: characteristics of the “ideal woman” was not significant. This suggests that women like Table 8 to be covered and not exposed. Of course, Ideal wife criteria (2004 this does not mean the absence of women in Attitude Percent society, but that women, like men, consider Decency 19.4 an ideal woman to have hijab. Among Faithfulness and piety 17.9 different age groups, there is no significant Amicability and courteousness 15.9 difference in the preference of “decency” Honesty 8.9 as the most important characteristic of an Homemaking 7.4 “ideal woman”. Hence, there is an age Judgment 5.7 unity between distinct groups in prioritizing Contentment 5.3 Hijab observance 3.9 “decency”. Various levels of education Docility 3.5 had a significant impact on respondents’ Mutual understanding 3.4 attitude towards “decency”. As education Family fondness 2.8 increases gradually, the decency priority Forgiveness 1.7 is reduced. Illiterate respondents who Literacy 1.5 consider “decency” as the most important Beauty 0.5 “ideal woman” priority are 14.2 percent Other 2.2 more than those who are educated with a Total 100 Source: Goudarzi (2004) bachelor’s degree (46.6 percent versus 32.4 percent). With the increase in income level, the importance of “decency” gradually Open-ended questions have the advantage decreases, so the gap between the lowest of giving more freedom to the interpreter income groups and the highest is 16.3 for manoeuvre, as the range of answers percent (44.2 percent versus 27.9 percent). to these questions is not limited to pre- Among the variables, the level of education determined items. In Table 8, findings are and then the income level of the head of graded from the highest to the lowest. family had the most significant effect on the Accordingly, the main characteristic for the attitude of the respondents. ideal wife is “decency”. When applied to For understanding the attitudes toward women, decency connotes the observance the ideal spouse more properly, the data of (by women) for being covered in front of the second wave survey on attitudes and male gaze. Far from the perception of public values in 2004 are observed based on the exclusion of women, this means to optimize
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 20 (2018) 13 Seyed Mahdi Etemadifard protected public participation of them. The preference of amicability, courteousness, next major attributes after decency are faithfulness, piety, and honesty. Age is faith and piety, together with amicability also significant in determining the ideal and courteousness. It could be inferred wife attributes. As the age of respondents that in people’s opinion, religion and increases, religious attributes find more morality together form the basis for the main force and distinction. On the other hand, characteristics of the ideal wife. People’s with younger ages, the moral aspects are religiosity has found deeper moral quality highlighted. The middle-aged and elderly compared to the past. This why religious respondents who are supposedly married variables rival moral ones as top spouse admire women’s domesticity and fondness choosing preferences. The viewpoint of for family compared to the youth. The respondents toward the first item, decency, same distinction applies to marital status, has serious moral connotations, too, being as married respondents who are practically associated with the culture of women’s engaged in conjugal matters are sterner in dressing in Iran. Other criteria of honesty demanding women’s homemaking duties and contentment similarly have moral than singles are. The degree holders are more connotations. It could be deduced that the concerned about the education of the wife determining element in shaping people’s than the illiterate. Concerning occupation, attitude about the ideal wife is more of a housekeeping is mainly considered a moral and religious nature than economic women’s activity in Iran, as married women or physical (beauty and charm). This is are the major contributors to homemaking a sincere consideration to the extent that at home. They prioritize domesticity and docility is placed in the lower ranks at odds homemaking, their own attributes, more with the paternalistic culture in Iran. than other groups do. People who are more Based on the findings in Table 8, sex in daily contact with other groups do place is significantly influential in shaping the more emphasis on the women’s interactive popular preferences for the ideal wife. Men capabilities and, for this reason, prioritize prioritize decency as the characteristic of the hijab and decency for the ideal wife more ideal wife more than women do. Based on than other groups. Married respondents who the definition of decency mentioned earlier, have entered actual conjugal relationships a similar difference is observed about hijab, are also concerned about hijab and decency as men have preferred hijab for the ideal compared to the singles that prioritize moral wife three times as much as women have. attributes such as honesty. The main priority Women have preferred other moral qualities among all groups is with moral and religious instead. Therefore, both sexes prefer moral attributes while physical beauty gains the attributes; for men, this is manifested in form lowest rate at less than one percent (with of the preference for hijab and decency, and a minute rise among pupils). Imagined for women it is manifested in the form of the characteristics like economic affluence (of
14 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 20 (2018) Iranians’ Attitudes about the Ideal Spouse the ideal wife) is not mentioned at all or attributes of the ideal husband in the Iranian has so little importance as to be put under mindset. Nor do economic and physical the item “other”. Comparing the practical attributes rival with religious and moral behaviour and attitudinal preferences ones. Therefore, seemingly important of individuals shows that people act in attributes of proper occupation, acceptable ways that are not totally compatible with economic situation, and education have no their ideals. In better words, not always place among people’s opinion about the is there congruity between attitudinal and ideal husband. behavioural spheres. Amicability is more important in Because the preferences for the ideal women’s view than men, because women wife and the ideal husband vary, the are the ones who become the men’s spouses respondents’ views about the latter are and they prefer well-mannered men. Like presented, too. Table 9 gives the general the ideal wife, in choosing the ideal husband, respondents’ views about the ideal husband: age matters in religious preferences as it finds more force with the rise in age, and is
Table 9 replaced by moral concerns among lower Ideal husband criteria (2004) age groups. For youth who are seriously concerned with finding a proper occupation, Attitude Percent Faithfulness 22.7 occupation is more vitally the attribute Amicability and courteousness 21.1 of the ideal husband. It is evident that Honesty 14.6 people’s actual situation is effective in their Responsibility 6.5 preferences. Therefore, the respondents’ Mutual understanding 5.7 occupation determines their attitude, as Activeness and hardworking 4.9 among those who are newly entering the Judgment 4.9 workforce, like pupils and university Occupation 4.5 students, having a proper occupation is more Authority 4.5 critically an attribute of the ideal husband. Health 2.5 Wealth 2.4 As the education increases, moral attributes Decency 2 such as honesty gain priority (Abbasi- Nobility 1.9 Shavazi et al., 2008). Therefore, moral Literacy 1.3 concerns are central among all education Other 0.5 groups, but they are more consciously Total 100 adopted as the education increases. As a Source: Goudarzi (2004) result, moral concerns decline in general, but concerns with specific moral attributes According to the data in Table 8, popular such as honesty are on the rise. Among opinion about the ideal husband is similarly the married who deal with conjugal issues religiously and morally oriented. “Decency” directly, religious attributes are more has no considerable place among the important than moral ones. It is inferred that
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 20 (2018) 15 Seyed Mahdi Etemadifard moral attributes are more important among Based on Table 10, moral and religious singles because morality helps them to shape aspects continue to be of utmost influence in their mental preferences, while religious shaping preferences toward the ideal wife. determinations keep the conjugal life of the “Chastity” in this survey denotes a similar married ordered and principled. meaning to the “decency” that was observed In 2015, the popular opinion about the in the findings of the 1975 and 2005 surveys. “ideal wife” was measured once again. Table People’s attitudes about the ideal wife has 10 gives the findings of this survey: not changed significantly since. Rather, it has become more consciously adopted,
Table 10 having learned from the general morality or Ideal wife criteria (2015) decency characteristics more concrete traits like chastity. Visual measures of beauty and Attitude Percent Chastity 16.5 economic preferences are not determining Faithfulness and piety 15.5 factors in respondents’ opinion about the Amicability and courteousness 15 ideal wife, comprising less than two percent Hijab observance 8.8 of all (Asadi, 1975; Goudarzi, 2005). Nobility 8.3 Since the preferences for the ideal Family of origin 6.7 husband differ from those for the ideal wife, Honesty 3.3 the survey evaluates the characteristics of Modesty 3.1 the “ideal husband” as well. Responses are Literacy 2.7 presented in the following table. Courtesy 2.6 Judgment 2.2 Beauty 2 Table 11 Homemaking 1.6 Ideal husband criteria (2015) Religious observances 1.3 Attitude Percent Docility 1 Occupation 22.1 Contentment 1 Amicability and courteousness 19.6 Health 0.9 Faithfulness 16.1 Forgiveness 0.7 Nobility 5.1 Mutual understanding 0.6 Family of origin 4.6 Occupation 0.5 Honesty 4.3 Wealth 0.5 Chastity 3.6 Family committedness 0.4 Health 3.2 Age 0.4 Literacy 2.9 Economic standing 0.4 Judgment 1.9 Sameness and complementarity 0.2 Wealth 1.9 Other 2.3 Economic standing 1.2 No response 1.5 Modesty 1.2 Total 100 Islamic rearing 1.2 Source: Ghaffari (2015)
16 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 20 (2018) Iranians’ Attitudes about the Ideal Spouse
Table 11 (continue) CONCLUSION
Attitude Percent Family in Iran is an endemic social institution Vigor 0.9 that has experienced immense transition Forgiveness 0.8 under modernization (Azadarmaki, 2014). Adequate income 0.7 A measure for understanding family Family committedness 0.5 transition in Iran is spouse selecting Accommodation 0.5 patterns and the attitudes toward the ideal Courtesy 0.5 spouse (Azadarmaki, 2007). Changes Beauty 0.4 Mutual understanding 0.3 in this regard have been immense in the Clothing manner 0.3 past decades and proportionate to the Family friendliness 0.2 growing individual autonomy in spouse Sublimity 0.2 choosing behaviour (Azadarmaki, 2016; Other 3.4 Ezazi, 1997). Nevertheless, the stable No response 2.4 permanence of cousin marriages has Total 100 established it as a major consideration Source: Ghaffari (2015) among all items. Approximately one fourth of respondents from various groups and Accordingly, moral and religious preferences generations have manifested a preference are suggested along with occupational for cousin marriage (Behnam, 1992). concerns. This reveals that people’s concerns On the other hand, data show that youth in their attitude about the ideal husband are and university degree holders alternate becoming more transparent. Since similar exogamy (Abbasi-Shavazi et al., 2008). economic concerns are mentioned under Surprisingly, the very groups that continue income or accommodation items, it seems to arrange their exogamic marriages are in that by occupation, respondents mean concert with the priorities of their extended something more, namely, self-sufficiency families. Sometimes, even in urban areas, in the satisfaction of primary needs. Once the commitment is extended to the whole more, the conclusion could be made that kinship (Behnam, 1971). Individualism has physical and material concerns remain in one respect contributed to the primacy of below two percent among respondents. exogamic marriages; however, this needs However, the arrangement of responses to be analysed with caution (Behnam, suggesting occupation along with moral 1992). The convergence theory of family and religious concerns underscores the does not provide the explanatory tool autonomous connotations of the choice, for investigating the totality of spouse rather than the material tendencies of the choosing transformations (Blossfeld & respondents (Azadarmaki, 2016). Timm, 2012). The model of the western
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 20 (2018) 17 Seyed Mahdi Etemadifard nuclear family does not illuminate family seems that this conformity diverges from structures and spouse choosing patterns in their real preference for the ideal wife every respect. As a result, the theories that (Goudarzi, 2004; Pourrezaanvar, 2003). consider the attitudinal and value changes, In other words, men agree with women’s such as second demographic transition, public participation in general, but do better met the purpose of this study in not admire it as such for their own wives evaluating spouse choosing transformations (Asadi, 1975; Goudarzi, 2004; 2005). (Sobotka, 2008). Based on such analysis, In general, the Iranians’ agreement with the attitudinal preferences about the ideal women’s participation is provisioned by a spouse and the resulting attitudinal pyramid preference for hijab and modesty (Faraji of marriage has not changed dramatically; & Hamidi, 2014). What has changed about morality and religion continue to dominate the ideal husband is the identification of the structure of Iranians’ mindset about the self-sufficiency as an indicator emphasized ideal spouse (Asadi, 1975; Goudarzi, 2005; under the term “occupation”. The value Ghaffari, 2015). Wealth and beauty occupy hierarchy of respondents clarifies the idea no significant place in this pyramid. This behind suggesting occupation as a top might not suggest the congruence between priority; by occupation, the respondents the objective and attitudinal respects but intend less wealth or income and mean highlights the permanence of the prevalent more self-sufficiency in satisfying personal pattern of earlier decades (Goudarzi, 2004). primary needs. Such a moral interpretation Of importance is a degree of stability in both better fits the other items, as items such as objective and attitudinal patterns of spouse economic standing, adequate income level, choosing, a reality that goes unnoticed and accommodation are relegated to the in organizational and functional theories. lowest two percent and even half percent Undoubtedly, Iranians’ preferences in (Ghaffari, 2015; Goudarzi, 2005). People choosing the ideal spouse stems from their admire a husband who can fulfil his needs, morality and religion. Another conclusion and this is translated into maintaining a is that individual Iranians’ mindsets have proper occupation. It seems that popular become plainer in structure. In the past, opinion about the ideal husband is still moral Iranians preferred a woman as the ideal wife in nature but attached more precision; it has who was decent and pious in manner (Asadi, distanced from the cliché amicability and 1975; Fathi, 1985). Decency continues to courteousness and found exact instances. shape preferences about the ideal wife but Comparison of data in the past four decades has evolved to denote proper manner and clarifies that the foundations of Iranians’ modesty in behaviour best exemplified preferences about the ideal spouse has not in observing hijab. In this regard, men changed dramatically but has evolved to be appear more agreeable with women’s social more concrete. Iranians continue to prefer participation (Goudarzi, 2005), although it the morally and religiously observant spouse
18 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 20 (2018) Iranians’ Attitudes about the Ideal Spouse
(Henriksen & Kurtén, 2012). It seems that Abbasi-Shavazi, M. J., McDonald, P., & Hoseini their religious tendencies have found moral Chavoshi, M. (2003). Changes in family, fertility interpretations, as moral groundings are behavior and attitudes in Iran. Working Papers in Demography, 88. underscored among the youth’s responses. Finally, attitudinal and behavioural Abbasi-Shavazi, M. J., McDonald, P., & Hossein- dimensions do not essentially overlap Chavoshi, M. (2008). The family and social change in post-revolutionary Iran. In K. M. Yount (Joseph & Najmabadi, 2007). What & H. Rashad (Eds.), Family in the Middle East: constitutes Iranians’ actions does not reflect Ideational change in Egypt, Iran, and Tunisia. their attitudes to the full; rather, attitudes London: Routledge. are to express the deep idealized and, Asadi, A. (1975). The cultural orientations and social probably, unfulfilled beliefs. The absence attitudes: a report from a national survey in of congruity neither suggests disagreement 1975. Tehran: Communication and Development nor discrepancy; such a conclusion requires Research Institute of Iran. more detailed longitudinal data that measure Azadarmaki, T. (2007). The sociology of the Iranian both attitudinal and behavioural aspects. family. Tehran: Samt Publication. Based on the existing sources and findings Azadarmaki, T. (2014). Iranian family. Tehran: Elm reviewed in this study, the general inference Publication. is that people’s criteria for the ideal spouse is Azadarmaki, T. (2016). Changes, challenges and not the basis for their actual spouse selecting future of the Iranian family. Tehran: Tissa behaviour. The present study attempted to Publication. assess behavioural as well as attitudinal Behnam, D. J. (1992). Le devenir de la famille: aspects of Iranians’ mindset about spouse dynamique familiale dans les différentes aires choosing, to reach as much comprehensive culturelles, Unesco. a sketch of the future family transition as Behnam, J. (1971). Kinship and family structures in possible. Iran. Tehran: Kharazmi.
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Ezazi, Sh. (1997). Sociology of family: Emphasizing Mahmoudian, H. (2004). Age of marriage rising: a the role, structure and functions of the family survey of supporting factors. Social Sciences in contemporary times. Tehran: Roshangan and Letter, 24, 27-53. Women’s Studies Publication. Mirzaei, M. (1999). Changes in birth limitations in Faraji, M., & Hamidi, N. (2014). Hijab culture in Iran. Population Quarterly, 29 and 30, 38-58. everyday life of women in five major cities of Moghissi, H. (2007). Muslim diaspora: gender, Iran. Tehran: Society and Culture. culture and identity. London: Routledge. Fathi, A. (1985). Women and the family in Iran. Mohseni, M. (2000). A survey on socio- cultural Boston: BRILL. attitudes in Iran (1995). Tehran: General Culture Ghaffari, Gh. R. (2015). The values and attitudes of Council of Iran. Iranians: the third wave. Tehran: Ministry of Poster, M. (1988). Critical theory of the family. New Culture and Islamic Guidence. York: The Continuum Publishing Corporation. Good, W. (1970). World revolution and family Pourrezaanvar, A. (2003). Marriage and family in patterns. New York: The Free Press of Glencoe. Iran. Tehran: Aroun. Goudarzi, M. (2004). The values and attitudes of Rosina, A., & Fraboni, R. (2004). Is marriage losing Iranians: the second wave. Tehran: Ministry of its centrality in Italy? Demographic Research, Culture and Islamic Guidance. 11(6), 149-172. Goudarzi, M. (2005). The cultural orientations Sobotka, T. (2008). The diverse faces of the and social attitudes of the Iranian population. second demographic transition in Europe. Tehran: Islamic Development Organization. Demographic Research, 19, 171-224. doi: Henriksen, J., & Kurtén, T. (2012). Crisis and change: 10.4054/DemRes.2008.19.8 Religion, ethics and theology under late modern Strong, B., & Cohen, T. F. (2016). The marriage and conditions. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars. family experience: intimate relationships in a Joseph, S., & Najmabadi, A. (2007). Encyclopedia changing society. Belmont: Cengage Learning. of women and islamic cultures: family, body, Touba, J. (1971). Problems of children and youth sexuality and health. Boston: Brill. in the Iranian family: A pilot study in Shiraz. Kazemipour, S. (2004). The evolution of the age of Tehran University Press. women’s marriage in Iran and the demographic Zanjani, H. (2006). Demographic change in Iran. factors affecting it. Women’s Research Quarterly, Journal of the Iranian Society of Demography, 2(3), 103-124. 1, 61-80. Koutlaki, S. (2010). Among the Iranians: A guide to Iran’s culture and customs. London: Nicholas Brealey.
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SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES
Journal homepage: http://www.pertanika.upm.edu.my/
An Exploration into the Relationship between Social Capital and Mental Health of Inhabitants of Marginalised Areas of Kermanshah City
Abdolhossein Kalantari1, Nowzar Ghanbari2* and Habil Heidarkhani3 1University of Tehran, Tehran Province, Tehran, Enghelab Square, Iran 2Department of Geography, Kermanshah Branch, Islamic Azad University, Kermanshah, Iran 3Department of Sociology, Islamabad Branch, Islamic Azad University, Islamabad, Iran
ABSTRACT Marginality or informal settlement is an important subject in urban issues that generates negative and destructive consequences for the mental health of those who reside in such areas. It is of such significance that is addressed in macro-policies of the Fifth Development Plan of Iran. Given the importance of marginality as a concerning issue, this paper explores the relationship between social capital and mental health of the inhabitants of marginalised areas of the city of Kermanshah using field method and survey technique. The statistical society includes all inhabitants of marginalised areas of Kermanshah city aged 18 years and older. A total of 384 individuals were examined as the sample using the Cochran formula. Results indicate that there are significant and positive relationships between the total social capital (P=0.34) and its various aspects, including social trust (P=0.40), social solidarity (P=0.32), social participation (P=0.37), social support (P=0.30) and social awareness (P=0.24), with mental health. Results from AMOS show that, in general, the effect of social capital as a dependent variable on the mental health of the youth living in the marginalised area is 0.48. Social capital is a main source of mental health among people living in marginal areas. A society that is rich in social capital can provide people with higher levels of social and health benefits by providing more social support for members, ARTICLE INFO developing social participation and trust, Article history: Received: 18 October 2017 and raising individual and social awareness. Accepted: 01 February 2018
E-mail addresses: Keywords: Kermanshah city, marginalised area, [email protected] (Abdolhossein Kalantari) [email protected] (Nowzar Ghanbari) mental health, social capital [email protected] (Habil Heidarkhani) * Corresponding author
ISSN: 0128-7702 © Universiti Putra Malaysia Press Abdolhossein Kalantari, Nowzar Ghanbari and Habil Heidarkhani
INTRODUCTION factors like negative personal incidents, In regard to the advancement of national including parental separation, losing a job, objectives and ideals of the society, mental or forced migration, are among social factors health is of remarkable significance in terms that significantly affect an individual’s of saving on material and spiritual costs of mental health. Any decrease in the mental society members. Results of recent research health of society members will lead to a show that mental disorders are among the decrease in their performance, which, in most important elements in the overall turn, provokes fundamental problems, not burden of diseases. It is predicted that by only for the individual, but for society as 2020, the share of mental and neurological well (Woolcock, 2001). disorders in the overall burden of diseases As mentioned earlier, living in will increase by 50% and change the current improper physical environment, such as share of 5.10% to 15%. Attention to mental marginalised areas, is one of the factors health in every aspect of life, including that decrease individual mental health. personal, social, and career life, therefore, Usually, marginalised residencies are made is remarkably important (Cheng, Kawakhi, up of non-standard and strictly dense houses Coakley, Schwartz, & Colditz, 2000). that are unhealthy, unstable, and socially Mental health is an important element of inappropriate. From a cultural viewpoint, public health. This term is used to describe marginality is at the lowest level and the level of psychological and emotional includes both social and physical aspects. well-being and also to show absence of Marginalised areas are in undesirable mental disorders. According to the World conditions and are of low quality in terms Health Organisation [WHO] (2011), there is of health and service installations and no distinct definition for mental health, and equipment. They lack the basic welfare cultural differences, personal evaluations, facilities. Open and non-sanitary toilets, as and rival specialised theories affect the way well as an environment contaminated with this term is defined. waste and rubbish, generate an expedient Given the fact that in today’s life, a context for different diseases. In winters, major portion of different diseases (whether alleys become full of filth and mud and mental or physical) in developing countries on-street water slants through these areas, is highly connected with social factors which results in an increase in diseases and and models, the impacts of such models fatality of the children living there (Ladan reveal their effectiveness for a long-term & Rezghi, 2009). period. Issues, such as poverty, failure in Marginality is a feature in many education, living in rather-improper physical developing countries, including Iran. With environments (such as marginalised areas), the explosive pace of urbanisation and and a high level of insecurity in the society the emergence of urbanisation patterns (such as violence and accidents), along with in Iran, a considerable portion of urban
22 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 42 (2018) Social Capita Land Mental Health in Marginalised Areas spaces and residential areas were occupied of life (Salazar, Wingood, Diclemente, by a phenomenon known as marginality Lang, & Harrington, 2004). or informal settlements, which are at a Patel believes that the role of social large extent in different cities. From the factors in mental health is considerably early decades of the current solar century specified. Increased attention towards such and with the arrival of industry in Iran, social factors and their role in mental health social reforms and land reforms in rural in third-world countries coincides with the communities, injection of oil revenues into development of social capital and it creates cities, reduction on fatality and, eventually, social models of mental health (Harpham, the Islamic Revolution and the subsequent Carant, & Rodriguez, 2003). Lynch and war, along with other factors, forced a large Kaplan define social capital as a type of part of the rural population and work force to capital accumulation and networks that migrate to cities, resulting in the expansion create social solidarity, social commitment of marginalisation. and, consequently, self-esteem and health in Marginality or informal settlements is individuals (Iman, Hoseini Roudbati, 2008; considered an important urban issue that Lahsaeizadeh & Moradi, 2007). Given these has brought about negative and destructive explanations, therefore, an exploration consequences for the mental health of those into the relationship between social capital living in such areas. As a result, this issue and mental health in marginalised areas is is explicitly addressed in macro-policies of fundamental and of great importance. In the Fifth Development Plan of the country. this regard, this paper seeks to examine One of the factors linked with mental the relationship between social capital health of individuals is their social capital. and mental health of people who live in The term ‘social capital’ is defined as marginalised areas of City of Kermanshah the capitals people use to solve general as one of Iran’s metropolises where nearly problems. As an axiom, social capital is 25 to 30 percent of the population live in considered a solution to various social marginality in poor conditions. problems, such as poverty, crime, lagging Though in Iran, social capital as economy, and a low-yielding government. well as mental health has been studied in Social capital is deeply connected to many respects, research that examines the concepts such as civil society and social relationship between these two variables communications (Adam & Roncevic, 2003). is rarely conducted. Particularly, the issue Social capital positively affects various of social capital and mental health in aspects of physical and mental health. It marginalized areas has been neglected boosts self-confidence, generates social and has not been addressed scientifically. support, helps individuals obtain resources, This is while people living in marginal and serves as a shield against stressful events areas are always exposed to social and
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 42 (2018) 23 Abdolhossein Kalantari, Nowzar Ghanbari and Habil Heidarkhani psychological harm. Therefore, considering Shoja, Nabavi, Kasaee and Bagheri the lack of research in this regard, the Yazdi (2011) conducted a research titled relationship between these two variables is “Factor Analysis of Social Capital and its a fundamental and scientifically verifiable Relationship with Mental Health of the problem. Elderly of Tehran’s 9th District”. Results demonstrated that there was a relationship Literature Review between social capital’s elements of individual trust and social solidarity and Nekoonam, Ahmadi and Abbasi Jari (2015) support and mental health of the elderly. conducted a research titled “An Examination However, no meaningful relationship was on the Impact of Social Capital (in-group and observed between social capital’s elements out-group) on Mental Health of university of social trust and association relations with Students (subjects: students of Tabriz mental health of the elderly. University)”. The results of their research Shakerinia (2010) conducted a research suggested that there was a significant titled “Relationship between Social Capital relationship between social capital (in-group and Significance of Life with Mental Health and out-group) and mental health, while in Victims of Wife Abuse”. Results suggested there was a reverse meaningful relationship that there was a meaningful relationship between social capital (in-group and out- between social capital, significance of life, group) and anxiety, social dysfunction, and and mental health of the women studied depression. Results also indicated that there in this research. Moreover, step-by-step wasn’t a significant relationship between regression analysis showed that variables social capital (in-group and out-group) and of social capital and significance of life physical symptoms. managed to predict the mental health of the Razavizadeh, Noghati and Yousefi subjects. (2012) conducted a research titled Hamano et al. (2010) examined the “Relationship between Social Capital and relationship between social capital and Mental Health among Students of Ferdowsi mental health in a study using a multi-level University of Mashhad”. The methodology approach. They realised that both types of included a survey and the sample consisted social capital (cognitive and structural) can of 304 students of Ferdowsi University of affect mental health at the neighbourhood Mashhad. The results showed that, although level. independent variables of trust, support, Malberg (2010) examined the social relationships, self-esteem and mental relationship between social capital and health supportive behaviour did not have mental health among Norwegian social individual meaningful impact on anxiety clients. Results indicated that there was a and severe depression simultaneously, the positive correlation between the elements impact of trust, support, and social relations of bonding social capital, such as social on these two variables is significant.
24 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 42 (2018) Social Capita Land Mental Health in Marginalised Areas trust and trust, in social workers with mental the unconscious. Eventually, true self- health. awareness is not possible unless the person Another research on social capital and has managed to pass through the levels of mental health was conducted by Harpham et sexual mental health successfully and is al. (2003) titled “Mental Health and Social not over-fixated in either of these levels. Capital”. The sample consisted of 1168 A mentally healthy person uses defense individuals aged 15 to 25 years whose mental mechanisms, such as altruism, humor, piety, health was evaluated on a 20-point scale. and austerity (Corsini, 1999). Moreover, the variable of social capital was According to Glasser, everyone has an measured in cognitive and structural aspects. implicit identity through which they feel Results of this research showed that social relative success or failure. In general, a capital affected individual mental health healthy person, according to Glasser, is one both in terms of its structural aspect (civil who has the following characteristics: participation, membership and activity in 1) He / She does not deny the reality official and unofficial organisations) and in and does not ignore painful situations terms of its cognitive aspect (trust, mutual through denial; rather, he/she faces such relationships, norms). situations objectively. In a research titled “How Much Can 2) He / She has a successful identity (e.g. Social Capital Affect Health”, Roose and Wu loves and is loved). He / She feels (1995) examined the relationship between valuable and others confirm this feeling social capital and health. According to the of theirs. results and data analysis, they concluded that social capital (engagement in or exit 3) He / She accepts the responsibility from official and unofficial social networks, of their life and behaviour and acts friends and individuals that one relies on in accordingly. Responsibility is the the time of sickness, having control over perfect sign of mental health. life, and trust) affects individual health 4) Their attention to long-term joys are more than human capital (social base, age, more rational and in accordance with sex, income). reality. 5) He / She emphasises the present and Theoretical Framework: Mental Health future not the past while their emphasis Theories of future is a foresight not a fantasy. Freud believed that most of the people are, to different degrees, neurotic, and that mental Glaser’s reality therapy is based on the three health is an ideal, not a statistical norm. principles of acceptance, judgment, and He believed that the first characteristics responsibility. Any person who manages of mental health is self-awareness, which to realise these three principles is mentally means anything that returns to (me) in healthy (Khodarahimi, 1995).
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 42 (2018) 25 Abdolhossein Kalantari, Nowzar Ghanbari and Habil Heidarkhani
Maslow calls a healthy human ‘self- ability to give and receive love and, finally, actualised’ and explains that those who seek thinks about the future and pays attention to to reach self-actualisation meet their low- their future goals and duties. level needs, such as physical needs, security, Skinner is an experimental psychologist belonging, love, and respect. They are not and a key figure in the Behaviourist approach. psychotic or neurotic and do not have other He believes that the past experiences of pathological disorders. They are role models individuals make them conditional and of maturity, wisdom, and health. They utilise that all human behaviours are a function of all of their potentials and capabilities to environment. If we manage to consciously reach self-actualisation. They know who change the social environment and optimise they are, what they are, and where they are it, we can create more desirable qualities going (Schultz, 2012). Maslow proposes in them. 13 clinical criteria for realisation of self- In short, the mental health of a healthy esteem and self-actualisation: 1) A good person, according to Skinner, is equal to perception of reality, 2) ability to accept behaviours that are consistent with rules one’s self, others, and nature, 3) ability to and regulations of the society in a way that maintain will, 4) relative achievement in the person receives positive reinforcements fundamental issues, 5) having freedom and from the environment and others due to enthusiasm for life, 6) increasing autonomy these behaviours (Corsini, 1999). Dragotis and resistance in formation of groups, defines mental health as the ability to live 7) initiation in judgment and richness in with joy, productivity, and a trouble-free life, motivation, 8) numerous experiences, 9) a along with the absence of nine symptoms of good sense of identification with humanity, mental illness, including depression, anxiety, 10) improving relationships with others, aggression, physical illnesses caused by 11) easement in accepting others, 12) mental illnesses, obsessive-compulsive developing creativity, and 13) mobility in disorder, interpersonal sensitivity, phobia, the system of values (Ganji, 2000). paranoid, and schizophrenia (Dragotis, Frankel believes that a mentally healthy 1994). or self-transcending person has the following Kawachi and Brekman believe that areas qualities: freedom and choice of action, with a higher level of social capital have accepts the responsibility of their life and better access to social and health services. fate, and is not affected by external forces. Besides, such areas have the capability to This type of person has found a meaning enforce a campaign against the government to their life, has conscious control over in protest to budget or to prevent closure their life, goes beyond self-attention, and is of a school or a hospital. These areas can attracted to external meanings. He / She has also create official pressure groups to career commitment, has a specific mission, make health organisations available to the and is well aware of it. He / She also has the public. During crisis, war, or drought, for
26 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 42 (2018) Social Capita Land Mental Health in Marginalised Areas example, areas with in-group and out-group as well as the role of governmental aid social capital are more able to protect their frequency, in social capital development. residents, support them, and provide them Even though some scholars have revised it, with health services (Kawachi & Brekman, Coleman’s definition of social capital still 2000). excels recent sociological works (Salmani, Taghipour, Ramexanzadeh, & Jalili, 2010). Social Capital Theories Putnam claims that participation in community, like official and unofficial James Coleman maintains that social networks of the society, is the core to the capital is not a unitary entity and consists concept of social capital (Hashemianfar of several elements, all of which have two & Heidarkhani, 2012). He states that features in common. First, social capital lies volunteering in a community, which has in the structure of the active (both real and inherited an enormous social capital in legal) relations and, second, social capital form of norms of reciprocity and social facilitates social activities (Tajbakhsh, 2005 participation networks, is better (Putnam, as quoted by Moeinoddini, Sanatkhah, & 2001). Social networks encourage people Dadkhahfar, 2013). to work together and trust others, rather James Coleman puts social capital in the than isolate themselves for personal interest company of executives in social structures. purposes (Tajbakhsh, 2005). Contrary to Coleman considers social capital as a economic capital, social capital is a public testator in the relations between and within commodity. That’s probably why it is the executives in a society in that it benefits often undervalued and not much is done some and doesn’t benefit others. Social to increase its value. Putnam considers capital is not a single unit but a spectrum the following features for social capital of different units that have two common as a locally-obtained social solidarity: 1) features. All include aspects of a social A dense set of local social organisations structure and they help certain executives and networks; 2) High levels of civil present in the structure. The development commitment in local social networks; 3) of social capital is defined as the aspects of Strong and positive local identity along with trustworthiness, obligations, and effective a sense of consistency and equality with local norms maintained by the participants in community members; 4) Generalised norms networks. It depends on the maintenance regarding trust and mutual contribution of progressing opportunities and resources. between local community members and Coleman believes that the formation and whether they know each other in person or destruction of social capital depends on the not; and 5) Civil participation networks are relationships within network groups. He the embodiment of the previous successful also evaluated different aspects of social cooperation which can serve as a cultural structures within different ideologies,
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 42 (2018) 27 Abdolhossein Kalantari, Nowzar Ghanbari and Habil Heidarkhani model for future cooperation (Azkia & prosperity (Mohseni Tabrizi & Aghahasani, Ghafari, 2008 as quoted by Mohseni Tabrizi 2010, p. 150). & Aghamohseni, 2010). Bert defined the structural split For Putnam, indicators of social capital theory in order to conceptualise social include trust, norms, and social participation capital. Structural split theory is based networks that improve the performance of on interpersonal relationships between society by facilitating actions (Hashemianfar an individual and their colleagues in a & Heidarkhani, 2012). social network, which automatically is In the 1980s, Bourdieu developed the of value for the society (Mohseni Tabrizi concept of social capital, although this & Aghahasani, 2010). According to this was less paid attention to as compared theory, if an individual in a social network to other parts of his social theory (Field, established a relationship with colleagues 2003). One of the theoretical foundations with whom he/she has none or little of Bourdieu’s sociology was to consider relationships, he/she will have optimised it. society as a multiplicity of social domains. Thus, the reinforcement of split networks Various forms of capital (economic, cultural, has advantages, such as rapid information and social) are the main elements defining evaluation, double bargaining power, the positions and possibilities of different and increased control over resources and actors in each domain. For him, capitalists outcomes (Cybert, Kraimer, & Linden, can manifest themselves in two basic 2001). forms: economic capital, which has the Brian Turner believes that social capital ability to convert to money and may be can be considered a paradigm for the institutionalised in the form of ownership definition of differences in health and rights; social capital, which consists of illness among social groups in the public social requirements (communication) and health domain. For Turner, this domain of in certain conditions has the ability to social capital discussions is rooted in classic convert to economic capital and may be theories, especially in Durkheim sociology. institutionalised in the form of aristocracy He defines social capital as a membership or nobility (Majedi & Lahsaeezadeh, 2006). of individuals in official and unofficial Francis Fukuyama discusses social groups, as well as official and unofficial capital in an economic framework. He used institutions, degree of social cohesion, social the concept of social capital to compile a solidarity, and social membership density in theory on social trust, which states that the local groups, voluntary associations, mutual power and performance of social capital social ties, and social trust (Turner, 2003). in society depends on society members’ In societies where social ties are not at commitment to common norms and values a desirable level due to different reasons and their ability to overlook personal and where people avoid rational social interests in favour of public good and interactions, the formation and development
28 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 42 (2018) Social Capita Land Mental Health in Marginalised Areas of social capital take place slowly. Therefore, Turner believes that, in societies where a phenomenon called ‘selfish individualism’ social ties are not at a desirable level due to grows in these societies, which leads to an different reasons and where people avoid increase in social solidarity. Decrease in rational social interactions, the formation social interactions causes social isolation to and development of social capital take individuals. As a result, a sense of isolation place slowly. Therefore, a phenomenon and loneliness spreads in the society and, called ‘selfish individualism’ grows in with the escalation of this situation, negative these societies, which leads to an increase mental states emerge in individuals while in social solidarity. Decrease in social their mental health decreases. He also interactions causes social isolation to proposes that high social capital is a means individuals. As a result, a sense of isolation through which individuals are protected and loneliness spreads in the society and, against mental illnesses because social with the escalation of this situation, negative investments create a supportive environment mental states emerge in individuals while for them (Turner, 2003). their mental health decreases. He also proposes that high social capital is a means Theoretical and Empirical Framework through which individuals are protected of Research against mental illnesses because social investments create a supportive environment This research uses various theories. for them (Turner, 2003). However, only those theories that serve Hamano et al. (2010) realised that as the basis for the hypotheses form the both types of social capital (cognitive and theoretical framework of the research. structural) can affect mental health at the From Kawachi’s and Berkman’s neighborhood level. Malberg and Himonan viewpoint, areas with higher social capital (2010) showed that there is a positive have more access to social and health correlation between the elements of bonding services. Besides, such areas have the social capital, such as social trust and trust capability to enforce a campaign against in social worker, and mental health. the government in protest to budget or to Roose and Wu (1995) demonstrated prevent closure of a school or a hospital. that social capital (engagement in or exit These areas can also create official pressure from official and unofficial social networks, groups in order to make health organisations friends and individuals who one relies on available to the public. During crisis, war, in the time of sickness and having control or drought, for example, areas with in-group over life and trust) affects individual health and out-group social capital are more able more than human capital (social base, age, to protect their residents, support them, and sex, income). provide them with health services (Kawachi Hence, the main hypothesis is extracted & Brekman, 2000). from the above-mentioned theories and
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 42 (2018) 29 Hamano et al. (2010) realised that both types of social capital (cognitive and structural) can
affect mental health at the neighborhood level. Malberg and Himonan (2010) showed that there is a
positive correlation between the elements of bonding social capital, such as social trust and trust in
social worker, and mental health.
Roose and Wu (1995) demonstrated that social capital (engagement in or exit from official and
unofficial social networks, friends and individuals who one relies on in the time of sickness and
having control over life and trust) affects individual health more than human capital (social base,
age, sex, income).
Hence, the main hypothesis is extracted from the above-mentioned theories and research:
Abdolhossein Kalantari, Nowzar Ghanbari and Habil Heidarkhani There is a relationship between social capital and mental health. research:Moreover, There is according a relationship to various between theories, socialsocial capital awareness in the current (Bourdieu), research is evaluated and social in social capitalterms of andsocial mental trust (Bourdieu, health. Putnam, Coleman),support social (Turner).solidarity (Putnam), Thus, the social sub-hypotheses participation Moreover, according to various theories, are stated as follows: (Putnam), social awareness (Bourdieu), and social support (Turner). Thus, the sub-hypotheses are social capital in the current research is There is a relationship between social evaluatedstated in as terms follows: of social trust (Bourdieu, capital (social trust, social participation, Putnam,There Coleman), is a relationship social between solidarity social capital social(social trust,solidarity, social participation, social awareness social solidarity, and social (Putnam), social participation (Putnam), support) and mental health. social awareness and social support) and mental health
Social Solidarity Physical Problems
Social Participation Anxiety
Social
Support Social Mental Capital Health Depression Social Trust
Disruption in Social Figure1.Theoretical model of research Social Function Awareness Figure 1. Theoretical model of research 15
RESEARCH HYPOTHESES Hypothesis 3: There is a relationship between social support and the mental health Main Hypothesis of people living in marginalised areas. There is a relationship between social capital and mental health of the individuals living Hypothesis 4: There is a relationship in marginalised areas. between social trust and the mental health of people living in marginalised areas. Sub-hypotheses Hypothesis 1: There is a relationship Hypothesis 5: There is a relationship between social solidarity and the mental between social awareness and the mental health of people living in marginalised areas. health of people living in marginalised areas.
Hypothesis 2: There is a relationship METHODS between social participation and the mental Based on the data gathered and analysed, health of people living in marginalised areas. this research is a quantitative one and,
30 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 42 (2018) Social Capita Land Mental Health in Marginalised Areas in regard to its manner of addressing the CONCEPTUAL AND OPERATIONAL problem, it is a field study. The technique DEFINITION OF VARIABLES used in the research is survey. In the field Social Capital study, Goldberg’s standardised mental Conceptual definition: The term social health questionnaire, as well as a researcher- capital refers to capitals, such as social made social capital questionnaire, was trust and the norms and networks that used to collect data. The General Health people devote to solving general problems. questionnaire (GHQ) was designed by Social capital is said to be linked with Goldberg (Goldberg & William, 1979). concepts, such as civil society and social To verify the reliability of the communication (Adam & Ransowicz, 2003) questionnaire, several university instructors Operational definition: This research and experts were consulted, and the investigates social capital with indicators of Cronbach’s alpha test was used. Based on the social solidarity, social participation, social alpha coefficient, the reliability coefficient support, social trust, and social awareness. of the mental health questionnaire is 0.83, while the reliability coefficient of the social capital questionnaire is 0.74. Mental Health The statistical population of this study Conceptual definition: Mental health is the consisted of all individuals aged 18 years ability to find a balance in life and resist and older in the marginalised areas of problems. Psychological problems impose Kermanshah City. Since it was naturally a considerable amount of pressure on impossible to study the opinions of all of communities (Fata, Mutabi, Shakikba, & the inhabitants of these areas, sampling Barouti, 2008). was applied to determine the opinions of Operational definition: This research the subjects. According to the Cochran investigates mental health with indicators formula, a number of people (384 people) of physical symptoms, anxiety, severe were selected and studied as the sample depression, and disruption in social function. of the statistical population. The sampling method of this research consisted of two DATA ANALYSIS steps, including cluster sampling and simple Descriptive Statistics random sampling. After data were collected, they were analysed using statistical software Descriptive statistics included variables of SPSS. Proper statistical tests were applied sex, education and age. Results of the sex in accordance with each hypothesis to test variable show that 54.0% of the respondents them. were male and 46.0% female. Results of
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 42 (2018) 31 Abdolhossein Kalantari, Nowzar Ghanbari and Habil Heidarkhani the variable of age indicate that 18.0% of Results of the variable of education the respondents were aged 15 to 18, 25.0% indicate that 28.0% of respondents have a were aged 19 to 22, 30.0% were aged 23 to diploma, 37.0% have an associate degree, 26, and 24.0% were aged 27 to 29 years. 29.0% have a bachelor’s degree, and 6.0% have a master’s degree or higher.
Descriptive Statistics Regarding Mental Health Variable Table 1 Descriptive statistics of mental health
Component status Descriptive Indicators Research Variables Total Very high High Average Low Very low Standard Mean (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) deviation 384 69 77 70 83 85 0.91 3.09 symptoms of physical problems 384 49 90 80 90 75 0.87 3.13 anxiety 384 18 30 75 106 155 0.92 3.91 severe depression 384 34 59 85 100 106 0.88 3.48 disruption in social functions 384 0.90 3.40 Total mental health score
Findings of the mental health variable are health, the mean of symptoms of physical in a way that the direction of the questions problems is 3.91, anxiety is 3.13, severe is the reverse. That is, the very high level of depression is 91.3, and disruption in social each variable indicates low mental health function is 3.48. The overall mental health and its coefficient is 1, while the very low score of 3.40 indicates that the mental level of each variable indicates high mental health of respondents is slightly higher than health and its coefficient is 5. The findings average. showed that among the indicators of mental
32 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 42 (2018) Social Capita Land Mental Health in Marginalised Areas
Descriptive Statistics of the Social Capital Variable Table 2 Descriptive statistics of social capital
Component status Descriptive Indicators Research Variables Total Very high High Average Low Very low Standard Mean (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) deviation 384 42 73 140 97 32 0.97 2.99 social trust 384 74 101 138 31 40 0.87 3.35 social solidarity 384 48 60 129 85 62 0.94 2.86 social participation 384 39 60 121 94 70 0.93 2.75 social awareness 384 47 50 101 100 86 0.92 2.66 social support 2.92 total social capital score
Unlike the findings of the mental health social capital in marginalised areas is low variable, whose indicators have a reverse and near average (2.92). direction, social capital indicators have a direct direction. This means that very high FINDINGS social capital is estimated with coefficient 5, Inferential Statistics while very low is estimated with 1. Findings show that among social capital indicators, Normal Distribution of Data social cohesion has the highest mean (3.35) To use parametric tests, some preconditions while social support has the lowest mean are required, which include normalised data. (2.66). Moreover, the general status of social To investigate the normality of the factors, capital components shows that, in all of the the Kolmogorov-Smirnov single sample test components, respondents acknowledge that is used as follows. social capital in the marginalised areas of Ho : data are normally distributed Kermanshah is less than average (3) while the total score of social capital indicates that H1 : data are not normally distributed
Table 3 Kolmogorov-Smirnov test to determine the normality of research variables
Subscales Social trust Social Social Social Social indicators solidarity participation awareness support Kolmogorov-Smirnov 2.65 2.92 2.88 2.63 2.36 values Significance level (two 0.21 0.25 0.07 0.08 0.13 domains)
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 42 (2018) 33 Abdolhossein Kalantari, Nowzar Ghanbari and Habil Heidarkhani
According to Table 3, it can be concluded social participation, social solidarity, social that, since the values of significance level of awareness, and social support) and mental all research variables are more than 0.05, health of those residing in marginality. data are normally distributed and, thus, The Pearson correlation coefficient test parametric tests may be used for the analysis was used to investigate the research of the research hypotheses. hypotheses regarding the relationship between different aspects of social capital Testing the hypotheses (solidarity, participation, support, trust, and awareness) with mental health. Results are There is a relationship between different presented in the following table. aspects of social capital (social trust,
Table 4 Correlation between independent and dependent variables
Mental Health Variable Indicators Correlation coefficient Significance level Social capital Social solidarity 0.32 0.000 Social participation 0.37 0.000 Social support 0.30 0.000 Social trust 0.40 0.001 Social awareness 0.24 0.001 Total social capital 0.34 0.000
Results suggest that there is a significant, and social support (P =0.30) with mental positive, and direct relationship between health from the perspective of the youth all aspects of the social capital and mental living in marginalised areas. Therefore, it health from the viewpoint of inhabitants can be argued that, from the perspective of marginalised areas. Meanwhile, the of inhabitants of marginalised regions, the relationship between social trust and mental higher the rate of social capital (P = 0.34) health (P = 0.40) had the highest correlation and its aspects, the higher the level of mental coefficient, while the relationship between health. All the hypotheses of the present social awareness and mental health had the research are confirmed. lowest correlation coefficient (P = 0.24). Also, there is a positive and significant Regression analysis relationship between social participation How does each independent variable explain (P = 0.37), social solidarity (P = 0.32), the dependent variables of the research?
34 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 42 (2018) Social Capita Land Mental Health in Marginalised Areas
Table 5 Multiple regression test
DW F R2 R Tol VIF sig t β B Predictive variables 1.89 21.84 0.36 0.60 - - 0.000 2.95 - 1.734 Fixed value 0.59 1.76 0.000 3.76 0.37 0.103 Social trust 0.70 1.42 0.000 3.33 0.31 0.079 Social participation 0.72 1.52 0.000 2.96 0.27 2.065 Social solidarity 0.74 1.30 0.000 2.65 0.21 0.0244 Social support 0.82 1.29 0.001 2.31 0.18 0.38 Social awareness DW: Durbin-Watson, Tol: Tolerance, VIF: Variance inflation
Dependent variable: mental health of significant variables in general managed inhabitants of marginalised area to significantly explain a change in the The table above lists the values of variable of mental health of inhabitants of coefficients in the regression equation marginalised regions by 0.36 (R2 = 0.36). and probabilistic sizes based on the linear relationship between the predictive variables Structural Equation Model (AMOS) and dependent variables. According to the A structural equation model was used to table, the social trust variable (β = 0/37) determine the intensity and direction of plays a larger role than other ones. This the effect of social capital on mental health indicates that, for each unit of change in among the inhabitants of marginalised areas the standard deviation of social trust, a 0.37 of Kermanshah in different situations. Nine change occurs in the standard deviation of visible variables are present in this model, the dependent variable. Subsequently, the where the variables h1, h2, h3, h4, and h5 social participation variable (β = 0.31), are representatives of the hidden variable social solidarity variable (β = 0.27), social of social capital, while the visible variables awareness variable (β = 0.21), and social F1, F2, F3, and F4 are the representatives interaction variable (β = 0 / 18) contributed of the hidden variable of mental health. to the prediction of the dependent variable. The error variables, z and d, represent It should be noted that multi-correlation the measurement error of the nine visible of predictive variables with mental health variables. is relatively high (R = 0.60). Also, five
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 42 (2018) 35 Abdolhossein Kalantari, Nowzar Ghanbari and Habil Heidarkhani
Table 6 Variable present in the model
Variable Indicators Graphical symbols in the model Social capital Social solidarity H1 Social participation H2 Social support H3 Social trust H4 Social awareness H5 Mental health Anxiety F1 Severe depression F2 Symptoms of physical problems F3 Disruption in social function F4
Figure 2.Figure2 Structural. Structural equation test equation for the study test offor the the impact study of of social the impactcapital on of mental social health capital on mental health Given that the direction of the arrows from research model determine the amount of Giventhe hiddenthat the variable direction to of the the visible arrows variable from the respondent’shidden variable social to capital.the visible variable that representsthat representsthe hidden thevariable, hidden it indicatesvariable, the it methodologicalIn this model, point that the thedependent score of andeach indicates the methodological point that hidden variable is the mental health of the respondentthe score in the of visible each respondent variable is influencedin the visible by the inhabitants situation of ofthe marginalised respondent, where areas, the while hidden its variable is influenced by the situation of the visible indicators are anxiety (0.40), severe underlying variable is associated with the visible one. In this model, for example, the hidden respondent, where the hidden underlying depression (0.26), symptoms of physical variablevariable is social is associated capital and with its the visible visible indicator one. In isproblems social solidarity (0.35), (H1).and disruption In other words,in social the this model, for example, the hidden variable function (0.18). weightsis socialof H1, capital H2, H3, and H4, its and visible H5 inindicator the research is modelFor determine example, thethe amounteffect of of the respondent’s dependent socialsocial capital. solidarity (H1). In other words, the variable of the research (e.g. mental health weights of H1, H2, H3, H4, and H5 in the on F1 (0.40)) means that hidden variable In this model, the dependent and hidden variable is the mental health of the inhabitants of 36 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 42 (2018) marginalised areas, while its visible indicators are anxiety (0.40), severe depression (0.26), symptoms of physical problems (0.35), and disruption in social function (0.18).
For example, the effect of the dependent variable of the research (e.g. mental health on F1
(0.40)) means that hidden variable of mental health has the highest potential to analyse F1 (or items directly linked to anxiety) with the highest coefficient. Social trust has the highest potential to analyse this variable with a coefficient of 0.59 in the hidden variable of social capital. In general, the effect of the independent variable of social capital on the mental health of the inhabitants of marginalised areas is 0.48.
23
Social Capita Land Mental Health in Marginalised Areas of mental health has the highest potential hidden variable of social capital. In general, to analyse F1 (or items directly linked to the effect of the independent variable of anxiety) with the highest coefficient. Social social capital on the mental health of the trust has the highest potential to analyse this inhabitants of marginalised areas is 0.48. variable with a coefficient of 0.59 in the
Model Fitness
Table 7 Model fitness indices
Indices Value Indices Value Indices Value CMIN 254.04 GFI 0.86 NNFI 0.80 ρ,df 0.000، 231 AGFI 0.81 NFI 0.83 CMIN/DF 12.74 CFI 0.79 RMSEA 0.62
Fitness indices were used to examine model 90.0-95.0 for good models, while values fitness. Fitness indices yield statistical higher than 8.0 indicate a rather good fitness values that help researchers choose the of model. Also, if Root Mean Square Error most suitable model. There are many fitness of Approximation (RMSEA), suggested by indices; however, the most effective one is Lohin (2004) for fitness, is less than 0.80, the basis for the other indices and is called it shows good fitness, values of 0.80 to 0.1 χ2. The closer the chi-square is to zero, the show acceptable fitness, and values closer to better the fitness of model. Since the chi- zero indicate higher fitness. The above table square value is influenced by the sample shows the results of the analysis of the first- size and the number of relationships of order factor for the above-mentioned model. the model, one cannot reach a desirable conclusion based on this value. Therefore, CONCLUSION other indices are used along with this one As mentioned before, mental health in the to examine model fitness (Ezheie, Fata, community is one of the main pillars of Mutabi, Shakikba, & Barouti, 2008). sustainable development and an essential Another index used to tackle this flaw of part of prosperity and quality of life. A 2 chi-square is χ /df. If this index is smaller society is dynamic and vital only when its than 3, it confirms the fitness of the model citizens, whether man or woman, enjoy (Meyer, Eskandari, Grallath, & Rentsch, favourable physical, mental, and social 2006). Based on the principle, Goodness of health. In this way, society can move Fit Indices (GFI), Adjusted Goodness of Fit towards improvement and fulfilment and Index (AGFI), Confirmatory Factor Index reach a reasonable level of development. (CFI), Normed Fit Index (NFI), and Non- Mental health, especially in marginalised Normed Fit Index (NNFI) are considered
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 42 (2018) 37 Abdolhossein Kalantari, Nowzar Ghanbari and Habil Heidarkhani areas or informal settlements, is one of al. (2012); Shakerinia (2010), and Shoja the most important urban issues. Living (2011). The findings of all of above studies in marginality generates negative and indicate that there is a relationship between destructive consequences for the mental various aspects of social capital and mental health of its inhabitants and, thus, this issue health. Also, the results of this article are is address in macro-policies of Iranian Fifth consistent with Kavachi, Brackman and Development Plan. Turner theories. Each of the aforementioned In this regard, given the importance theorists referred to the connection between and necessity of an examination of the social capital and mental health in their relationship between social capital and theories. Therefore, the findings of this mental health, this paper analysed and research are completely in line with the investigated different aspects of social above theories. capital (i.e. social trust, social solidarity, Based on the theoretical discussions and social participation, social support, and the findings of this research, it can be said social awareness) as independent variables that with the transition of societies from and their relationship to the mental health traditional to industrial, the mental health of the inhabitants of the marginalised areas of the community becomes more important, of the city of Kermanshah as the dependent so that mental health is at the forefront of variable. the global organization, including the World The results confirm a positive, direct, Health Organization. This issue has been and significant relationship between all of discussed in Iran as a developing country. In the independent variables and the dependent the meantime, the existence of a large part of variable. The higher the level of social the marginalized areas has caused problems. trust (P = 40/0), social solidarity (P =32/0), Issues and problems affecting the health social participation (P = 37/0), social of riders in marginal areas from different support (P = 30/0), and social awareness perspectives. Living in the marginalized (P = 24/0) among inhabitants of marginal areas requires the development of a spirit areas, the more likely mental health is to be of trust, participation, support, coherence, realised for them. Meanwhile, the highest engagement, and cooperation, according to correlation with mental health belongs to their particular circumstances. The results the variable of social trust, while the lowest of the research show that with the increase correlation belongs to the variable of social in each of these variables, the mental health consciousness. of marginalized individuals also increases. The results of this study concerning Given that mental health means living in a the relationship between social capital and situation where participation, trust, support mental health are consistent with the findings and social interaction are integral to it, it by Hamano et al. (2010); Malberg (2010); provides safe and comfortable conditions, Nekoonam et al. (2015); Razavizadeh et especially in marginalized areas with
38 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 1 - 42 (2018) Social Capita Land Mental Health in Marginalised Areas multiple forms of deprivation in which Cheng, Y., Kawachi, I., Coakley, E. H., Schwartz, one has the power to calm down and relax J., & Colditz, G. (2000). Association between himself and others, is conscious of his inner psychosocial work characteristics and health functioning in American women: Prospective self and emotions, has the power of decision- study. BMJ, 320(7247), 1432-1436. making in crisis, and can successfully cope with psychological pressures; this is in fact Corsini, R. J. (1999). The dictionary of Psychology Philadelphia, Taylor & Francis. the meaning of mental health. A rich society in terms of social Cybert, S., Kraimer, M., & Linden, R. (2001). A social capital can provide a higher level of health capital theory of career success. Academy of Management Journal, 44(2). achievements through securing more social support, developing social participation and Dragotis, L. R. (1994). SCL-90-R: Administration, trust, and increasing individual and social scoring, and procedures manual. USA. awareness. Solidarity in a social network Ezheie, J., Fata, L., Mutabi, F., Shakikba, Sh., & directly creates positive mental states and a Barouti, E. (2008). Components of emotional- sense of belonging in individuals which, in social intelligence as predictors of mental health. Journal of Psychological Studies, 15. turn, improve their mental health. Moreover, those highly involved in social networks Field, J. (2003). Social capital. London and New York: have access to broader social sources and Rutledge Taylor 8 Francis. are in more desirable conditions in terms Ganji, H. (2000). Mental health. Tehran: Arasbaran of well-being. Social capital increases Publications. marginalised inhabitants’ tendency towards Goldberg, D. P., & Hillier, V. F. (1979). A scaled interaction and cooperation with various version of general health questionnaire. social groups and creates a network of Psychological Medicine, 9, 131-145. voluntary relationships among such groups Hamano, T., Fujisawa, Y., Ishida, Y., Subramanian, S. in various aspects of social life. Social V., Kawachi, I., & Shiwaku, K. (2010). Social capital binds people together like a book capital and mental health in Japan: a multilevel end and prevents them from separation and analysis. Plos One, 5(10), e 13214, 1-6. scattering and, thus, secures their mental Harpham, T., Carant, E., & Rodriguez, C. (2003). health. Mental health and social capital in Cali, Colombia. Social Science and Medicine, 58, 2267-2277. REFERENCES Hashemianfar, S. A., & Heidarkhani, H. (2012). An Adam, F., & Roncevic, B. (2003). Social capital: analysis of students’ social capital (case study: Recent debates and research trends. Social Islamic Azad University, Science Research Science Information, 42, 155-183. Centre of Tehran). Shushtar Social Science Bourdieu, P. (1980). Le capital social: Notes Journal, 6(19). provisoires; Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales, 3, 2-3.
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Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 43 - 66 (2018)
SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES
Journal homepage: http://www.pertanika.upm.edu.my/
A Missing Dialogue among Advocates and Opponents of 19th Century Short-Term Reforms in Iran
Mohammad Reza Javadi Yeganeh1* and Reyhaneh Javadi2 1University of Tehran, Ale-Ahmad St., Tehran, Iran. P.O. Box: 14395-773 2No. 354. Shahab Parvaz Complex, Bahonar St. Ashrafi Highway, Tehran, Iran. P.O. Box: 14395-773
ABSTRACT This article applies rational choice theory to analysis three reformative periods in 19th century Iran: the reforms of AmirKabir, Naser-ed-Din Shah and Sepahsalar. It analyses the arguments of the advocates and opponents of reforms, as well as the reasons and counterarguments of reformers. Using the method of agreement and the method of concomitant variation, it examines the triangular rational interaction of opponents, reformers, and advocates of reforms. Based on a nominal comparison of the arguments of opponents, the reasons they offer in all three reformative periods include: “endangerment of Shah’s household”, “homeland security disturbance”, “the danger of losing territorial integrity of Iran”, “political dependency of the reformer and/or his advocates on foreign countries”, “neglecting people’s rights”, “neglecting the opponents’ position and threatening their class benefits”, and “personal manner of the reformer and/or his advocates”. Based on an ordinal comparison, the most repetitive arguments offered by distinct groups of opponents include: “endangerment of Shah’s household”, “neglecting the opponents’ position and threatening their class benefits”, “neglecting traditions by the reformer and/ or his advocates”, and “personal manner of the reformer and/or his advocates”. Analysing the triangular interaction of the reformer, advocates, and opponents of reforms indicates that the reform of Sepahsalar is the only one that demonstrates an interaction among reformer, advocates, and opponents. Further, it is the only period in which the reformer and the advocates react to the most repetitive ARTICLE INFO Article history: arguments of opponents. Received: 18 October 2017 Accepted: 01 February 2018 Keywords: Advocates of reform, AmirKabir, Naser- E-mail addresses: [email protected] (Mohammad Reza Javadi Yeganeh) ed-Din Shah, opponents of reforms, Qajar dynasty, [email protected] (Reyhaneh Javadi) rational choice theory, Sepahsalarl * Corresponding author
ISSN: 0128-7702 © Universiti Putra Malaysia Press Mohammad Reza Javadi Yeganeh and Reyhaneh Javadi
INTRODUCTION al-Din Shah Era on the execution of reforms The historical yet ongoing process of and its achievements. modernisation and reforms in Iran, along To give a background on the events with its achievements and failures, has occurred in these three reformative periods, been affected the current socio-political in the following article, first a short account path of the Iranian society. Duality of on the reforms in these three reformative Modernity and Tradition in the past two periods will be offered. Moving forward, centuries, the impact of their relationship, the article briefly introduces Rational and its implications on the current social, Choice theory as theoretical framework cultural, political, and economic situation and elaborates on method of agreement of Iran are what have been addressed by and method of concomitant variations as many Iranian scholars. This scrutiny can be methodology to approach the questions. found in the works of historians and political This setting provides the context to analyse scientists like Abbas Amanat (2004); Abbas the arguments offered by the opponents of Milani (2001); Ali MirSepassi (2005); Hairi the reforms as well as its advocates and the (1988); Mohammad Tohidi (2008). Yet, a reformers. sociological analysis of the early attempts to overcome the ‘boundaries’ of tradition Historical Background and reform various aspects of Iranians life The shocking defeat of Iran in the war is missing. against Russia in the beginning of the 19th Focusing on the early reforms conducted century, which resulted in the loss of some th in the 19 century, during Nasser al-Din Shah of Iran’s most important territories in the Era, this article will analyse the arguments North, brought about self-consciousness offered by the opponents and advocates of among Iranian elites and alarmed them on the reforms. Going beyond the common- the West’s increasing developments. As a sensical pictures which drew the opponents result, Abbas Mirza (1803–1828), the crown of reforms as the traditionalist reactionaries, prince at the time, and his followers in this article specifically concentrates on their Tabriz initiated the first reformative attempt. own arguments that resulted in the failure of By his death, however, this early attempt for the reforms. Consequently, this article will reforms ended. To fulfil the goal of Abbas answer the question “how the opponents Mirza, there were three short-term reforms and advocates of the reforms in Naseri in the Naser-ed-Din Shah era (1848-1896). Era offered and presented their arguments Naser-ed-Din Shah was the descendant of for or against the reforms”. Besides, it Abbas Mirza and one of the most important comparatively analyses the impact of these kings of the Qajar Dynasty (1785-1925). arguments and the reactions of the reformers These three eras of reform were headed in each of the three reform periods in Nasser by Mirza Taqi Khan AmirKabir (Prime
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Minister, 1848-1851), Naser-ed-Din Shah the Ottoman Empire, Mirza Hussein Khan (the king himself 1858–1861), and Mirza Sepahsalar, as the new Prime Minister. Hussein Khan Sepahsalar (Prime Minister, Sepahsalar immediately emerged as the 1871-1873). However, all these attempts at leader of the third reformative period by reform failed due to the extreme oppositions empowering the Iranian army and the by clergymen, courtiers, government industrial apparatus, implementing financial officials, and women of the royal harem. reforms, and focusing on cultural policies Mirza Taqi Khan AmirKabir, started the like civil rights and providing public first “comprehensive” reforms in Iran as the education in Dar ul-funun. Yet Sepahsalar’s first Prime Minister of Naser-ed-Din Shah, reforms were confronted with extreme which included stabilising internal security, opposition, probably most severe in the introducing an accurate and fair tax system, Naseri era. Because of these oppositions, empowering Iran’s military, establishing Sepahsalar was forced to resign after his legal justice courts, prohibiting bribery, and return to Iran from a triumphant trip to building the first Iranian college. Europe with the Shah himself. Unlike However, the first reformative period in the other periods of reforms in this era, the Naseri era ended in 1851 due to the wide Sepahsalar was not murdered or arrested, opposition of courtiers, officials, clergymen, and he returned to power shortly after his women of the harem, and foreign embassies. resignation. However, his resignation ended A worsening of Iran’s internal and global the last attempts of reform in the Naser-ed- situation in the following seven years under Din Shah era. Prime Minister Mirza Agha Khan Noori resulted in Naser-ed-Din Shah’s decision MATERIALS AND METHODS to take the leading role in the upcoming Theoretical Frame reforms in 1858 and to establish the Council of the State, the Assembly of the House of Using historical sociology, this article Consultation, and the government judicial analyses the arguments of reformers, bureau. In this period, an enlightening opponents, and advocates of reforms by informal reformative trend, led by Mirza applying what James Mahoney (2004) calls Malkum Khan, complemented formal “general theory” in his article “Revising reforms. But just like AmirKabir’s reform, General Theory in Historical Sociology”. the reforms in this period faced extensive Introducing functionalist, rational choice, opposition and were finally halted in 1853 power, neo-Darwinian, and cultural theories by the arrest, exile, and murder of the as “general theories” in historical sociology, advocates of the informal reform. Mahoney emphasises that the core of these Nine years after the defeat of the second theories is demonstrated by specific “causal reformative period in the Naseri Era, Naser- agents (i.e., basic units of analysis)” and ed-Din Shah appointed Iran’s ambassador in special “causal mechanisms (i.e., abstract properties of causal agents that produce
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 43 - 66 (2018) 45 Mohammad Reza Javadi Yeganeh and Reyhaneh Javadi outcomes and associations)” (Mahoney focuses on the social phenomena in terms 2004, p. 460). of the rational choice of the social actors. According to Ian Craib (2006, p. 92), There are two forms of rationality in “one of the simplest way to describe rational Rational Choice Theory, namely forward- choice theory is analysing it by attempts looking rationality and backward-looking of constructing models of individuals’ rationality. In forward-looking rationality behaviour when they are acting rational in “actors choose alternatives by predicting the a special circumstance”. In rational choice social outcome of their choices. […] they theory, the rational individuals (agents) are are assumed to try to choose the alternatives those whose actions are “instrumental” and that produce the best outcome for them. rely on rationality. This theory is not seeking Game theory assumes this forward-looking to show that a given individual in a “special rationality” (Sato, 2010). In the backward- circumstance” will do a specific action, but it looking rationality, the actor learns from his seeks to analyse “social outcomes”. In other past and the positive or negative outcomes words, according to this theory, even if the of the alternative outcomes. Yet, it is worth agent is acting rational, the social outcomes noting that rational choice theory, especially still might be irrational and undesirable in more recent approaches, is aware of (Hatcher & Kanazawa, 1997, p. 192; Javadi the “boundaries” of this general theory; Yeganeh, 2008). however, stating these boundaries does not Although the rational choice approach negate the rationality of individuals’ actions. has various attitudes toward social actions Although some recent research has that are examined by different scholars, it is applied rational choice theory (Congleton, mainly trying to explain an individual action 2006; McLean, 2001; Milner, 2002; in terms of rationality of actors. In Norkus’ Murshed, 2010), these authors are mainly words, “the individual actions are explained focused on political science and events as the consequences of acts of rational occurring in the late twentieth century as choices” (Norkus 2000, p. 260). It is worth opposed to earlier historical incidents. There noting that rational choice theory, especially are two notable exceptions, however, in The in more recent approaches, is aware of the Logic of Evil, the Social Origin of Nazi Party boundaries of this general theory; however, 1925-1933, William Bernstein explains the stating these boundaries does not negate rise of the Nazi Party in Germany based on the rationality of individuals’ actions. rational choice theory (Mahoney, 2004), and Yet, acknowledging these boundaries and Eskandari Qajar’s (2010) article, “Between limitations in examining the rationality Scylla and Charybdis; Policy-making under of individuals, sociologists came up with conditions of constraint in early Qajar notions like bounded rationality. Persia,” explains the decision of the first Rational choice theory, following kings of Qajar Dynasty for protecting Iran individualistic methodology of Max weber, in the wars against Russia.
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According to Ian Craib (2006, p. 92), of reform in the Naseri Era, this article “one of the simplest way to describe rational focuses on the arguments as expressed by choice theory is analyzing it by attempts of opponents and advocates of reforms. In constructing models of individuals’ behavior other words, for analysing the rationality of when they are acting rational in a special their arguments in supporting or opposing circumstance”. Rational Choice theory the reformers, the arguments of opponents of doesn’t neglect the irrational acts of the reforms (divided in four groups: clergymen, players but assumes them as rational actors courtiers, governmental officials, and and begins with a rational analysis of the the women of the royal harem) will be social phenomena. discussed, and the responses of the reformer Therefore, in the following article, and his advocates to opponents’ critics rational choice theory is applied to will be assessed. Reviewing the archives investigate the arguments of the opponents and documents of Nasseri Era regarding and supporters of reforms in these three the arguments of rational actors of the reformative periods during the era known reforms – opponents and advocates- four as the Naseri era. Rational choice theory has categorises has been recognized. Therefore, been used to examine historical data. Most using rational choice theory, applying the of the conceptual and historical analyses comparative perspective of the arguments focus on the backwardness of oppositions proposed by opponents and advocates, in the Qajar era, seeing them as passive studying the letters, pamphlets, and books reactioners who follow their own financial written by these opponents, advocates, and and even sexual desires. In the absence of reformers themselves, and considering the alternative approaches in other research arguments offered by them to defend or reforms in Iran, this article argues that criticize reforms, the categorised arguments rational choice theory—which assumes emerge as follows: rationality of the individuals and analyses - Religious arguments: the opposition of the reason of these actions and decisions— reformative actions with Islam, neglect opens a new window unto this realm. In of Islam by the individual reformer and/ other words, this theory enables the authors or his advocates; to focus on the “rational” context of the - Financial arguments: the financial choices of these opponents and understand performance of the reformer and/or the irrational, unwanted outcomes of these his advocates, financial corruption of protests. reformer and/or his advocates, and the erosion of the financial benefits of elites METHODS by them; Investigating the rationality of the agents - Political arguments: the endangerment of reform (reformers, advocates of reforms, of the kingdom of Naser-ed-Din Shah, and opponents of reforms) in each period attempts to abolish the Qajar dynasty,
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attempts to change the monarch system, Inspired by John Stuart Mill’s direct dereliction of the power of the heir by method of agreement and method of exercising ultra-monarchical power concomitant variations and applying the by reformer and/or his advocates, nominal and ordinal comparisons explained homeland security disturbance, the by James Mahoney, this article then analyses absolute power of the reformer, the the arguments of reformers, advocates, and interventions of aliens in Iran, the opponent of reforms. According to Mahoney, danger of losing territorial integrity of nominal comparison “involves the use of Iran, the danger of the colonisation of categories that are mutually exclusive and Iran, the political dependency of the collectively exhaustive” (Mahoney 1999, p. reformer and/or his advocates in foreign 1157). In the direct method of agreement, countries; which is one of the simplest methods offered - Social arguments: neglecting the by Mill (2009), “omitting” is crucial and the opponents’ position and threatening their researcher should try to discover the “firm, class benefits, neglecting the people’s common, or non-changeable patterns among rights, low social origins of the reformer the cases”. Unlike the nominal comparison, and/or his advocates, negligence of in an ordinal comparison, which weights traditions by the reformer and/or his the causes, the potential causes cannot be advocates, cultural westernisation of omitted easily (Taleban 2009, p. 65) As Iran; Mahoney states: Ordinal comparison entails the rank ordering of cases into three or more - The personal manner of the reformer categories based on the degree to which a and/or his advocates. given phenomenon is present (Mahoney 1999, p. 1160). For analysing the arguments of the Therefore, in this article, in the nominal advocates, this article uses the common level and based on Mill’s direct method arguments of the opponents to assess of agreement, non-common arguments of the pro-reform reasonings in four ways distinct groups of opponents in the three by pointing out the same criticisms of reformative groups in the Naseri era will opponents, criticising opponents for such be omitted. In the ordinal level, based on arguments, denying the accusations of Mill’s method of concomitant variations, opponents, and emphasising the importance the most and least common arguments of the reformative actions. It is worth noting among advocates, opponents, and reformers that the advocates of reforms—except for will be ranked. With nominal comparison, Mirza Malkum Khan—were not eager to using the thin methods of rational choice defend reforms or offer reasoning to support theory, this article focus on the rationality it, unless pressured by the opponents who of the choices of the opponents of reforms. did not hesitate to attack the reforms.
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By so doing, it reveals the arguments that Prussia and England for establishing new demonstrate which groups were influential factories, and establishing Iran’s first daily in the failure of reforms. Concentrating on paper -Vaghaye’ Etefaghyeh- (Adamiyat, the arguments of the opponents in these 1983; Haj Sayyah, 1980; Khormoji, 1984; three reformative trends, their arguments Lesan al-Molk Sepehr, 1958; Mahbobi in an order of twenty-one arguments will Ardakani, 1975; Makki, 1987; Martin, 2010; be categorized. Additionally, the ordinal Mohit Tabatabaei, 1975; Rezvani, 1975; comparison of these twenty-one arguments Shamim, 1996). will be offered. Subsequently, the arguments Yet, his reformative actions faced harsh of the advocates of reforms and the reformers criticism and immense opposition from both will be analysed based on these twenty-one Iranian and foreigner opponents (Amanat, categorised arguments. 2004; Hedayat, 1983; Raadi Azarakhshi, 1975; Tohidi Chaffi, 2008). Inside Iran, RESULTS AND DISCUSSION there were four major groups opposing the performance of AmirKabir: the clergy, Short-Term Reforms in 19th Century courtiers, officials, and the women of the Iran royal harem. 1. AmirKabir’s Reform The first round of reforms headed by 1.1. The Opponents of AmirKabir’s AmirKabir emerged in 1847, the exact year Reform Naser-ed-Din Shah ascended to power. In his AmirKabir reduced the power of the clergy three years as Prime Minister (1848 – 1851), to almost nothing, an act which was not AmirKabir conducted widespread reforms common in Iran at that time, and caused empowering the army as well as financial, serious oppositions by clergymen who were social, and political developments. Some of among the most important political actors in his many attempts to modernise Iran include Qajar Iran. The strict manner of AmirKabir stabilising internal security, establishing an toward clergymen (such as removing one of accurate and fair tax system, empowering them due to a case of bribery), replacing the Iran’s military by hiring military experts religious courts by legal courts, nullifying from Italy and Austria, opening weapon the law of taking refuge in a sanctuary factories, controlling and limiting religious (which was very common in Iran),1 and justice courts (Mahakem-e Shara’) and establishing legal justice courts instead, prohibiting bribery, performing nation-wide 1It is worth mentioning that due to the humbleness attached to taking refuge in a sanctuary as an act smallpox vaccination, building the first of commoners, other places were replaced such public hospital, building the first Iranian as foreign embassies and even the Shah’s stables. college (Darul-funun), promoting translation The determination of this law limited maneuvering power in Iran of foreign embassies and courtesies as and publication, hiring technicians from well as clergymen.
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 43 - 66 (2018) 49 Mohammad Reza Javadi Yeganeh and Reyhaneh Javadi indulgency of religious minorities ignited in Iranian policies in the Qajar Dynasty. the anger of clergymen and their countless The officials—mostly from the non-royal followers. However, considering the lack of prominent families in Iran—oversaw official historical data in AmirKabir’s era, running the government. They were a well- there is no written opposition argumentation educated and well-established group who by clergymen against the Prime Minister. had essentially inherited their jobs from their Courtiers, who were one of the most ancestors. From the beginning of Naser-ed- important and influential groups in Qajar Din Shah’s kingship, officials who preferred Iran, were another group that opposed the Prime Minister to be one of their own the reforms of AmirKabir. One of the started to oppose AmirKabir’s campaign. main and yet basic reasons the courtiers However, it was not until after the dismissal opposed AmirKabir was because of his and murder of AmirKabir that they became humble background. Unaccustomed to this vocal about their oppositions. The authority in Iran in the 19th century, the courtiers of AmirKabir, his charisma, and his absolute found it offensive that a person with a power prevented them from confronting low social status could reach the second directly and, as a result, they tried to express highest position in the country. AmirKabir’s their opposition to the Shahs2 (AleDavood, irritating approaches gave them even more 2000; Amanat, 2004; Eetemad al-Saltaneh, reason to oppose. For example, the Prime 1978a; Eetemad al-Saltaneh, 1978b; Eghbal Minister reduced the governmental budgets Ashtian, 1961; Mahboobi Ardakani, 1975; dramatically and remained himself the only Makki, 1987; Sasani, 2003). one who had unlimited access to the Shah, Finally, there were the women of the a privilege that bothered all the groups in royal harem—the veiled and hidden power power—especially the courtiers. Moreover, of Iran’s Qajar court— who were in some AmirKabir was negligent to the status of cases among the most effective powers in courtiers as the ‘royal family’ and refused the country who stood against AmirKabir. to consider their royal blood a special social Although the women of the royal harem or financial privilege for them (Amanat, were mostly considered “playthings” to the 2004; Lesan al-Molk Sepehr, 1958; Makki, powerful men in 19th century Iran, they had 1987). Like the clergymen, there is no written documentation regarding courtiers’ 2For the letter of Mirza Agha khan Noori to Naser- opposition toward reforms; however, formal ed-Din Shah see Aledavood 2000: 220. historical books, such as Nasekh-ol-tavarikh For the government announcement regarding AmirKabir’s dismissal see Makki 1987: 490. written by Lesan al-Molk Sepehr (1958) in For the letter of Mirza Agha khan Noori to Russian the Naser-ed-Din Shah era, provide some of Ambassador to Iran see Aledavood 2000: 213. For the letter of Mirza Agha khan Noori to Iran the courtiers’ arguments. Ambassador to Russia see Aledavood 2000: 213. Along with courtiers, the officials For critics of Eetemad-ol-Saltaneh regarding were the most important internal players AmirKabir’s reform see Eetemad-ol-Saltaneh 1978a: 75-83.
50 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 43 - 66 (2018) Short-Term Reforms in 19th Century Iran an exciting potential to influence those in religious argument against AmirKabir and power in practice, since they had unrivalled his reforms. access to the Shah—who no other man was In nominal comparison, “neglecting allowed. During AmirKabir’s reformative the opposition’s status and threatening period, these women (in particular Naser-ed- their class benefits” and “depriving the heir Din Shah’s mother, Mahd-e Olia) were some of power from power” are two arguments of the few vocal opponents of the reforms that the three dissenting groups share and, (Amanat, 2004; Makki, 1987; Sasani, 2003; therefore, are the most frequent opposition Tohidi Chaffi, 2008).3 arguments.4 The other arguments are As mentioned earlier, there has omitted in the nominal comparison because remained no argument from clergymen they do not occur in at least one of the during this period, either due to the poor arguing groups. In ordinal comparison, formal historical narrations in the first besides the two arguments of nominal decade of Naser-ed-Din Shah’s era, the lack comparison that are the most frequent, of informal history writing, clergymen’s “the personal manner of the reformer and/ unwillingness to document their personal or his advocates”, “the absolute power of lives, the unsuitable maintenance of the reformer”, and “homeland security historical data, or simply because the disturbance” are suggested by two out of clergymen did not offer arguments (although three opposition groups and, therefore, that seems unlikely). Most of the oppositions have moderate importance. The remaining against AmirKabir’s reform came from arguments are suggested by only one of the officials. The arguments of opposition are opposition groups and, therefore, have the mainly focused on political reasoning and least importance. followed by social ones. Notably, the only In this reformative period, the distinguished opposition to AmirKabir’s opposition arguments merely focused on performance was suggested by women of class benefits and group interests. In the the royal harem focusing on systematic nominal comparison, there were no national “financial corruption”, “the inappropriate interests in the arguments of the opposition, actions of army soldiers”, and “people’s while in the two other periods of reform in irritation by soldiers”. Interestingly, unlike Naser-ed-Din Shah’s era, there were shifts the other reformative periods in the Naseri in the level of arguments from the group and era, the opposition does not indicate any class arguments to national and religious ones.
3For the letter of Mahde olia to Shah see Amanat 2004: 205. For the letter of Mahde olia to Shah see Aledavood 4They are the most frequent arguments based on 2000: 208. groups who suggest the arguments.
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1.2. The Advocates of AmirKabir’s protect the reformative trend or to oppose it. Reform As for the reformer, AmirKabir was In this reformative period, because of the considered a laconic pragmatist who spent shortage of historical data on the one hand, his time carrying out the reform rather than and the absent of advocates of reforms arguing with the opponents. Furthermore, and reformer’s consultants on the other, the opponents were mostly AmirKabir’s there are no arguments from the supporters subordinates. Therefore, being authoritarian of reforms. Regarding the absence of in character, AmirKabir did not feel it arguments by the advocates of reforms in necessary to defend himself. He simply AmirKabir’s era, it is essential to focus on gave an “order” to change the opposition’s some facts: attitude (Adammiat, 2006; Amanat, 2004; Sepehr Makki, 1987). Yet, from the letters 1. As with AmirKabir’s opponents, his written by AmirKabir after his dismissal advocates were his subordinates. It does and before going under arrest, these were not seem that they had been consulted, the arguments he offered to defend his and, apparently, they were obeying performance and answer the opponents’ the Prime Minister’s orders instead of critics: personal manner of the reformer supporting his ideas or bringing new and/or his advocates, the absolute power of reformative ideas. the reformer, and endangerment of Naser- 2. AmirKabir’s reforms were the first ed-Din Shah’s kingship. Notably, none of to be carried out across the country these arguments address the most repetitive that were not exclusively focused on arguments of the opponents, which included strengthening the army (while the depriving the heir of power by the reformer previous reforms were). Thus, unlike and/or his advocates, neglecting the the reformative periods to follow, the opponents’ position, threatening their class reformist and his advocates did not benefits, and neglecting the people’s rights.6 perceive the importance of arguing and reasoning to prove and advocate the 6For the performance report of AmirKabir to Naser- reformative campaign in the society.5 ed-Din Shah see Amanat 2004: 200-201. For the letter of AmirKabir to Naser-ed-Din Shah before his dismissal see Aledavood 2000: 81. In fact, it seems that the experience of For the letter of AmirKabir to Naser-ed-Din Shah AmirKabir’s reforms brought a condition in after his dismissal see Aledavood 2000: 78. For the letter of AmirKabir to Naser-ed-Din Shah see the following reforms in which the reformer, Aledavood 2000: 87-89. advocates, and opponents were ready to For the letter of AmirKabir to Naser-ed-Din Shah see Aledavood 2000: 83. For the letter of AmirKabir to Naser-ed-Din Shah see Aledavood 2000: 85-86. 5Interestingly, even most of the opponents’ arguments For AmirKabir’s pledge see Eghbal Ashtiani 1961: are shaped in conversations with foreign countries 315-317 (Britain and Russia) that were objecting the death of For the last letter of AmirKabir to Naser-ed-Din AmirKabir. Shah see Sasani 2003: 35.
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2. Naser-ed-Din Shah’s Reforms unofficial reform running alongside the The assassination of AmirKabir in 1851— formal and official one. In the formal reform, owing to the widespread opposition of the idea and the performance of the reform courtiers, officials, clergymen, and women was led by Naser-ed-Din Shah himself. of the harem to AmirKabir’s reforms, and his In fact, although the Shah gave decision- replacement by Mirza Agha Khan Noori— making power in most “prominent issues was the end of the first reformative period in of the country” to the Maslahat-Khaneh, the Naseri era. Seven years later, however, and gave pursuing reforms to the ministers and due to Iran’s increasingly worsening in the Council of State, he kept the right to internal and global situation because of interfere and make final decisions himself. the inferior performance of the new Prime Considering his permanent “Royal” rights Minister, Naser-ed-Din Shah decided to take and the fact that he had been repeatedly on his role in reforming the infrastructure changing the governmental decisions based of the country as well as its cultural and on his personal opinions, this decision of the social policies. Therefore, he restructured Shah might be a sign of his personal interest his governmental apparatus starting with and his attempt to play a role as the key dismissing Noori and abolishing the position reformer, rather than his effort to exercise of Prime Minister. Restructuring some his royal authority. governmental parts resulted in a new Yet, one of the most notable events in this reformative period from 1859 to 1862. period was the emergence of an unofficial, Among the most important reforms and non-governmental reformative camp. In achievements of this period are establishing fact, besides the official, governmental, the Council of the State; establishing the royal reforms that were operating by the Assembly of the House of Consultation, Shah, there were some reformative actions Majles-e Maslahat-Khaneh (the earliest in which Naser-ed-Din Shah did not play form of parliament in Iran, in which the the key role (Elgar, 1990). The two main members had been elected by Shah); non-governmental reformative actions in establishing a governmental judicial bureau this period were translating the social and called divan-khana; personally overseeing political ideas outpouring from the West people’s complaints by the Shah; sending and establishing a missionary society students to Europe to study; and founding called Faramosh-Khaneh. Mirza Malkum the telegraph (Adammiat, 2006; Amanat, Khan’s establishment of Faramosh-Khaneh 2004; Katiraei, 1976; Khormoji, 1984; was a major part of the non-governmental Martin, 2010; Mostofi, 1998; Ravandi, reform in this phase of reforms. Mirza 1999; Schnaider, 2005; Schneider, 2004; Malkum Khan also had a significant role Tohidi Chaffi, 2008; ZibaKalam, 2003). in the emergence of formal reforms by This reformative period was a peculiar composing some reformative pamphlets. one in which there was an informal and According to Malkum, Naser-ed-Din Shah
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 43 - 66 (2018) 53 Mohammad Reza Javadi Yeganeh and Reyhaneh Javadi was informed about the emergence of these letter in 1862 to the Shah to express his unofficial reforms (particularly establishing concerns and to object to the beliefs and of Faramosh-Khaneh) and he approved (or rituals of Faramosh-Khaneh. at least was not opposed to) them. The letter Regarding courtiers, the other opposition of the Foreign Affairs Minister of Iran to his group in this reformative period, there is no ambassador in Ottoman approves this claim first-hand documentation. In fact, some of of Malkum (for more information about the courtiers had joined Faramosh-Khaneh Faramosh-Khaneh see: Adammiat, 2006; and the meetings were held in the house of Amanat, 2004; Elgar, 1990; Katiraei, 1976; one of the courtiers, Jalal ed-Din Mirza, Kermani, 1983; Raeen, 1978; Shamim, the ceremonial chief of Faramosh-Khaneh 1996). However, as the previous reformative (Amanat, 2004; Bamdad, 1992). Yet, the period, these reforms faced great oppositions arguments of the courtier opponents of and extreme reactions by clergymen, reform can be found in Ebrat al-Nazerin courtiers, and officials, which resulted in va Ebrat al-Hazerin, a book written in torture, arrest, and murder of the reformists.7 the Naseri era by a hawkish opponent of reform, Agha Ebrahim Novab Badaie’ Negar 2.1. The Opponents of Naser-ed-Din (Adamiyat, 2006; Sasani, 2003). This book Shah’s Reforms is the sum of the most radical arguments against reforms.9 The focus of clergymen, as one of the In this reformative period, there is no opposition groups of the 1859-1862 reforms, confrontation with the formal reforms that was on Faramosh-Khaneh, which they were headed by the Shah or by officials, considered as a centre for promoting anti- although there were some officials who religious ideas. Haj Molla Ali Kani, the tried to sabotage the reforms (Adammiat, prominent clergyman in the Naseri era, was 2006; Amanat, 2004; Benjamin, 1984; among the fierce opponents of Faramosh- Elgar, 1990).10 In this period, the officials, Khaneh (Adamiyat, 2006; Amanat, 2004; as well as two other groups, mainly focus on PourAmini, 2000). The most important Faramosh-Khaneh’s instructions, and argue document remaining from the clergy in this against the reforms. The most important first- period was an anonymous letter to the Shah hand document of officials who opposed the (Raeen, 1978; Katiraei, 1976), believed by reform is an anonymous pamphlet, believed some scholars to have been written by Kani to have been written by Ali Monshi Tabrizi. (Rajabi Davani, 2011),8 who also wrote a
7In the second period of reforms in the Naseri era, unlike the first, there was no serious opposition 9For Mirza Ebrahim Khan badaie’ Negar’s critics see against reforms by the women of royal harem. Or Sasani 2003: 169-170. at the very least, there exists no historical evidence 10Mirza Yusuf Mustawfi al-Mamalik and Mirza on this. Saeid Khan are among those who tried to sabotage 8For the FaramoshKhaneh Report see Katiraei 1976: the reforms (Adammiat 2006; Amanat 2004; Elgar 177-193. 1990; Benjamin 1984).
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This pamphlet was written in response to of power from power, one of the main Malkum’s “Ketabche-ye Faramosh-Khaneh” arguments found in the informal reform, is (handbook of Faramosh-Khaneh).11 absent from the formal reforms, since the “Endangerment of Naser-ed-Din Shah’s reformer is the Shah himself. household” and “neglecting traditions by the reformer and his advocates” are the common 2.2. The Advocates of Naser-ed-Din arguments among the groups of opponents Shah’s Reforms (clergymen, courtiers, and officials) in As of the advocates of reforms, members this reformative period. Two religious of Faramosh-Khaneh, including some of arguments, “opposition of reformative the prominent figures among clergymen, actions with Islam” and “negligence toward courtiers, and officials, were the most Islam by the reformer and/or his advocates” significant advocates of reforms from as well as other arguments such as “attempts 1859-1862. Hassan Ali Khan Garosi, Iran’s to change the monarchy system”, “homeland ambassador to France is another advocate of security disturbance”, “neglecting the reforms in this period, who had elaborated opponents’ position and threatening their on Iran’s achievement and the importance class benefits”, “culture of westernisation of reform in a letter to the Napoleon III.12 in Iran”, and “the personal manner of the Yet, the legendary reformist and the most reformer and his advocates” are offered by significant advocate of reforms in this two groups of opponents. The rest of the period was Mirza Malkum Khan, who wrote arguments are merely suggested by one six pamphlets in defence of reforms from group of opponents. 1859-1862. Malkom had been influencing As is clear, most of the arguments the Shah and his formal reform with his against the reform are political, followed by ideas stated in his book Ketabcheye Ghaybi, social and religious arguments. Most of the on the one hand, and leading the informal arguments in this period have been offered reforms on the other (Adamiyat, 2006; by clergymen and followed by courtiers. It Amanat, 2004; Bamdad, 1992; Elgar, 1990; is worth mentioning that since the reforms in Elgar, 1977; Katiraei, 1976; Kermani, 1983; this period mostly focused on the structure Malkom, 2002; Mostofi, 1998; Sasani, 2003; of the power (formal reforms) and the idea Sayex, 2001). of modernity and the intellectual aspects Most of the arguments by advocates in of reforms (informal reforms), there are this period are political in nature. However, few financial arguments in this period and the opponents do not focus on their own class interests. Notably, depriving the heir 12For Hassan Ali Khan Garosi’s letter to Napoleon III see Aledavood 2000: 297-299. For Mirza Malkom Khan and Welford Scolen Belant see Elgar 1990: 12-14 11For the text of this pamphlet see Raeen 1978: 556- For Malkom’s defense of reform see: Malkom Khan, 560. 2002.
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 43 - 66 (2018) 55 Mohammad Reza Javadi Yeganeh and Reyhaneh Javadi for countering opponents’ arguments, the counterargue against the opponents—and advocates of reforms emphasised religious therefore the reformer himself had to and social issues as well. Notably, the defend his reforms—in this period, it was emphasis on Islam for defending the reform the reformer, Naser-ed-Din Shah himself, highlights the importance of religious who did not offer any response to the critics discussion in opponents’ counterarguments of opponents. In fact, given the type of the and its significant effect in conducting oppositions that were focused on informal public opinion. reforms, Malkum, as the most significant In the second reformative period in figures of reform, defended the reform. Naser-ed-Din Shah’s era, ten out of fourteen Interestingly, in three reformative arguments offered by the opponents were periods in the Naseri era, only in the the opposition of reformative actions with informal reforms of 1858-1861 is there a Islam, financial corruption of the reformer dialogue between advocates and opponents. and/or his advocates, homeland security Although in this dialogue, just like the other disturbance, the danger of losing territorial cases, the first opponent (the writer of the integrity, neglecting the opponents’ position report, Faramosh-Khaneh) writes a letter and threatening their class benefits, to the Shah and Malkum, as an advocate neglecting people’s rights, neglecting of reforms, and answers him, however traditions, cultural westernisation of Iran, indirectly. In the end, an official answered and the personal manner of the reformer and/ back to Malkum. In fact, it is only during or his advocates. The advocates did evoke this period that the whole attention did not the other four arguments, which included focus on the Shah—instead of trying to endangerment of Naser-ed-Din Shah’s just convince the Shah, both sides tried to household, negligence toward Islam by the answer each other. Choosing the audience reformer and/or his advocates, colonisation of this informal dialogue is interesting as of Iran, and the political dependency of the well: while the first one¬¬--the clergyman- reformer and/or his advocates on foreign -chose the court and the Shah (indirectly) as countries. However, the advocates were his audience, Malkum wrote his letter for an not successful in responding to one of the unknown—Jenab Agha (“His Excellency”, two crucial arguments of the opponents most likely Seyed Sadegh Tabatabaei, a against the informal reform, namely the famous clergyman who had been approved “endangerment of Naser-ed-Din Shah’s the establishment of Faramosh-Khaneh). household.” The third one—the official—wrote his letter In this reformative period, just like to the people. Yet, the failure of formal during AmirKabir’s, there is a lack of triple reformative attempts of the Shah as well interactions among opponents, reformers, as the informal reforms from 1859-1862 and advocates. Unlike the previous period resulted in the arrest, torture, and murder of reforms, in which the advocates did not of the reformists.
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The Shah, as the reformer of the formal and financial reforms. He also focused on reforms in this period, pointed out in some some cultural policies, like civil rights, of his letters that the performance and the empowering the Dar ul-funun (the first attitude of the opponents focused on profit- Iranian college), advocating public education oriented actions of courtiers and officials, in Dar ul-funun, and establishing new daily their ignorance toward country’s situation, papers, which were unique in his time and the false promises of courtiers and (Abbasi, 1993; Adamiyat, 2006; Bayani, officials. The Shah addressed the political 1978; Ceronin, 2010; Eetemad-ol-Saltaneh, arguments (impracticality of courtiers) as 2000; Hedayat, 1996; Keddi, 2008; Mostofi, well as the financial arguments (profit- 1998; Saeidi Sirjani, 1983; Sasani, 2003; oriented actions of opponents). Yet, in the Sasani, 1975; Sedigh ol-Mamalek, 1987). informal reforms, the Shah had no role other However, Sepahsalar’s reforms were not than an informed advocator; therefore, he exempt from the extreme opposition that did not offer any arguments protecting the eventually forced him to resign due to the unofficial reforms (if any). Besides, the widespread protests of the courtiers, elites, Shah as the highest position in the pyramid clergymen, the women of the royal harem,15 of power did not need any explanation for the foreign embassies (particularly Russia), his wishes and it was expected from all and at times, the public. individuals to “obey” his “majestic rules”.13 3.1. The Opponents of Sepahsalar’s 3. Sepahsalar’s Reforms Reforms Nine years later, Naser-ed-Din Shah The clergymen, who viewed this reform appointed Sepahsalar as the new Prime as an attempt for westernising Iran, were Minister of Iran.14 Sepahsalar, the third undoubtedly one of the most influential reformer in the Naseri era, had pursued opponents of Sepahsalar’s reforms. plenty of reform movements in the period, Regulating the judiciary system, reducing such as establishing the board of state, the appointment of clergymen as judges, empowering the army, determining a and prohibiting physical punishment were specific time and location for governmental among Sepahsalar’s programs that directly affairs, empowering the industrial apparatus, and indirectly reduced the power of the clergy and put them on the list of opponents.
13For Naser-ed-Din Shah’s letter to Malkom see Teymori 1978: 15 15Although Anis-od-Doleh, the wife of the Shah, For Naser-ed-Din Shah’s letter regarding reforms see is known as one of the most influential opponents Teymori 1978: 2-5 of Sepahsalar, due to lack of written arguments 14 Four years prior to this time, the title and status of against the reform by her, the women of harem are Prime Minister was brought back to Iran’s political not rostered among the opponents of reform in this system. reformative period.
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 43 - 66 (2018) 57 Mohammad Reza Javadi Yeganeh and Reyhaneh Javadi
Further igniting their opposition was the most important (of the few) written Sepahsalar’s attempt to manage the Shah’s arguments by the officials against Sepahsalar travel to Europe, his focus on freedom, (Eetemad-ol-Saltaneh, 1978a; Eetemad-ol- and the Reuter concession16 (Benjamin, Saltaneh, 2000; Sasani, 2003). The Reuter 1984; Curzon, 2001; Elgar, 1977; Kermani, Concession and the railways contract were 1983; Serena, 1983; Teymori, 1978). among the main reasons given by Etemad al- Although the clergy considered Sepahsalar Saltaneh for his opposition against reforms. and his consultant team anti-Islamic, their In a letter attributed to Etemad-ol-Saltaneh, opposition was not merely concentrated written right after Molla Ali Kani’s letter on religious arguments. They offered other to the Shah, he highlighted every aspect of arguments, including the focus on national the contract he considered a catastrophe for financial interests and the endangerment of Iran. Further, in his personal journal, Etemad Iran’s territorial integrity. Molla Ali Kani, ol-Saltaneh enumerated his differences with the prominent cleric and the prayer Imam Sepahsalar, at times harshly criticising him of Tehran, can be considered as the most (Etemad ol-Saltaneh, 2000).19 influential opponents of Sepahsalar who Most of the arguments of opponents in expressed opposition to his reforms in a this period were political and financial in letter to the Shah, right after Sepahsalar’s character and concern the Reuter concession involuntary resignation.17 as one of the most important causes of As of the courtier opponents, Farhad opposition against Sepahsalar. The social Mirza Moatamed od-Doleh (the Shah’s and religious arguments are not highlighted uncle) and Masoud Mirza Zel ol-Soltan in this period despite the presence of Molla (the Shah’s son) are among those who Ali Kani, the most powerful clergyman, and offered arguments against Sepahsalar and an active and vocal opponent.20 “Financial his reforms (Adamiyat, 2006; AleDavood, performance of the reformer and/or his 1992; Bamdad, 1992). Unlike Farhad Mirza, advocates”, “endangerment of Naser-ed- however, Zel-ol-Soltan’s (1983) arguments Din Shah’s household”, and “neglecting were presented years later in his personal the opponents’ position and threatening journals.18 Regarding the officials, many of them 19For critics of Eetemad-ol-Saltaneh regarding opposed Sepahsalar. Mohammad Hasan Sepahsalar’s reform see Eetemad-ol-Saltaneh 1978a: Khan Eetemad ol-Saltaneh wrote one of 97-111. For Eetemad-ol-Saltaneh’s letter to the Shah regarding the Reuter concession see: Teymori: 1978: 16Mirza Agha Saleh Arab and Haj Molla Ali Kani are 126-129. among the most important figures who opposed the 20Although Anis-od-Doleh, the wife of the Shah, is prime minister’s reforms. known as one of the most influential opponents of 17For Molla Ali Kani’s letter to the Shah see: Sepahsalar, due to lack of written arguments against Teymori: 1978: 124-126 the reform by her, the women of the harem are not 18For Farhad Mirza’s letter to the Shah see: Teymori: rostered among the opponents of reform in this 1978: 129. reformative period.
58 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 43 - 66 (2018) Short-Term Reforms in 19th Century Iran their class benefits” are the arguments advocates” and “endangerment of Naser-ed- offered by all the opposition groups during Din Shah’s household” are two arguments this reformative period and are the most that the reformer and his advocates argued important in ordinal comparison. The against. Notably, these two arguments, along next important arguments, which were with “neglecting the opponents’ position” offered by two opposition groups, are and “threatening their class benefits” are “the opposition of reformative actions the most important arguments in ordinal with Islam”, “financial corruption of the comparison of oppositions’ groups in this reformer and/or his advocates”, “depriving period. the heir of power”, “the intervention of aliens in Iran”, “the danger of losing 3.2. The Advocates of Sepahsalar’s territorial integrity of Iran”, “colonisation Reform of Iran”, “neglecting the traditions by As Flour (1987) states, the influence of the reformer and/or his advocates”, and reformists like Malkum Khan, Yousef Khan, “cultural westernisation of Iran”. Finally, and Akhondzade in Sepahsalar’s reforms “reformer’s attempts to abolish the Qajar is obvious. These reformers, along with dynasty”, “reformer’s attempts to change Majd ol-molk, in their books, pamphlets, the monarch system”, “homeland security and letters emphasised the importance and disturbance”, “political dependency of the necessity of reforms; yet, these emphases reformer and/or his advocates on foreign do not necessarily indicate that these countries”, and “neglecting the people’s reformists supported Sepahsalar’s reforms. rights” are the arguments offered by just one However, although the Prime Minister had of the opposition groups. some advocates and subordinates, when he Regardless of the performance of the faced the serious accusations of critics, his reformer in these three periods, the arguments advocates had no power or voice to defend of opponents in the 1871-1873 reformative him. Some, such as Naser-ol-Molk, left period compared to the preceding two him to join the opponents, while others, periods of reform in the Naser-ed-Din Shah including his own brother (Yahya Khan era are the most calculated. In this period, Moatamed-ol-Molk), remained silent and opponents offer different political, social, did not defend the reforms (Bamdad, 1992). financial, and religious arguments against At some point, the line between Sepahsalar’s the reformer and, at the same time, had advocates and opponents was vague: some the foresight not to act on their own class who were recognised by their defence of and group interests—unlike the opponents reformative actions retracted their support in AmirKabir’s era, for example. In the later (Bamdad, 1992; Malekara, 1976). reformative period of Sepahsalar, “financial The advocates of reform in this performance of the reformer and/or his reformative period responded to four
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 43 - 66 (2018) 59 Mohammad Reza Javadi Yeganeh and Reyhaneh Javadi criticisms among nineteen arguments of among oppositions’ arguments.21 One of opponents. Although the quantity of the the most significant points regarding the reformer’s (and his advocates) responses advocates is Malkum’s silence during this are not significant in number, they address period, given that in the previous reformative three of the most important critiques given period (1858-1861), he supported the by opponents: “financial performance of reforms by writing pamphlets in addition to the reformer”, “endangerment of Naser-ed- detracting the opposition by writing letters. Din Shah’s household”, and “neglecting the During Sepahsalar’s reformative period, opponents’ position and threatening their however, Malkum (the formal consultant of class benefits”. However, the reformer and Sepahsalar) withheld his opinion and did not his advocates failed to answer the second write any pamphlets in his defence. most important criticism of opponents; As for the reformer, Sepahsalar tended that is, “homeland security disturbance”, to answer the critiques of his opponents, “attempts to change the monarch system”, either as the Prime Minister or when he was “attempts to abolish the Qajar dynasty”, the War or Foreign Minister. In his many “the opposition of reformative actions letters to the Shah, he responded to his with Islam”, “the absolute power of the critics by offering reasons for conducting reformer”, “the intervention of aliens in reforms, by refusing the accusations, or Iran”, and “colonisation of Iran”. The by highlighting the same critiques in the failure to address these criticisms led to the opposition’s own behaviour. Although dismissal of Sepahsalar after his return to Sepahsalar responded to ten critiques of his Iran from significant travel with the Shah. In opponents, he remained silent on the other fact, it seems that the emphasis of opponents nine. Still, compared to other reformers in on religious arguments (the opposition the Naser-ed-Din Shah’s era, Sepahsalar is of reformative actions with Islam) and somewhat more successful in stating the the governmental arguments (reformer’s importance of the reforms, in addition to attempts to change the monarch system and conducting them. He addressed the three to abolish Qajar dynasty) disarmed the Shah most frequent critiques given by opponent in defending his Prime Minister and resulted groups and defended his reforms, including in the failure of the third reformative period in the Naser-ed-Din Shah era. As discussed above, during the reforms 21For Garosi’s letter to Malkom see Adamiyat 2006: from 1871 to 1873, the arguments of the 157-158. advocates focused on the necessity of the For the letter of officials and courtiers’ council for approving Reuter concession see Teymori 1978: 105. reform and did not offer any arguments For Malkom’s letter to the Foreign Ministry of Iran against opponents’ performances and see Sasani 2003: 163-164. attitudes. These arguments were generally For the letter of a group of officials to the Shah regarding the great famine of 1870-1871 see Abbasi political and there was no religious reasoning 1993: 30
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“financial performance of the reformer and/ (1871-1873) — this article focuses on a or his advocates”, “endangerment of Naser- combination of opponents’ arguments.23 In ed-Din Shah’s household”, and “neglecting nominal comparison, the existence/absence the opponents’ position and threatening their of arguments in the three periods is analysed class benefits”. Further, Sepahsalar alluded to understand the arguments that were to the financial benefits of the opposition most influential. This analysis continues by elites and the endangerment of these benefits assessing the similar arguments offered by in his term as the Prime Minister.22 at least one of the opponent groups in each period of reforms in the Naseri era. CONCLUSIONS The most common arguments which were seen in all the periods of reform include Comparative Analysis of Reformers, endangerment of Naser-ed-Din Shah’s Advocates, and Opponents of Reforms household, homeland security disturbance, This article adopts rational choice theory the danger of losing territorial integrity of as its framework in the analysis of the Iran, the reformer’s political dependency on th process of reforms in 19 century Iran. By foreign countries, neglecting the opponents’ using rational choice theory, this article position and threatening their class benefits, was enabled to go beyond the mainstream neglecting the people’s rights, neglecting narratives of Iran scholars who claim that traditions by reformer and/or his advocates, opponents of these reforms were merely and personal manner of the reformer and/ reactionaries. Therefore, focusing on the or his advocates. The other arguments are arguments of opponents and advocates omitted in this analysis due to their absence of these reforms and assuming them as in at least one of the reformative periods. rational actors, this article has shown As mentioned before, most of the their progressive and backward rational existing analytical and historical analyses choices. For analysing the arguments of focus on the backwardness of the opponents the opponents of reform in these three and consider them to be passive reactioners reformative periods—AmirKabir’s reforms who chase their own financial and even (1848-1851), Naser-ed-Din Shah’s reforms sexual desires. Interestingly, the only (1858-1861), and Sepahsalar’s reforms reactionary arguments offered by the
22For Sepahsalar’s letter to the Shah see the following: 23Despite the absence of three groups of opponents in Abbasi: 128; Abbasi: 53; Abbasi 1993: 37; Abbasi the list of opponent groups/reforms, since the purpose 1993: 53-54; Abbasi 1993: 86-87; Abbasi 1993: 87; is the assessment of a collection of arguments in a Abbasi 1993: 44-45; Abbasi 1993: 68; Abbasi 1993: general group as opponents, this absence does not 79; Abbasi 1993: 91-93; Teymori 1978: 41; Teymori disturb analyzing the arguments. In fact, in these 1978: 43-46; Teymori 1978: 47-48; Abbasi 1993: 84; three reformative periods, the arguments of one Abbasi 1993: 99-100. group affects the arguments of other opponent For Sepahsalar’s letter to Malkom see Sasani 2003: groups and forms the trend of opposing the reform 110-114 in general.
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 43 - 66 (2018) 61 Mohammad Reza Javadi Yeganeh and Reyhaneh Javadi opponents are “neglecting the opponents’ absolute power of the reformer”, “the position and threatening their class benefits” danger of losing territorial integrity of and “neglecting traditions by the reformer Iran”, “neglecting the people’s rights”, and and/or his advocates”. In fact, the opponents “cultural westernisation of Iran.” Finally, of reforms, consciously, offered many the least common arguments are: “the well-reasoned arguments against reforms, negligence toward Islam by the reformer and often tried to argue that reforms were and/or his advocates”, “financial corruption a threat to Iran politically, financially, and of the reformer and/or his advocates”, culturally. “neglecting the financial benefits of elites”, Assessing the repetition of opposition “attempts to abolish the Qajar dynasty”, “the arguments in these reforms results in intervention of aliens in Iran”, “attempts to an ordinal comparison. Based on the change the monarch system”, “colonisation number of groups that had mentioned one of Iran”, “political dependency of the specific argument in these three reforms, reformer and/or his advocates on foreign these are the most repetitive arguments:24 countries”, and “the humble social status “endangerment of Naser-ed-Din Shah’s of the reformer and/or his advocates”. household”, “neglecting the opponents’ Although at least one group of opponents position and threatening their class benefits”, in one of the three reforms in Naser-ed-Din “neglecting traditions by the reformer and/ Shah’s era focused on these arguments, the or his advocates”, and “personal manner of other groups of opponents were reluctant to the reformer and/or his advocates”. Next mention them. to these arguments in importance are those The arguments “the opposition of that were repeated by at least four groups the reformative actions with Islam”, in these three periods: “the opposition of “financial performance of the reformer reformative actions with Islam”, “financial and/or his advocates”, “depriving the performance of the reformer and/or his heir of power”, “absolute power of the advocates”, “depriving the heir of power”, reformer”, and “cultural westernisation of “homeland security disturbance”, “the Iran” has been eliminated from the nominal comparison due to their absence in one of the reformative periods. They remain in the 24If all the opponent groups in these three reformative periods offered one specific argument, that argument ordinal comparison, however, because of in the ordinal comparison would have received the repetition of these arguments in other nine (three opponent groups in each of the three reformative periods. reformative periods). However, it is crucial to notice that the numbers offered here are not real and do not In analysing the arguments of advocates demonstrate the repetition of arguments in “each” of reforms, there were no arguments from of opponent groups. But they merely reveal that a specific argument has been offered by the number the advocates of AmirKabir’s reform. of opposing groups, including clergymen, courtiers, Therefore, the comparison of advocates officials, and women of the harem. of reforms in these three reform periods
62 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 43 - 66 (2018) Short-Term Reforms in 19th Century Iran is not possible. However, comparing the was no mutual counterargument among arguments of advocates in the other two advocates and reformers to retreat the reform periods (the Shah’s and Sepahsalar’s) oppositions. It was only during Sepahsalar’s shows that the arguments of advocates in period that both the reformer and advocates Sepahsalar’s era are more concentrated on of reforms responded to the arguments of the repetitive arguments of the opponents. opponents. Therefore, although all of these However, these arguments are fewer in short-term reforms failed, considering the number compared to the arguments of results of the first reform (which led to advocates of the Shah’s reforms. The the exile and murder of the reformer) and convincing arguments of Sepahsalar’s the second reform (which ended in the reform advocates are one of the most exile, imprisonment, and murder of some important reasons that Sepahsalar came of the advocates), the return of Sepahsalar back to power as the Minister of Foreign to power highlights the importance of the Affairs fifty days after his dismissal—unlike ability of the reformer and his advocates the other two reform periods in the Naseri to respond to the opposition. In fact, the era, in which the failure of the reforms integration of the reformer and advocates in resulted in the death or imprisonment of the response to powerful opponents gave power reformer and/or his advocates. 25Besides, to the Shah to stand against the pressure of compared to AmirKabir and Naser-ed-Din the opponents (by insuring his own status). Shah, Sepahsalar offered more accurate Therefore, in the three reformative arguments in defence of his reforms, periods during the Naser-ed-Din Shah responding to the critiques, and criticising era, whenever the reformer and advocates them back. However, there was no common both were successful in offering arguments argument among reforms in the Naseri era and responding to at least a part of the and, as a result, analysing the common arguments, the chance of the continuance arguments is not possible. of reformative ideas persisted, such as when Thus, assessing the triple relation of Sepahsalar followed some of his reformative the reformers, opponents, and advocates of efforts as the Minister of State.26 reforms, in two of three periods of reforms in the Naseri era (reforms of AmirKabir 26It is not merely the accountability that saves the life and reforms of Naser-ed-Din Shah), there of the reformer and his advocates—there are other factors involved in this process including protection from foreign embassies. Further, the accountability of the reformer had, perhaps, been facilitated by the 25In some of the arguments offered by opponents social condition in which the advocates of reforms and advocates of reforms, the transposition time and the reformer found the courage to support the has not been considered. But since these arguments reforms and to emphasize their achievements. are not the only ones discussed, and since they are However, this article is focused on the arguments merely some of the many arguments, this non-linear offered by the opponents and advocates of reforms narrative has no effect on analyzing the arguments of in these three reformative periods, and consciously reforms in these three reformative periods. ignores the other elements.
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 43 - 66 (2018) 63 Mohammad Reza Javadi Yeganeh and Reyhaneh Javadi
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SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES
Journal homepage: http://www.pertanika.upm.edu.my/
The Relationship between Leisure Time and Social Capital among Iranian Youth
Gholamreza Ghaffary Department of Social Planning, University of Tehran, Jalal Al-e Ahmad Highway, Tehran, Iran, 1411713118
ABSTRACT This paper is an attempt to study the relationship between leisure time and social capital. Attention is paid to the theoretical and conceptual aspects of the two constructs in the literature of the field. An attempt was made to study the association between leisure time and social capital within the framework of extrication between the individual and collective leisure times, as well as intergroup and intra-group social capital. Through a secondary analysis of national surveys data about the Iranian youth, the linkage between leisure time and social capital is statistically analysed. Overall, the findings of the study show that the youth who spend most of their leisure time in collective leisure activities compared to the youth who spend their time in personal activities enjoy more social capital. Society in extending public spaces prepares the chance for the formation and promotion of collective leisure-time activities as contrasted with private and personal leisure- time activities. In cases where they meet the necessary conditions and capabilities, through attending these spaces, youth can reproduce and strengthen the constructive indices and components of social capital.
Keywords: Collective leisure, Iran, leisure time, personal leisure, social capital, youth
INTRODUCTION measured in both working and rest times. How people use their leisure time has Considering the role of social sciences always been a key issue for past and present and cultural studies in the modern era, thinkers of social sciences. Leisure can be leisure and its relationship with other social constructs, such as social capital, has
ARTICLE INFO become highlighted more than before and, Article history: in contemporary cultural studies, the way Received: 18 October 2017 Accepted: 01 February 2018 of spending leisure is known to be a matter E-mail address: of lifestyle. [email protected] (Gholamreza Ghaffary)
ISSN: 0128-7702 © Universiti Putra Malaysia Press Gholamreza Ghaffary
The focus of this article is on leisure as a leisure time differs from occupation or collective behavior in pastime that generally assignment. involves withdrawal from formal activities. Empirical investigations on leisure in Collective behaviors are associated with social sciences started since the second numerous activities such as spending leisure decade of the twentieth century. Codifying time with others in public spaces. The focus the rule of eight-hour daily work and of social capital on social relations is in form emerging concepts, such as culture of internal and external relations that are and leisure community, made it further called bonding social capital and bridging necessary to manage leisure time. In 1924, social capital. the International Labour Organisation held Meanwhile, the quality and quantity the first international meeting on the free of leisure time, the ways of using and time of workers. Most participants in the taking advantage of it, and its manifest and meeting believed that by moderating the latent functions have created new fields working hours, leisure activities should be for social and cultural studies to study and more disciplined. Lynd and Lynd’s studies proposed new questions to answer. One of about leisure activities in (1957), Lundberg’s these questions is the relationship between study in 1934, The Lonely Crowd (2001) by different forms of leisure time and social David Riesman, and Towards a Sociology capital, the subject of the present article. of Leisure (1966) by Dumazedier are some of the endeavours that created new theories Theoretical Framework and added to the empirical data and the richness of the sociology of leisure. From Social scientists have expressed different the perspective of Dumazedier, leisure views on the conceptual definition of leisure is defined as activities that are free from time. Leisure, in terms of vocabulary, duties and obligations with no economic and was synonymous with words, such as social purposes. Therefore, it is so pleasant convenience, comfort, ease of work, and as it recognises the individuals’ freedom free from daily work. Therefore, leisure time of choice. Dumazedier has expressed is defined as the daily intervals between the four types of activities: 1) working for imperative activities of the individual that a livelihood, 2) family obligations, 3) can be enjoyed as the person wishes. In meeting socio-cultural obligations, and 4) fact, leisure implies the relief from duties, activities leading to self-expression and society, family, and religion, and unlike self-realisation. In his opinion, spending occupation, it is not oriented toward profit leisure time includes a set of activities that or earning money. However, the ability, are willingly performed by a person after status, and financial resources available to he is released from the requirements of job, individuals should not be ignored in how family, and society and takes pleasure for
68 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 67 - 82 (2018) Leisure and Social Capital among Iranian Youth relaxation, recreation, self-education and differences of communities and, therefore, studying, or social engagement. Dumazedier it is an expression of cultural and social expressed three functions for leisure time: specificities. 1) Rest in order to compensate for physical and mental fatigue caused by continuous Leisure time and social capital load of work. According to the collectivist, communicative, 2) Have fun in order to relieve fatigue interactive, and participative nature of caused by uniform daily tasks in the leisure time, its relationship with social workshop, office, or home. capital makes it constitutive of quantity 3) Look for personal growth. Leisure and quality in terms of the amount of social releases individuals from daily work relations it preserves. Hence, there is a and routines. It enables the individual significant relationship between social and to grow physically and mentally and, cultural scholars’ view. The quantity and thus, is effective in the formation of quality of social relationships has always personality. been a major interest of social theorists. Nowadays, the concept, as understood by These functions are more related to the many nineteenth-century social scientists, social-psychological dimensions. On the is the investigation topic for social capital other hand, collectivist leisure, in addition scholars who have revised it in the social to the psychological functions, purports capital framework with a new format. collectivist functions mainly in improving Coleman (1988) defined social capital as social participation, social cohesion, a variety of entities with two elements in socialisation, and social identity. Therefore, common: they all consist of some aspect of a fourth function must be added to the social structure, and they facilitate certain above three functions in order to better actions among actors. That facilitates demonstrate the linkage between leisure collective action, generated by networks of time and social capital. It is known as the relationships, reciprocity, trust, and social communicative and participative function. norms. The communicative and participative It is obvious that considering the essence function of leisure time helps to strengthen of social capital and the content of leisure social cohesion by providing the opportunity time, a link between these two constructs to establish family, friendships, teams, and can be thought of and investigated. This professional relationships; it provides a linkage is mainly interactive and the very basis for collaborative activities. Moreover, interaction should be observed in terms it increases accountability and civic of the production and reproduction of engagement. Although the concept and social capital and the erosion of it, as well use of leisure time are the fundamental as the role that social capital plays in the issues, it is affected by social and cultural development of collectivist leisure. In
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 67 - 82 (2018) 69 Gholamreza Ghaffary
Ingen and Eijck’s opinion (2009), leisure government officials and NGOs, it increases activities especially further people’s social the trust in public and state institutions and capital among groups that are already gifted invigorates social capital at a large-scale. with high levels of civic engagement and helping. In addition, the effect of various Leisure time as input for social capital forms of social capital, such as inter- and While working hours are necessary for intra- group social capital based on the producing economic capital, leisure is the extent of relations, should not be ignored. In important input for generating social capital. this respect, the relationship between leisure The relationship between leisure time and time and different forms of social capital can social capital may not be linear and its be indicated in the following table. effects are manifested in the production of social capital due to the effect it has on social Table 1 inputs, such as social norms, identity, and The relationship between social capital and leisure time time management. Although the metaphor of time as a production factor for social Inter-group Intra-group Social Capital Leisure time capital is not taken for granted unanimously, Weaker Weak Personalised its influence on the quality and quantity of leisure relations and interactions is acceptable. The Stronger Strong Collectivist leisure time that is spent on affairs relating to the interaction with family members, friends, On one hand, the linkage between leisure obtaining information, mutual assistance, and social capital can be also considered protection and preservation of common in the “third space”. The concept of the cultural values, emotional support and other third space or public sphere was used to civic, participatory and collective activities, separate public space from the home and the has an important role in the production workplace. These are places where public of social capital. With this viewpoint, if services are available for leisure. The type we consider social capital as an asset and of space and the quality and quantity of also take into account the potentials and services offered in it affects the social capital backdrops that produce this asset, then, the in micro- and macro- scales. The presence role and effect of time cannot be ignored in of appropriate third spaces or public spheres the production of assets and social capital. increases the possibility of the presence of In social capital literature, the concept people in these spaces, thereby, improving of ‘available time’ was observed to improve social interactions between intra- and inter- social capital. In this case, the time devoted groups and promoting social capital in micro to mutual aid between friends, neighbours, and macro scales. However, as the services and extended family members, as well as provided in the third or public space are activities in the form of formal communities devised by public policy formulated by and visiting friends and neighbours, enhances
70 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 67 - 82 (2018) Leisure and Social Capital among Iranian Youth trust in society and the feeling of belonging and experimental consensus should not to the community. According to the findings be neglected in terms of the impact and of Putnam in Italy, Hemingway suggests that interaction between collectivist leisure and specific forms of leisure activity contribute social capital. to the development of social capital central to democracy and democratic citizenship. METHODS Participation in specific forms of leisure This study is based on secondary analysis activity was, in Putnam’s findings, strongly quantitative data. The research method and positively associated with the existence includes the analysis of existing data from of social norms of tolerance and trust, data national surveys that were conducted which, in turn, support democratic attitudes in Iran. In this study, research questions and practices. The longer these social norms were used to collect secondary analysis had existed, the greater their association quantitative data. Questions were included with democratic social capital (Hemingway, regarding the relationship between spending 1999). Leisure time and production of leisure times and social capital among social capital through the development of youth. Data were collected through national intergenerational relationships in collectivist surveys in Iran, including Iranians’ Values leisure time is a notable issue. and Attitudes in 2003; 2005, The Values In Putnam’s belief, television, which and Attitudes of the Iranian Youth in 2005, is one of the main sources of leisure in Measurement of Social Capital in 2015 America, is an effective factor in the erosion and Iranians’ Values and Attitudes in 2016. of social connections and the reduction of Activity in leisure time is classified in civic activities, with a higher incidence two parts: personal activity and collective seen among the younger generations of activity. For measuring personal activity in Americans (Putnam, 2000). He concluded leisure time some activities are described that Americans prefer to be alone rather including watching TV, watching videotapes, than join political and social movements. It internet, computer games, listening to is observed that, although the relationship music, learning artworks, reading books between leisure and social capital was and newspapers, listening to radio, and analysed in theoretical and experimental watching satellite. For measuring collective ways to reach considerable related data, the leisure time, other activities are considered theoretical results and experimental results such as socializing with friends and with do not demonstrate the relationship to be family, going to the cinema, theatre, park, extensive or persistent. Therefore, firm and and recreation centres, traveling, going to decisive judgements cannot be achieved a friend’s party and going to pilgrimage. in relation to the relationship between Social capital is measured by proxy’s various forms of leisure and social capital. institutional trust, public trust, association By the way, the presence of theoretical participation and number of friends. For
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 67 - 82 (2018) 71 Gholamreza Ghaffary the statistical analysis of data, we used the social capital were institutional trust, statistical ANOVA test to determine the association participation, and number of mean of three indicators of social capital for friends. Institutional trust was assessed issues relating to any of the leisure activities, through a combination of trust and belief and Chi-Square for testing the association in the success of a set of social, cultural, between variables. political, and economic institutions. Association participation was measured Findings based on the number of associations and social institutions in which the individual The study of the relationship between participated. The number of friends was leisure times and social capital demands measured by asking about the number of independent quantitative and qualitative friends of either sex (for both boys and studies. Nevertheless, in this study, the girls). The ANOVA technique was used to relationship between different forms of determine the mean of the three indicators leisure and social capital was analysed of social capital for issues relating to any of according to three indicators and by the leisure activities. referring to the mentioned surveys. Three indicators1 used in this article to measure
Table 2 The amount and relationship of personal activity in leisure time and social capital
Leisure activities Amount Institutional Means Number of trust Association friends participation Watching TV a lot 64/97 26/1 73/8 a few hours per week 83/95 37/1 43/8 a few hours per month 29/93 36/1 23/8 rarely 2/96 36/1 22/8 never 23/92 4/1 38/10 total 19/97 28/1 65/8 F 3/5 ¾ 59/0 sig 000/ 002/0 673/0 Watching a lot 79/96 24/1 47/9 videotapes a few hours per week 07/97 24/1 16/8 a few hours per month 38/95 33/1 41/8
1It is clear that social capital indicators are much more than the three criteria presented in this article. However, as no data was available other than the three mentioned indicators, it was sufficient to use these three.
72 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 67 - 82 (2018) Leisure and Social Capital among Iranian Youth
Table 2 (continue)
Leisure activities Amount Institutional Means Number of trust Association friends participation rarely 92/97 36/1 37/8 never 41/99 38/1 78/8 total 18/97 28/1 64/8 F 96/6 5/4 69/1 sig 000/ 001/0 15/0 Internet a lot 78/95 49/1 92/10 a few hours per week 1/95 49/1 7/8 a few hours per month 09/95 39/1 47/8 rarely 93/95 42/1 9/7 never 65/98 14/1 06/8 total 16/97 28/1 64/8 F 31/15 15/40 11/6 sig 000/ 000/ 000/ Computer games a lot 65/97 82/96 38/1 43/1 29/10 16/9 a few hours per week 78/95 35/1 05/8 a few hours per month 35/96 38/1 02/9 rarely 81/97 17/1 83/7 never 16/97 28/1 65/8 total 65/97 82/96 38/1 43/1 29/10 16/9 F 38/3 4/21 47/4 sig 009/0 000/ 001/0 Listening to a lot 87/95 28/1 01/9 music a few hours per week 92/96 28/1 93/7 a few hours per month 51/97 27/1 93/6 rarely 94/99 32/1 87/7 never 85/99 26/1 37/11 total 17/97 28/1 63/8 F 33/14 4/0 17/4 sig 000/ 807/0 002/0 Learning artworks a lot 82/98 45/1 86/10 a few hours per week 8/98 47/1 38/7 a few hours per month 96/96 36/1 48/8
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 67 - 82 (2018) 73 Gholamreza Ghaffary
Table 2 (continue)
Leisure activities Amount Institutional Means Number of trust Association friends participation rarely 8/96 31/1 02/8 never 36/96 04/1 27/9 total 14/97 28/1 64/8 F 84/4 04/43 99/5 sig 001/0 000/ 000/ Reading books, a lot 93/96 54/1 08/9 newspaper… a few hours per week 98 35/1 53/8 a few hours per month 58/96 22/1 9/7 rarely 01/97 09/1 28/8 never 28/96 9/0 5/10 total 17/97 28/1 65/8 F 16/2 14/67 57/2 sig 071/0 000/ 036/0 Listening to radio a lot 69/98 42/1 3/9 a few hours per week 42/98 43/1 62/8 a few hours per month 27/98 44/1 37/8 rarely 13/97 29/1 18/8 never 75/95 14/1 92/8 total 18/97 28/1 66/8 F 51/7 15/28 8/0 sig 000/ 000/ 523/0 Watching satellite a lot 35/92 05/1 48/9 a few hours per week 98/92 28/1 21/9 a few hours per month 47/92 22/1 5/8 rarely 74/93 31/1 17/8 never 93/98 3/1 49/8 total 2/97 28/1 65/8 F 5/43 87/8 15/1 sig 000/ 000/ 329/0 Source: Values and attitudes of Iranian youth (2005)
The data presented in Table 2 show that the spend more time watching TV during leisure average of institutional trust and association time have higher institutional trust. Young participation versus watching television in people who spend more time watching leisure time is statistically different among TV, have a lower association participation the youth under study. Young people who average. There is no significant relationship
74 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 67 - 82 (2018) Leisure and Social Capital among Iranian Youth between watching television during leisure and the consequential varying degrees of time and the number of friends of the studied institutional trust. There is no significant youth. relationship between watching videos and There is a significant difference the number of friends of the studied youth. between watching videotapes and the There is a significant relationship level of institutional trust and association between the time spent on the internet, participation of individuals. As the amount computer, computer games, and learning of watching videos during leisure time of art works with the three indices of decreases, the level of institutional trust social capital, while there is a significant and association participation increase. It is relationship between the time spent listening observed that watching TV and video during to radio and watching satellite with the two leisure times is in negative association with indices of institutional trust and association the level of institutional trust of the studied membership. Reading books has no population. This means that by increasing significant relationship with institutional the amount of watching TV, the mean level trust, but it shows a statistically significant of institutional trust increases too. However, relationship with the two indicators of an increase in watching videos causes a association membership and the number of reduction in institutional trust. Participants friends. There is no statistically significant with a high volume of watching TV during relationship between these two categories leisure time have an institutional trust mean and the number of friends. Listening to of 96.62, while participants with a low music also has a significant relationship with volume of watching TV have an institutional institutional trust and the number of friends, mean of 92.23. The people who reported but it shows no significant relationship watching videos “a lot” and “never” in with association membership. Statistics their leisure time had an institutional trust show that by decreasing the amount of average of 96.79 and 99.42, respectively. use of the internet, computer, computer The situation is related to the nature and games, listening to music, and watching scope of authority and choice of the youth. the satellite, the mean of institutional trust Regarding watching videos with a friend, no increases. Among the proposed cases that significant difference was observed. Though spend leisure time personally, increase time watching TV and watching videotapes in listening to the radio and learning artwork are both considered as personal leisure causes an increase in the institutional trust activities, the limited choice of TV channels mean. With increasing the use of internet, and programs compared to the wider computer, computer games, learning options in watching videotapes may partly artworks, and studying, an increase in the explain different means in the personal average of association membership and the experience of watching the two media number of friends is observed. There is no
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 67 - 82 (2018) 75 Gholamreza Ghaffary statistically significant relationship between watching videos, and watching satellite with listening to the radio, watching movies, the number of friends.
Table 3 The relationship between collective leisure activities and social capital
Leisure activities Amount Institutional Means Number of trust Association friends participation Socializing with a lot 17/97 42/1 21/10 friends a few hours per week 14/97 33/1 42/8 a few hours per month 9/96 2/1 38/7 rarely 96/96 18/1 79/6 ever 49/99 95/0 24/7 total 18/97 28/1 66/8 amount F 6/1 3/25 5/9 sig 178/0 000/ 000/ Socializing with a lot 3/100 34/1 25/11 family a few hours per week 98/98 3/1 34/8 a few hours per month 1/96 3/1 2/8 rarely 37/95 27/1 56/8 never 92/94 08/1 98/9 total 17/97 28/1 62/8 amount F 7/17 4/4 7/3 sig 000/ 001/0 005/0 Going to the a lot 41/109 22/1 7/16 cinema and a few hours per week 74/99 44/1 24/8 theatre a few hours per month 67/96 33/1 64/8 rarely 8/95 34/1 28/8 never 3/98 21/1 79/8 total 17/97 28/1 66/8 amount F 34/14 9/7 1/7 sig 000/ 000/ 000/ Going to parks a lot 39/101 3/1 21/12 and recreation a few hours per week 14/100 42/1 82/8 centres a few hours per month 97 35/1 88/7 rarely 24/96 23/1 21/8 never 17/96 13/1 36/10 total 18/97 28/1 66/8 amount F 54/13 14/15 1/7 sig 000/ 000/ 000/
76 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 67 - 82 (2018) Leisure and Social Capital among Iranian Youth
Table 3 (continue)
Leisure activities Amount Institutional Means Number of trust Association friends participation Going to a lot 66/92 98/0 4/9 pilgrimage a few hours per week 95 14/1 24/8 a few hours per month 25/99 48/1 95/7 rarely 88/101 73/1 9/8 never 87/105 7/1 98/12 total 19/97 28/1 65/8 amount F 2/0 19/0 09/0 sig 039/0 038/0 008/0 Going to travel a lot 57/111 4/1 27/19 a few hours per week 95/100 45/1 59/7 a few hours per month 99/98 59/1 06/9 rarely 93/96 29/1 3/8 never 78/95 02/1 04/9 total 19/97 28/1 66/8 amount F 02/15 3/44 46/8 sig 000/ 000/ 000/ Doing exercise a lot 9/100 55/1 62/9 a few hours per week 98 45/1 73/8 a few hours per month 02/94 33/1 09/8 rarely 79/95 12/1 04/8 never 74/96 91/0 54/8 total 19/97 28/1 65/8 amount F 68/29 86/88 06/2 sig 000/ 000/ 084/0 Going to a a lot 73/99 45/1 81/12 friend’s party a few hours per week 58/98 32/1 13/9 a few hours per month 08/96 37/1 55/8 rarely 19/96 28/1 93/7 never 18/99 19/1 28/8 total 17/97 29/1 65/8 amount F 89/11 46/8 44/7 sig 000/ 000/ 000/ Source: Values and attitudes of Iranian youth (2005)
Table 3 refers to that part of leisure activities friends, which do not show a significant that have a more collectivist nature compared relationship with institutional trust, show with those outlined in Table 2. All cases a significant relationship with three social presented in Table 3, except socializing with capital measures. With the increase in
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 67 - 82 (2018) 77 Gholamreza Ghaffary socializing with friends during leisure time, number of friends of individuals who mostly the association participation mean, and the participate in religious ceremonies is 9.4 number of friends show an increase. With compared to the average number of friends increasing socializing with family, going to of those who never have participated in the the cinema and theatre, going to parks and religious ceremonies is 12.98. recreation centres, going on pilgrimages In Iranians’ Values and Attitudes (2003), and tourism travels, exercising, and going the data of which is provided in Table 4, the to friends’ parties, the means for the three relationship between the way of spending social capital indicators increase. A decrease leisure time (i.e. alone or with others) has in the participation in religious ceremonies a significant relationship with the public increases the mean of the institutional trust trust among the youth (persons aged 18 to and association participation. The average 29 years).
Table 4 Distribution of the relationship between spending leisure time and amount of trust
Public trust Spend leisure time Alone With others Total Little 43.9 30.7 31.4 Somewhat 52.6 58.1 57.9 A lot 3.5 11.2 10.7 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 Pearson Chi-Square= 12.44 Significance =.002 N=2200 static=.38 Source: Iranians’ values and attitudes (2003)
In Iranians’ Values and Attitudes of (2005) has a more positive relationship with social as observed in Table 5, this relationship is trust and is one of the important measures a significant relationship, which indicates of social capital. that collectivist leisure among young people
Table 5 Distribution of the relationship between spending leisure time and the amount of trust
Public trust Spend leisure time Alone With others Total Little 40.1 28.3 28.8 Somewhat 51.9 57.1 56.8 A lot 8.0 14.6 14.4 Total 100 100 100 Pearson Chi-Square= 14.9 Significance =.001 N=4389 static=.34 Source: Iranians’ values and attitudes (2005)
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In addition, according to data of national leisure time alone is less than the general surveys (2003; 2005) in Table 6, the general trust of the youth who spend their leisure trust of young people who spend their collectively with others.
Table 6 Compared means of general trust
Spend leisure time General trust F sig Eta With others 38.9441 9,299 .002 .072 Alone 36.7000 Total 38.8431 With others 39.4107 8,998 .003 .052 Alone 37.6746 Total 39.3454 Source: Iranians’ values and attitudes (2003, 2005)
The score of association membership, which spend their leisure time in the community is an indication of commitment and civic with others is also higher than that among participation among young people, who young people who spend their leisure alone.
Table 7 Compared means of association participation
Spend leisure time Association participation F sig Eta With others 1.8789 7.661 .006 .058 Alone 1.3304 Total 1.8510 With others 1.8504 7.474 .006 .041 Alone 1.4368 Total 1.8329 Source: Iranians’ values and attitudes (2003, 2005)
A total mean score of the three indicators of in terms of the use and impact of TV, radio social capital for those who spend their time and religious ceremonies, the obtained on collectivist activities shows higher values experimental findings generally agree with compared to those who spend their time on the theoretical literature discussed above in personal and private activities. Therefore, in terms of the of linkage between leisure time spite of exceptions in the studied population and social capital.
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Table 8 The compare means of institutional trust
Spend leisure time Institutional trust F sig Eta With others 19.7923 3.529 .05 .02 Alone 19.4567 Total 19.7700 Source: Iranians’ values and attitudes (2016)
The statistics in the above table shows that time with others is again higher than young the mean score of institutional trust among people who spend their leisure alone. the young people who spend their leisure
Table 9 The compare means of association participation
Spend leisure time Association participation F sig Eta With others 1.8634 12.386 .000 .05 Alone 1.3812 Total 1.8297 Source: Iranians values and attitudes (2016)
According to the findings of the survey time is one of the aspects of life that has Iranians’ Values and Attitudes (2016), the a major role in the improvement of social rate of association membership among life. The findings of this article showed that young people who spend their leisure time collective activities in leisure time associate with others is higher than young people who with measures of social capital such as spend their leisure time alone. institutional trust, public trust, association participation and the number of friends, DISCUSSION measures that are important for social Today, the importance of leisure-time integration, dynamic social order, social activities for improving psychological, tolerance and social democracy. Thus, for cognitive, emotional and social development governments it is critical to pay attention of youths is recognized in all societies. to the contribution Leisure-time activities Scientists of social sciences have argued in social and cultural polices. Thus, social leisure time as an important part of life policy must try to prepare the situation, policy and quality of life, not only due to context, and opportunities that give way to social development for individuals but also easier access to collective leisure activities, for strengthening growth and extending so that more leisure activities are sustained social capital and civil society. Thus, leisure in the collective form. In the meantime,
80 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 67 - 82 (2018) Leisure and Social Capital among Iranian Youth individuals who spend their time in personal cohesion. It is effective in the reproduction and private leisure activities continue to of social support, generation of trust do so along with improving their presence and mutual aid, and contributes to the in the interactive social activities, again maintenance and stability of social capital. enhancing the general rate of social capital in the society. REFERENCES Coleman, J. (1988). Social capital in the creation of CONCLUSION human capital. American Journal of Sociology, 94, 95-120. For a comprehensive and detailed analysis of the subject in this study, further data Dumazedier, J. (1966). Towards a sociology of leisure. is needed. However, the present article is Macmillan. based on secondary analysis of available Hemingway, J. L. (1999). Leisure, social capital national data and there are limitations as and democratic citizenship. Journal of Leisure a result. Considering the importance and Research, 31, 150-165. role of the social capital construct, in both Ingen, E. V., & Eijck, K. V. (2009). Leisure and forms of intergroup and collective, the social capital: An analysis of types of company social freshness and dynamism needs to and activities. Journal Leisure Sciences an Interdisciplinary, 31(2), 192-206. be measured by the social, cultural, and political officials of the society. Among Iranians’ Values and Attitudes (2003). Minister of different mechanisms that might reinforce culture and Islamic Guidance. this construct, collective leisure is one of Iranians’ Values and Attitudes (2005). Minister of the most important. However, the linkage culture and Islamic Guidance. and the interaction between this mechanism Iranians’ Values and Attitudes (2016). Minister of and the social capital construct should not culture and Islamic Guidance. be neglected because, in a society where Lundberg, G. A., Komarovsky, M., & McInerny, M. social capital is rich and suitably evolved, A. (1934). Leisure: A suburban study. Columbia the formation and development of collective University Press. leisure activities are more viable. The Lynd, R. S., & Lynd, H. M. (1957). Remaking leisure theoretical and empirical literature and in middletown: A study in American culture. findings presented in this paper show that Putnam, R. (2000). Bowling alone: the collapse and the collectivist leisure activities have a revival, American community. New York: Simon significance relationship with and a notable and Schuster. effect on improving the indicators and items Reisman, D., Denney, R., & Glazer, N. (1969). The related to social capital. Consequently, the lonely crowd: A study of the changing American collective leisure strengthens interpersonal character. Yale University Press. trust, collaboration and mutual cooperation, Values and Attitudes of Iranian Youth (2005). National inter-generational linkages, unity, and social Youth Organisation.
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Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 83 - 102 (2018)
SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES
Journal homepage: http://www.pertanika.upm.edu.my/
An Anthropological Study on Female Peddlers’ Lingual and Paralingual Advertising in the Subway in Tehran
Ahmad Naderi1* and Maryam Hossein Yazdi2 1Department of Anthropology, University of Tehran, Jalal Al-e Ahmad Highway, Tehran, Iran. P.O. Box: 14395-773 2University of Tehran, Jalal Al-e Ahmad Highway, Tehran, Iran. P.O. Box: 14395-773
ABSTRACT The current research pursues an answer to the question of how female peddlers’ verbal and nonverbal communication in the subway in Tehran attracts passengers, encouraging them to buy, and how they apply lingual and paralingual advertisements to sell their commodities. It attempts to analyse the female peddlers’ actions that make the passengers shop in the subway. To realise the issue observation, deep interview, consistent presence, and frequent attendance in the designated location for the research (different routes of the subway trains in Tehran) was employed and after necessary investigations on the domain, deliberative results were discovered. For instance, female peddlers in different ages-young, middle aged or elderly-pay significant attention to the acquisition of lingual skills to advertise their commodities, since the peddlers are growing in number every day; some are genius in this regard and invent particular lexis and behaviours, and some others imitate lingual and paralingual skills and the body language from other peddlers to sell their commodities among the passengers. Due to the excessive number of rivals (female peddlers) with comparable products, they are distinguished through the method they use to advertise. Putting together the verbal and nonverbal advertising, the applied method makes each individual unique and different from the others, thus the peddlers attract the passengers’ attention to sell their commodities.
Keywords: Female peddlers, lingual and paralingual skills, method of advertising, subway, Tehran
ARTICLE INFO Article history: Received: 18 October 2017 INTRODUCTION AND THE Accepted: 01 February 2018 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM E-mail addresses: [email protected] (Ahmad Naderi) People in society must do economic activities [email protected] (Maryam Hossein Yazdi) for a living, and the activities are chiefly * Corresponding author
ISSN: 0128-7702 © Universiti Putra Malaysia Press Ahmad Naderi and Maryam Hossein Yazdi based on a variety of factors such as the Ramadan, and special dates like Mothers’ level of literacy, expertise, efficiency, etc. Day, Fathers’ Day, etc.) to be capable of Among these, there are individuals working absorbing more customers; therefore, as peddlers for several reasons, including lingual skills in advertising, including verbal the lack of expertise, capital, a second job and nonverbal skills and body language, besides their main one, emigration from are the first and key principles for female villages to cities, etc. peddlers to attract customers, and they Peddling is a type of hidden employment; try in the subway to apply verbal and the person is occupied through buying some nonverbal skills while advertising for their commodities and selling them with a special commodities. amount of interest, and does not have a One of the skills the peddlers use in the certain location for business. Peddling is subway is the selection of the commodity one of the menial, brittle, and irregular to sell. They select goods that are regularly jobs which can be explicitly observed in used by the passengers. Decorations, big cities and is not merely men’s job, but cosmetics, stationery, socks, women’s children and especially women have tread clothing, and edibles are the biggest part in the domain as well. The female peddlers of commodities for the peddlers to sell. Of in the subway are among the new ones who course, many goods the peddlers advertise are increasing in number daily. in the subway are not included among In his dictionary, Nezam-ol-Ateba, the priorities and necessities of life, but Dehkhoda defines peddling as, “A retailer they encourage many of the passengers to and peddler who sells his commodity as buy, through their lingual and paralingual much as the customer wishes, though a advertising skills. Since these actions are little” (Dehkhoda, 1957, p.707). Dehkhoda repeated every day, a certain brand of states, “one, who sells in the street and behaviour forms. Compact commodities, bazaar with a piece in hand, is a peddler” cheap products, availability, combined with (Dehkhoda, 1957, p.707). the female peddlers’ verbal and nonverbal Now it has been a while since the advertising, and has gifted the passengers’ wagons of the subway trains in the capital, consumerism. The passengers are wooed especially women’s, have turned to mobile by the peddlers’ skilful advertising, mostly stores. Men, children, and particularly buying things unconsciously, presupposing women are growing in number every day, that the goods are cheaper than the ones in peddling in the subway stations and wagons. the stores and might be necessary one day. Once the number of peddlers increases, The expert peddlers know what lexis and the competition also rises. They try to sell how to use them, sometimes emphasising various goods according to the season, certain words and sometimes changing situation, and different occasions (Nowrooz, the tone. They diagnose each situation to Mehr month, and the school opening, find a way to convey the meanings through
84 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 83 - 102 (2018) Anthropology of Female Peddlers’ Advertising in Tehran nonverbal messages. “The indirect meaning their goods very skilfully. Watching the needs inference and deduction of the relative peddlers’ theatrical actions, the passengers utterance, because most of what is intended are entertained and might never complain by the speaker is not expressed explicitly. So about the annoyance of advertising in such it can be said that the indirect verbal action is a populated place. Hence the peddlers perceived through the common contexts and publicise the commodities in the form of a beliefs between the speaker and listener” show by indirect verbal actions. (Nyota & Mutasa, 2008, p. 93). Thus, the questions intended to be While advertising the exceptional answered are: quality and the sale of the lowest price in - How does peddlers’ verbal advertising the subway, the female peddlers are using a in the subway persuade the passengers direct verbal action. When using statements to buy? in their advertising to inspire the passengers’ - What lingual methods do the peddlers interests and needs, knowing their principle apply to win the customers’ best trust? interests, they are telling them indirectly that the merchandise, inspiring their interests - To what extent has the peddlers’ lexis and filling their needs, is available. In other for advertising been efficacious in words, they are applying indirect verbal increasing sales? action when attracting the passengers to something further from what they have in Research purposes mind. The purpose of this study is to investigate The excess population in the subway the methods of lingual and paralingual wagons has limited the space for peddlers’ advertising of women peddlers in the extensive advertising to some extent. When subway in Tehran, how these influence the there is a large population, peddlers are not behaviour of passengers, and what peddlers able to pass through the passengers easily, do to attract the passengers’ attention. so they advertise loudly; which can be Lingual and paralingual skills of women annoying for the passengers. Clever peddlers peddlers in the subway has maximised realise when verbal advertising is a priority their sale; therefore, finding the tricks and over the theatrical one, and vice versa. “In techniques that these women use to improve order to convey the meaning, people do not their skills is another purpose of the study. only produce utterances including words Among such techniques is creating and grammatical structures, but they also new terms with various implications and act along with the utterances. The actions functionality in order to increase their sale. done by the utterances are generally called These terms are, sometimes, describing verbal actions” (Yule, 1996, p.47). the commodity and, sometimes, methods When the wagons are busy, peddlers of accosting the passengers. As a result, can both attract the passengers and advertise comprehending the impact of peddlers’
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 83 - 102 (2018) 85 Ahmad Naderi and Maryam Hossein Yazdi terminology in the subway on the passengers reactions deeply. The time process is very is another purpose of this study. important in anthropological studies. The researcher discovers the cultural phenomena METHODS through time and will never collect data In the field of anthropology, there are various using questionnaires because the method of tools used to study cultural situations which the questionnaire, in short term, might not are rarely technical. Among the most provide the access to a cultural affair. significant tools is the researcher himself. Observing women’s peddling, their The researcher must perceive the cultural social interactions, the peddlers’ treatment situation of the study case in different with each other and with the passengers, the dimensions and attend persistently in the method of verbal and nonverbal publicising designated research location. of the commodities by the peddlers are the The perception of a cultural subject of the research at this level of study, phenomenon must be formed in its own which have been recorded, completely cultural background. The researcher is registered, and used as the analytical not the controller of the affairs, but he document to register the results. In fact, the receives the findings from the real world and study of the peddlers’ wording, the lingual analyses them. “To perceive the subsistent ways of advertising, and body language experience, the qualitative work has to be to attract the passengers’ attention in the continued to the point that the researcher subway is impossible through quantitative reaches a theoretical saturation; i.e., the methods, because the current research needs researcher feels that the new interviews consistent presence of the researcher in the do not raise any new dimensions of the designated location of the study to have study and the answer is almost repeated” impartial findings by applying qualitative (Northcutt & McCoy, 2004, p. 87). methods. Therefore, deep observation of The anthropologist completely drowns and interviews with informants are the main himself in the lives of the people under axis of this research. Interviews are recorded research. In the current research, the in the research location and, immediately researcher has tried to attend directly the after, the main points were written, revised, location of the study during successive and collected. Regarding the selection years and observe acutely. During 2010 to of the atmosphere for the interviews, it 2018, the researcher in this study observed should be noted that the interviews with the the customers’ behaviour as consumers and peddlers were accomplished in the research that of the peddlers in the subway in the circumference, such as on waiting platforms capital. He spent prolonged periods of time and within wagons in each station. in the subway trains as a passenger, from The process of interviews is conducted the first station to the last, and observed with the absolute consent of informants and the peddlers’ and passengers’ actions and they have been completely informed about
86 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 83 - 102 (2018) Anthropology of Female Peddlers’ Advertising in Tehran their voice being taped. Of importance is The significance of the research subject the point that throughout the interviews and Peddling is considered a menial and brittle despite their complete knowledge of the job in society; the income loss or profit do study, the names of informants have been not influence the increase or decrease in kept confident and the present article does national revenue, and it is propounded as not include their names. a social problem. The significance of the Nowadays, the subway has turned to subject deserves deliberation and research a mobile market. Female peddlers work as the number of female peddlers in the as salespersons and all the passengers subway is growing everyday regardless of are customers. The large population and the obstacles and legal restrictions against the security of the train have provided the job; the peddlers’ solution to their rivals an appropriate place for peddlers’ is to use a variety of words to publicise their salesmanship. Selling goods, the consumers’ goods. The peddlers’ lingual methods of behaviour, and the peddlers’ lingual and advertising are mostly respectful, and one non-lingual advertising to sell goods, are all can rarely see or hear begging or pleading in part of the process in the subway every day; their publicising and statements. Sometimes studying such actions are possible through they also convey a satirical and joking anthropological methods. manner. “Anthropology and specially its The subway is not merely a means ethnographic methods are turning to of transportation anymore; instead, it popular cumulative resources by which has become a mobile bazaar. On the way some tools are applied to research upon towards their destination, the passengers can marketing and consumer behaviour in the watch a different variety of commodities and th 20 century” (Olsen, 1995). The approach of buy, if necessary. Of course, occasionally market research emphasises the relationship the variety of commodities, the way of between studying the consumer’s behaviour advertising, and the certain lexis about and the investigation of the action of the high quality of the goods make the marketing (Finch, 1997). passengers shop unnecessarily, resulting in the formation of fanciful shopping. Research society In the first years of studying the peddling In this research, the society is the subway in process in the subway, female peddlers Tehran, the undergrounds where the subway used to work only inside the wagons, but trains travel in specific routes. The subway through time and an increase in the number undergrounds, train wagons, and all the lines of peddlers, the wagons became extremely and routes the subway in the capital passes populated. To solve the problem, some through form the scope and location of the peddlers sit in the subway platforms and research. begin to advertise their commodities and attract the passengers when they detrain.
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In fact, the peddlers evoke thrilling In advertising, the mere expression of emotions within the passengers through the sentences in written or speech form, advertising, and the passengers start to buy to be heard or read by the audience, is not goods which might not be efficient, so they enough. Uttering the sentences, the pitch gradually turn to consumerists. Therefore of the voice, prolonged pronunciation of this paper intends to study the significance certain sounds, knowing the situation, are all of the peddlers’ lingual and paralingual important, including which gesture and body skills and body language to persuade the movement can be more effective for creating passengers to buy. the feeling of shopping in the customer. Some female peddlers in the subway Theoretical Framework advertise the goods deliberatively, and due to this intelligence, they are successful in sale. In The Language of Advertising (1998), They are good at recognising the situation Goddard assumes that advertisement is considering the time and place. In the so axiomatic to the modern audience that morning, they advertise and call the names any question of “what advertisement is?” of the goods loudly and with prolonged appears as nonsense. He believes that in the sounds, because everyone is happy to go discussion of advertisement, text should be work, university, etc.; in the evening, the understood in its broadest sense, suggesting population increases relative to that in the that text, in this sense, is in the meantime, morning, and the majority are exhausted a visual and verbal medium. He reminds and going back home. Therefore, the skilled of the attraction methods in advertising peddlers advertise the commodities in a low as inclusive of shocking pictures, font of voice, and even are occasionally silent and typing, and the direction of writing. only show the goods to the passengers to In Goddard’s opinion, advertisements avoid complaints from an annoying voice. are present everywhere, which is exactly In The discourse of Advertising, Cook why nobody thinks about their nature (1992) mentions three components of and concept as a lingual discourse. He advertising as material, text, and people, considers discourse as largely limited and explains that popular behaviours against to its direct circumference. Actually, a any discourse arises from individuals’ large part of the meaning intended by the ideological, social, and personal positions. speaker is conveyed through the physical However, in his belief, there is a series appearance of the conversation, such as of discourses that highly manipulate gesture, body condition, and eye contact. sensitivities. He continues stating that Goddard calls the marginal aspects in in a time that people confront a flood of conversation, paralingual factors, including social and natural problems, advertising cadence, pitch, and loudness of voice. These could prompt them to consume more, meaningful factors are all performed on create dissatisfaction toward the existing purpose in daily speech.
88 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 83 - 102 (2018) Anthropology of Female Peddlers’ Advertising in Tehran commodities in the market, and increase also need paralingual skills to advertise. anxieties and concerns that lead to the Sometimes, female peddlers advertise demand for better commodities. using satirical and joking statements. They Regarding the advertisement in the directly make the passengers laugh and subway, Cook also explains that while indirectly advertise their goods. people are inside the trains or waiting in the “The appearance of an advertisement stations, they not only see the advertising along with its internal meaning is a type of in the trains and platforms but sometimes discourse” (Cook, 1992, p. 4). Believing that they study them carefully. Cook divides advertising includes three parts of materials, the advertisements into two categories of context, and people, Cook initially states hard and soft. He includes the advertising that people’s behaviour towards any kind of with joke and satirical roots in the soft discourse implies their ideological, social, category, and the advertisements directly and personal status. He thinks there is a type inviting people to buy through presenting of discourse that stimulates emotions. As he the attributes, not logically, of the goods says, in a period when people are involved as the hard one. He also mentions the tools in the invasion of social and local problems, applied to convey meaning and messages, advertising can affect people’s persuasion to referring to speech, writing, and gestures consume more, the feeling of dissatisfaction as the basics for communication. Selecting with the inferior quality of the existing the appropriate materials to present an commodities, intensify the feeling of avidity, advertisement is one of the most important anxiety, and a sort of motivation to wish for parts of advertising, which depends largely on better goods (Cook, 1992). the advertiser’s intelligence and innovation “After defining the advertisement as a (Cook, 1992). Some female peddlers in the type of discourse, Cook considers several subway are very talented in their approach factors as influential in advertising, and to advertise the commodities. In peddling, the information about their relation and the more innovative the advertisements interaction with each other can lead to a are, the more commodities are sold, and convincing and influential advertisement. vice versa. So evidently, if female peddlers Among these factors are: society, are in the subway wagons, and mention image, material, discourse, role, other only the name and price of the goods, they advertisements, partners, music, situation, are directly inviting the passengers to buy. language and para language” (Cook, 1992, Such advertising can only be efficient if the p. 3). merchandise itself is attractive, appropriate Johnson states that the influence of in material, colour, variety, and indicated as advertisements on daily life has made essential merchandise. However, when the advertising carry not only a meaningful commodity is a decoration or not necessary and cultural load but become a part of to have, in addition to lingual skills, peddlers the cultural texture in society nowadays,
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 83 - 102 (2018) 89 Ahmad Naderi and Maryam Hossein Yazdi while used to impose itself on people to and advertising have turned into a part of be able to influence the culture (Johnson, the cultural texture in the subway in Tehran. 2007, p. 1). Johnson names seven specific Barthes is among the thinkers who elements of discourse which are noticed in have studied advertising with semiotics making and codifying advertisements. The approach. In the “Rhetoric of the Image”, seven elements are: ellipsis, connotation, he ponders on the internal relationships paralanguage, tropes, point of view, person, between image and message in advertising and narrative. This paper mostly applies to conclude that there are three types of paralanguage, person, and narrative. messages encrypted in advertisement: “Paralanguage includes several factors such lingual, message encoded in images, and as stress, tune, volume, audio features and messages apparently given through images body language. Paralanguage in writing is (cited in Tanaka, 1994, p. 1). He points to specified as the size, type, and font, and the two levels of interpreting lingual messages, imposition of the text. The factor of person namely, implied and apparent messages. has an important grammatical effect on the Putting lingual message aside, we are faced discourse of advertising. The advertiser with “specific advertising” that is divisible must determine the addressee’s position into two levels: implied and apparent relative to the advertisement and whether images as the pictorial versions of implied to address him ‘he’, ‘you’, or somebody and apparent messages. Implied image is else. Narrative also makes the style of itself divided into encoded, symbolic, and discourse more influential. Television cultural messages. Barthes’ distinction is advertisements usually use a narrator to not clear-cut about image because cognitive tell the story of the commodity. Likewise, information is not separate from cultural in written advertisements, a narrator might knowledge (Tanaka, 1994). be used to show the distinct phases of the advertisement” (Johnson, 2007, pp. 9-12). RESEARCH FINDINGS Being repeated frequently, a behaviour To distinguish the skilled and amateur is finally institutionalised. Sometimes, peddlers based on the method of such a behaviour might be normal or advertising even considered irregular. Although it is The way female peddlers advertise in the an irregular behaviour and many actions subway reveals whether they are skilled have been taken to prevent it, peddlers’ or amateur. The manner some of them sell advertising in the subway is increasing and or even walk in the wagons attests to their relatively institutionalised. Entering the inexperience, and do not actually have the subway trains, it is impossible not to see necessary skills for peddling. Worry, anxiety, the peddlers’ advertising. It might be said and embarrassment is evident on their faces. that the peddlers’ presence in the subway
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Additionally, their quiet, trembling, and quality, incomparable prices on sale, use eye muttering voice while advertising displays contact, a special and strong voice, agreeable their inexperience. manners, and monotonous tune; in nice and The way inexperienced women peddle proper appearance, they pass through the is that they do not start to advertise the population quickly and continue to advertise commodities upon their arrival, but after the goods along the train wagons. a short pause and hiding among the other “I have toothbrush, ladies I have passengers, they start to advertise with a toothbrush” (an amateur female peddler). quiet, trembling, and not strong voice; they “I have shawl, colourful shawls, I have role play as a passenger at one moment and shawl” (an amateur female peddler). as a peddler at the other. “I have rainbow shawls, I have worn a At first the inexperienced female model myself, rainbow shawls only for four peddlers are embarrassed to advertise in dollars, it is a sale, ladies” (a skilled female the wagons. Not only do they merely name peddler). the goods quietly, but they pass through the “I have slimming belts, they are herbal, population quickly and do not pause. They fat burning, six dollars on satellite, four travel around the train wagons nonstop from dollars in stores, but I sell them only for two the beginning to the end in a brief time. It dollars, ladies who go to the gym and do is difficult to stand among the population not lose weight, ladies who go on diets and because they are not adjusted to the peddling are annoyed, you’ll lose weight and be in a conditions yet, so they do not stand and are good shape using these belts, nice bodies, therefore seen less. After a while, they get everyone was pleased with them” (a skilled used to the conditions and find that short female peddler). pauses and standing among the population The skilled peddlers start to advertise when advertising is efficacious for higher once they enter the train wagons. Of course, sales, because a short pause indirectly helps the time of advertising also depends on the passengers watch the goods carefully the number of the passengers. In the first and stare at the colours and designs and stations where there are fewer passengers, might be persuaded to buy. the peddlers do not begin advertising but As mentioned, the amateur peddlers they sit on the chairs like the passengers; only name the commodities and do not use they start to peddle when the wagon is inspiring lexis and exciting words regarding populated enough. the quality, price, and the certain features Occasionally, the amateur female of the goods, whereas the skilled peddlers peddlers get intimate with the skilled ones have already discovered the influence of and ask for help to sell their commodities. verbal and nonverbal communication, They give some of their own goods to and they use them to advertise their goods their friends and ask for help. The amateur skilfully. They publicise the material, peddlers’ help request from the skilled ones
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 83 - 102 (2018) 91 Ahmad Naderi and Maryam Hossein Yazdi reveals the impact of verbal skills, certain new passengers enter the wagon. Female lexis, and tone on the scale of customer peddlers start to advertise again, and if a attraction. passenger buys something, many others will also start to buy. Therefore, it can be Verbal advertisements said that peddlers’ wording and lingual and paralingual advertisings are not always Advertising peddlers’ commodities by effective for them, but the passengers’ the passengers behaviour, their shopping or avoiding, are Once a subway passenger buys merchandise efficacious in selling or failing to sell the from a peddler, there usually appears two commodities. states: the hesitant passengers ask the Thus, the female passengers who choose buyer about the quality, or the peddler asks the peddlers’ goods are meticulous, and the passenger who had already bought hesitate to buy; the passengers nearby help something to talk about the quality and her choose and comment on the better the appropriate price. Hence, if the buyer colour and quality; in such conditions, compliments the price and quality of the deciding becomes easier for the buyer. In merchandise, it will be an approval for the fact, the passengers begin to advertise the passengers. The same process is true about peddlers’ goods or express that they have edibles. The peddler says: “I have Razavi already bought that merchandise and are doughnuts, made today, really fresh, I have pleased with the quality. Such statements Razavi doughnuts my lady, anybody wants?” and approvals by the passengers will gift the One of the passengers buys some and eats, peddlers more sales. It can be stated that the then the other passengers ask her about the skilled peddlers have been able to attract the taste and freshness. If the buyer approves passengers’ attention to their commodities them, many other passengers will start to through lingual and paralingual methods, buy. In other words, when a passenger buys and sometimes the passengers speak as the a commodity from a peddler, others will be peddlers and advertise their goods strongly. encouraged to buy as well. One passenger’s It is frequently observed that a passenger has shopping means an approval of the material bought some cosmetics from the subway and quality of the merchandise. peddlers and addresses the peddler and the Even if the passenger is silent and passengers: “I am your permanent customer does not express a word on the quality, the and I always buy cosmetics from you which very action of buying is an advertisement is both well-qualified and relatively cheaper to sell the peddlers’ goods. It is frequently than those in the stores.” observed that the passengers do not purchase As mentioned above, such verbal anything from the peddlers for a long time in advertisements from the passengers’ part is a day, but in stations where the passengers an approval for the quality of the peddlers’ change lines, most transfer occur, and goods that leads to selling more.
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Presenting advertising card by the so if the customer is not satisfied with the peddlers commodity, although inaccessibility of the While advertising their commodities in the peddler is completely natural, it leads to subway wagons, the peddlers also offer the buyer’s distrust. The peddler giving her the passengers some cards including a phone card is a significant step in winning phone number and tell them: “we give our the passengers’ trust. When advertising in phone number therewith the merchandise, the subway for selling commodities, female to ensure you of the quality and you will peddlers say loudly: “Buy the goods, it is certainly call and ask for it again.” impossible you don’t call and ask for it By giving cards to advertise their again, many people have my phone number commodities, the peddlers become distinct and are permanent customers.” Offering from the other peddlers working in other phone cards is an action resulting in a locations, such as conjunctions, streets, win-win situation. By giving their phone or elsewhere. In this way, they ensure the numbers to the passengers, the peddlers are customers that the peddlers are available both extending the advertising scope further upon request. out of the subway and developing their Such an action directly wins the advertisement (when out of the subway, passengers’ trust and confidence and the passengers can still buy the necessary indirectly advertises the goods. commodities through the phone number), Another female peddler says:” Any time and the passengers are encouraged to buy and any moment you needed my goods, just and no longer worried or anxious about the call on my cell phone, I’ll reach you in any low quality of the goods, because if they line and any wagon. If you wish, you can are not pleased with the products, they can give me your address anywhere and I’ll complain to the peddlers. Giving the phone come, and you don’t need to disturb.” number improves the peddlers’ accessibility. Such verbal advertisings are expressive of conveying other meanings Satire, joking, and offering to the passengers. Availability, high quality Provoking emotions and creating excitement commodity, and the buyer’s calmness are for the audience is an influential way in some implicit meanings of such verbal advertising for sale. Sometimes it is not advertisements. Finally, the most key factor necessary to logically approve the quality. that is essential in purchasing commodities Occasionally they must invent a novel is security. Therefore, female peddlers approach to advertise, like using satire and indirectly guarantee their goods when joking while advertising. they present the card including their phone The young female peddler with jugglery number. Lack of a fixed location to sell and tools says, “Those who like riddles, I have frequent transferring is a feature of peddling, riddles for them, a physic riddle; if you solve
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 83 - 102 (2018) 93 Ahmad Naderi and Maryam Hossein Yazdi it, you’ll win a prize; if you wish to buy it, Inventing certain lexis I’ll tell you the trick secretly and only for As previously stated, the wording and two dollars.” advertising of commodities are extremely Another female peddler says, “Ladies, efficacious in the scale of the sale, so buy a shawl for your sister-in-law, buy socks most female peddlers use words like, “my for your mother-in-law, and buy anything for flower”, “my lady”, “my dear”, “dear your in-laws from me.” ladies”, “my loves”, and “my pretty ones” Another female peddler says, “I make to attract the female passengers’ attention. fruit-rolls at home and sell in the subway. They also use the word “only” to mention I cut some into pieces and publicise with the low price, like, “Only for two dollars.” joking and offer the ladies telling them “My flowers, I have Maryami shawls, ‘apparently you like sour, come on and eat, only for one dollar, I have worn a model, my dear, and buy if you like’.” Maryami shawls only for one dollar” (a In the evening, when many passengers female peddler). are on the way home and spent a day “The cloth of my shawls will never run, working, applying satire and joking when it won’t be napped, I sell each only for ten selling commodities seems an effective two dollars, they sell four dollars in stores” method, because customers can both enjoy (a female peddler). watching such scenes and will be willing Female peddlers also use exaggerated to buy. lexis to be more influential; “miracle” is Another peddler advertising cosmetics an exaggerated word and widely used by humorously says, “Ladies, I have mascara, peddlers. They say, “Buy, take home, test if you buy the mascara and use it, your and you’ll see it is a miracle.” 1 eyelashes will be like Serendipity ’s; ladies, They also use the word “magic” like is there anyone who likes to have eyes as “magic needles, magic tissues”, which Serendipity’s?” means the peddler’s commodities hold Satirical verbal speech and joking unique features. along with offering is an innovation from “Iron” is another attribute used in their peddlers and delivers the message, “You advertising, to express that their goods “last can test the stuff without paying and if you long”. “Ladies, buy socks, my socks are are interested you can buy.” This method made of iron and last for life.” is, on one side, entertaining and interesting Female peddlers, as already mentioned, for the passengers, and on the other, leaves use exaggerated lexis and statements. Both them almost a fait accompli, so they are the peddlers and passengers know about encouraged to buy. the exaggeration, but such lexis largely influences the sales. 1A pink dragon in a cartoon called “the “I have eyeliners ladies, the line remains unknown island”, with big blue eyes and very long eyelashes. as if you got a tattoo, I have fortifying
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Collyrium for your eyelashes. My ladies, from them and sometimes succeed as some you sleep at night and wake up in the passengers dare to buy not out of real need, morning, you’ll see your eyelashes has but sympathy. grown 5 times longer” (a female peddler). Peddling by imploring is done in two “My colleagues are selling the same methods. Sometimes, the peddlers are well product twice as much as this price, it’s on dressed and sell socks by stating that: sale ladies” (a female peddler). “For God’s sake, buy from me, buy my Another commonly used word among socks, I have an ill family member [in need women is “free size”. When the female of drug and care].” peddler has clothing as commodity, she “For God’s sake, buy, may God give you uses “free size” to infuse the audience that what you wish, I’ll pray for you, buy from regardless of their weight and size, the me, I’d not sold anything today.” clothing items would fit their body with no “Ladies, may God give you what you problems. want, God bless you, buy from me.” “Local”, “home-made”, and “self- Sometimes, they wear torn cloths and produced” are among the words encouraging sell cheap items like band stripes, chewing the passengers and often influencing them gum, etc., for triple the actual price. Since to buy. they do not carry noticeable goods, they As repeatedly stated, peddlers use do not promote, and beg instead for the certain lexis and attributes to describe their passengers to pay two or three times for a commodities to attract more customers. wretched item. The more provoking the attributes are It should be noted that this is within the to the audience, the more influential the minority among peddlers and the majority advertisements; therefore, the peddlers are skilful in promotion methods, selling who are talented in inventing certain lexis items by pointing to the high quality and will earn more profit. For instance, many low price and enticing the most indifferent commodities hold “magic” as an attribute to buy. or they are introduced as cheaper than the commodities advertised on the satellite. Nonverbal advertising Upon hearing such lexis, the passengers are encouraged to buy the products, so the tone Peddlers’ trust in buyers and word rhythm used sequentially will lead The peddlers intermittently give their to the attraction of more of an audience. commodities to the passengers for them to view and choose as they wish; at such Imploration and beggary moments, the peddlers do not stand by the passengers, but rather go on with their Few among the peddlers attempt imploring advertisement in a nearby spot in the wagon. and begging language and tone. They The passengers may claim they have chosen desperately ask the passengers to purchase
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 83 - 102 (2018) 95 Ahmad Naderi and Maryam Hossein Yazdi from among the baggage and pay for it; trust in the clients continues as the peddler the peddler, then, takes the money and moves across spots and sells and advertises calculates without focusing on the condition in the train. of the remaining goods. This daily cycle of
Figure 1. Proposed framework of factors influencing international students’ satisfaction Figure 1. Passengers scrutinising goods in the absence of the salesperson. The trust the peddlers vest in passengers and takes between the peddler and the makes potential clients of them. The passenger-customers that facilitates the sale. passengersThe feel trust good the peddlersabout this vest trustfulness in passengers makesWhen potential the baggage clients is ofoverloaded, them. The passengersthe andfeel trygood to about return this it trustfulnessby being responsible and try to return peddler it by dividesbeing responsible it into small toward packagess the salespersonand towards the salesperson and her sale. The thrusts each to groups of passengers so and her sale. The nonverbal method of customer appreciation indirectly pushes passengers to nonverbal method of customer appreciation that the process of viewing and choosing indirectlybecome volunteer pushes agentspassengers for maintaining to become the peddler’sbecomes baggageoptimal, sofor that the thepassengers. process of The promotion volunteerand sale throughout agents for the maintainingwagon becomes the easier peddler for th thene peddler. uses aMoreover, strategic promotinga quasi-friendship peddler’sresults from baggage, such give so andthat takes the processbetween of the peddlermethod and by thepointing passenger to the-customers passenger that who facilitates promotion and sale throughout the wagon holds one of such packages; this encourages the sale. becomes easier for the peddler. Moreover, the assistant passenger to enjoy viewing and, a quasi-friendshipWhen the baggage results fromis overloaded, such give the perhaps,peddler divideschoose itfrom into the small available packages colours and thrusts each to groups of passengers so that the process of viewing and choosing becomes optimal for the passengers. The peddler then uses a strategic promoting method by pointing to the passenger who holds one of such packages; this encourages the assistant passenger to enjoy viewing and,
96perhaps, choose from the Pertanikaavailable J. Soc. colours Sci. & Hum. and 26 (T): options 83 - 102 (2018) at hand; the same occurs with the passengers who are normally watching the process. Anthropology of Female Peddlers’ Advertising in Tehran and options at hand; the same occurs with bracelets, bangles, and rings are attached to the passengers who are normally watching her cloths and, as she urges the passengers the process. to buy, the items glitter on her cloths. In summary, the strategy to deposit the “Dear ladies, I have pencil lipsticks, goods in the hands of random passengers a sample is applied on my own lips, it has burgeons trust in passengers and tempts hues, and various hues are applied on my the trustee passenger to consider the items hand” (the peddler). in her hand and perhaps dare to purchase, “Dear madams, all sorts of shawl and without having been a serious customer in headscarf only two dollars, a sample is worn the first place. on my head” (the peddler). The peddlers who sell cosmetics tell the Peddlers as models passengers that they themselves apply the items they sell and invite to look at her worn A major feature about metro peddlers is makeup. This way, they simultaneously their clothing style. The more fashionable show the appearance of the items they sell they are, the more inclined the passengers and ensure the health of them. are to purchase. Most subway peddlers “Ladies who are used to go to the pool, have noticed the rule and count on it those who want their makeup to last long for promoting their sales. They try to be hours, purchase my mascara, water proof, communicative and compassionate to others look at my eyelashes, I apply this mascara” and they always smile. This is part of the (the peddler). reason why passengers become clients of Sometimes, when peddlers find metro goods despite their low quality and passengers wary, they invent methods to cheap price. call for their attention. For example, they Dependent of what they sell, the might begin to apply makeup and ask the peddlers use various techniques of selling. passengers to carefully consider the quality For example, if she sells odds and ends, of products. Another might teach in front of she hangs the items on her body both as all passengers how to fasten a head flower a method for advertising and carrying the again and again, to plead them to purchase. goods. A handful of pins, head flowers,
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 83 - 102 (2018) 97 Ahmad Naderi and Maryam Hossein Yazdi
Figure 2. Using one’s own body for advertising: lipstick hues on hands and ends and means hanging on Figure 2. Using one’s own body for advertising: lipstick hues on hands and ends and means hanging on cloths Figure 2. Using one’s own body for advertising: lipstick hues on hands and ends and means hanging on cloths cloths Peddlers, especially women peddlers, have in front of the eyes of passengers. If anyone explored that body language is more forceful volunteers, the peddler applies her test than verbal.Peddlers, Consequently,Peddlers, especially especially women they women playpeddlers, peddlers,a havemakeup explored have to explored adorn that body her that languagein abody performative islanguage more forceful isstyle. more forceful modellingthanthan verbal. role verbal. and Consequently, Consequently, use their theybody playthey parts a play modelling to a modellingThe role rest and role useof passengersandtheir usebody their parts are body to entertainedadvertise. parts to advertise. by advertise. the performance and induced to purchase an item. Passengers as models “I have face hair remover scissors, PassengersPassengers as modelsas models ladies, easy to use and no need to go to When a higher number of peddlers are When a higher number of peddlers are rivallingsalon, to sell remove their goods, your diverse own face sale andstrategies hands are hair, a rivallingWhen to sell a higher their numbergoods, ofdiverse peddlers sale are rivalling to sell their goods, diverse sale strategies are a must. This is enforced by the need for diversity anyonebecause ofwhose the general hands urges or facein the is advertisement un-tweezed strategiesmust. are This a must.is enforced This by is the enforced need for diversity because of the general urges in the advertisement volunteer to test?” (the peddler). by theindustry. need forThe diversitypeddlers have because truly noticed of the that body language is a successful promotion method industry. The peddlers have truly noticed that“I bodyhave language eyebrow is mascara, a successful if youpromotion buy method generaland urges apply in it withthe advertisement all their potency .industry. and apply it with all their potency. it you won’t need brow pencil or tattoos, The peddlers have truly noticed that body Those who sell cosmetics insist on convincin variousing passengers colours, that it their has owntester makeup too ladies,is the language is a successful promotion method same they Thosepromote. who They sell ask cosmetics passengers insist who amongonanyone convinc them wants mighting mepassengers wish to pencilto test that the her products.their brows?” own They (themakeup is the and apply it with all their potency. usesame verbal they ploys promote. and eye They contact ask to passengers gain the consenpeddler). whot ofamong a passenger them mightto volunteer wish tofor test testing, the products.and They Those who sell cosmetics insist on presentuse verbal an entertaining ploys and theatrics eye contact performance to gain thein frontTheseconsen of t typestheof aeyes passenger of of promotions passengers. to volunteer Ifare anyone veryfor testing, and convincing passengers that their own volunteers, the peddler applies her test makeupamusing to adorn her for in customers a performative and style. highly The restrelied of makeuppresent is the ansame entertaining they promote. theatrics They performance in front of the eyes of passengers. If anyone passengers are entertained by the performance andupon induced by subwayto purchase peddlers. an item. It has been ask passengersvolunteers, who the peddleramong appliesthem mighther test makeup to adorn her in a performative style. The rest of frequently observed that a passenger lady in wish to passengerstest the products. are entertained They useby the verbal performance and induced to purchase an item. other wagons will move herself, when she ploys and eye contact to gain the consent notices these performances, so that she can of a passenger to volunteer for testing, and watch and, in most cases, make a purchase. present an entertaining theatrics performance
98 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 83 - 102 (2018) Anthropology of Female Peddlers’ Advertising in Tehran
CONCLUSION at the right time for all to hear and when to Tehran, as the largest and most populated pitch lower, as when passengers are few and city of Iran, is not exempt from the rule. wary. It seems that they are conscious of the The inauguration of the subway system marginal, but vital, aspects of discursive, was devised for facilitating transportation linguistic, and paralinguistic dimensions of in Tehran. The metro has found another communication. function other than transportation, becoming With the passage of time, the number a site for enterprise and a mobile market for of women peddlers in the subway in Tehran peddlers. increases. The increase, on one hand, and Metro wagons provide a safe haven for the sale of various commodities, on the peddlers since they are so crowded, and other, has promoted rivalry among the this crowd is the best potential customer. peddlers. Here, peddlers seek ways to Peddlers usually choose spots that are more optimise sale and attract the passengers’ commuted, as the denser the crowd, the attention among the load of goods and the higher the sales will be. Therefore, the metro increasing number of peddlers. The best is nowadays a place normally frequented by methods in this relation are observed in peddlers. They do not pay taxes, do not pay their advertising. They attempt to promote for rent, and earn well. Despite all efforts their goods by upgrading their peddling by metro personnel to eradicate peddlers’ skills. They are knowledgeable that they disturbances, peddlers are only alarmed could not rely simply on lingual instruments enough to be more watchful; they have to achieve the purpose and, therefore, thrived in number against all odds. adopt body language techniques in their Peddlers are comprised of various social advertisements. Whenever they solely rely and age groups: women, men, children, on lingual advertisement, they coin lexis that youth, and even the elderly are earning a are generally innovative and viable. life in the subway, but women and girls are a Some peddlers dare to coin terms for solid majority among them. Being educated describing their goods. These terms are or studying at university, backed by expert more suggestive of the unrivalled attributes job experiences, or family negation do not of their products. They use adjectives prevent them from peddling in the subway, like “magic”, “iron”, “domestic product”, even though it is a job perceived to be low “immortal”, “cheaper than everywhere”, etc. in prestige. Women peddlers amazingly rely on Peddlers’ sale strategies are immensely the physical manifestations of their body diverse. They mix verbal and nonverbal and language for promotion; they use eye communication methods to optimise their contact and postures and appear as models sales, although it could not be exactly said to attract passenger-customers. They also which method is most usually employed by use soft advertisement methods containing them. They know when to increase their tone humorous content to flatter passengers.
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 83 - 102 (2018) 99 Ahmad Naderi and Maryam Hossein Yazdi
Based on what they sell, the working they are drowned in all-encompassing time, density of passengers, and calendar advertisements and purchase unconsciously. occasions, they use lingual and metalingual Sometimes, they do not need what they buy, strategies for promotion variations. but do it out of entertainment, fun, or the Therefore, when women peddlers impulse of consumerism. present a short performance in a wagon, Leaving goods among the passengers is they present their real intention of selling the peddlers’ best method in motivating them to product. Since verbal methods are common, purchase. The peddlers, in this way, achieve indirect methods better entertain and absorb, the highest result. Firstly, the prove to the enticing customers to unconsciously passengers that they are trustworthy and purchase items that they very probably are there is no need to monitor them during their Leaving goods among the passengers is peddlers’ best method in motivating them to not in need of, but which are so artistically choice and sale, while they indirectly count purchase. The peddlers, in this way, achieve the highest result. Firstly, the prove to the presented that they have no power to refrain. on passengers for monitoring each other. passengersPeddlers artfully that they transform are trustworthy passengers and there into is noSecondly, need to monitor they provide them dur foring thetheir passengers choice and sale,customers while they and indirectly turn them count to onunconscious passengers for tomonitoring freely search each other.between Secondly, the items they and provide thus forconsumerists. the passengers Passengers to freely passivelysearch between observe the itemsbecome and temptedthus become to buy. tempted Lastly, to buy.passengers Lastly, passengersall types ofare advertisement given the opportunity on their wayto con tosult arewith given each theother opportunity on the purchase, to consult and withthus, their destination, sometimes entertained each other on the purchase, and thus, become potential advertisers themselves. and sometimes bored; nonetheless, become potential advertisers themselves.
Verbal Non-verbal
Figure 3. Strategies for women peddlers’ advertising commodities in Tehran subway Figure 3. Strategies for women peddlers' advertising commodities in Tehran subway
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Finch, J. E. (1997). Integrating market research Olsen, B. (1995). Brand loyalty and consumption applications with the study of consumer behavior. patterns. In J. F. Sherry (Ed.), Contemporary In Great Ideas for Teaching Marketing. South- marketing and consumer behaviour: an Western College Publishing. Retrieved from anthropological sourcebook. Thousand Oaks, http://www.swcollege.com/marketing/gitm/ CA: Sage Publications, Inc. gitm.html. Tanaka, K. (1994). Advertising language, a pragmatic Goddard, A. (1998). The language of advertising. New approach to advertisements in Britain and Japan. York: Routledge. London: Routledge.
Johnson, F. L. (2007). Imaging advertising verbal and Yule, G. (1996). Pragmatics. Oxford: Oxford visual codes of commerce. New York: Routledge. University Press. Northcutt, N., & McCoy, D. (2004). Interactive qualitative analysis. Sage Publication
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Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 103 - 124 (2018)
SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES
Journal homepage: http://www.pertanika.upm.edu.my/
The Discursive Politics of Women’s Clothing in Iran at Revolutionary Transition Era (1979-1981)
Seyedeh Razieh Yasini1, Mahdi Montazer Ghaem2 and Abdollah Bicharanlou2* 1Research Institute of Culture, Art and Communication, Tehran, Iran. P. O. Box: 14155-6619 2Department of Communication, the University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran. P. O. Box: 14395-773
ABSTRACT This research is based on descriptive-analytical study on the changes of aesthetic standards of Iranian women’s clothing following the discursive politics during the revolutionary transition era (1979-1981). Until the Islamic revolution, women’s clothing was one of the most controversial politico-cultural issues for decades. The harsh policies of the Pahlavi regime for women’s emancipation and unveiling was opposed by the emotional resistance of religious leaders and their traditionalist followers. Based on social constructionist discourse analysis, this article investigates the aesthetic styles of women’s clothing during turbulent era and examines the discursive practices of various dominant and competing groups and ideologies. Laclau and Mouffe discourse analysis method is used to analyse the polemics and practices carried out by all competing classes and ideological discourses that resulted in the domination of hijab at a national level. The dominant revolutionary discourse opposed the symbolic power of modernity, freedom, and rationality represented by western fashion and replaced a symbolic force of morality, chastity, and conceitedness. This symbolic power has since remained alive although contested in a variety of forms due to social and cultural changes. Although the form of Iranian women’s clothing after 1979 revolution remained a religious code, the aesthetics of woman’s clothing is still influenced by numerous cultural, social, economic, and political factors. The post-revolution discursive politics led to the homogenisation of women’s clothing in Iran denying the differences between clothing ARTICLE INFO cultures. Article history: Received: 18 October 2017 Accepted: 01 February 2018 Keywords: Discursive politics, Iran, revolutionary E-mail addresses: transition era, women clothing [email protected] (Seyedeh Razieh Yasini) [email protected] (Mahdi Montazer Ghaem) [email protected] (Abdollah Bicharanlou) * Corresponding author
ISSN: 0128-7702 © Universiti Putra Malaysia Press Seyedeh Razieh Yasini, Mahdi Montazer Ghaem and Abdollah Bicharanlou
INTRODUCTION a means of individualisation; yet the extent It is important to know how dominant to which this was either possible or desired discourses in every period in the Iranian was usually quite limited. Appearance history have dealt with the issue of women’s primarily designated social identity rather clothing - whether the governments decide than personal identity. Dress and social to take a stance or not - as it has made a identity have certainly not become entirely significant difference on the aesthetics of dissociated today and dress remains a Iranian women’s clothing. It is noteworthy signalling device of gender, class position, how, in different epochs, politics and the and occupational status (Giddens, 1991). state can effectively influence cultural Having been populated by various attitudes and the culture of women’s ethnicities, Iran is a multicultural society clothing in both social and cultural systems which has left its mark on the aesthetics and subsystems. Various aspects of culture and function of women’s clothing. ‘The way (such as clothing) are tremendously the Kurdish women in Khorasan (Kurmanj influenced by the discourses and ideologies Kurds) dress and choose their clothes’ championed by governments. This role is colour differs based on a number of factors better understood during regime changes, such as the clan, age, and the presence especially those cases fuelled by a mixture (or absence) of a husband. A yellow skirt of cultural as well as political revolutionary accompanied by a simple purple scarf, for motives. Such a study can open a window example, indicates a virgin, while a scarlet towards understanding the interrelationships skirt with striped margins and also a chador between culture and politics by discovering (Islamic covering) worn in a specific manner the structuration and domination phases of are signs that the woman in question has a competing discourse. recently lost her husband’ (Papoli-Yazdi, Clothing is an important sign of 2002). ‘While having aesthetic attributes, cultural identity: ‘Important indicators of the way Qashqai women dress relays some cultural identity include popular rituals information about their age and personal and and ceremonies, festivals, eves, traditional tribal status. Young mothers and wives wear values, clothes and dressing, architecture of clothes of vivid, light colours. However, buildings and places, customs, and national they can now dress clothes in red or any and local art’ (Varjavand, 1999 [1378]). Also, colour of their choice with some design on in creating one’s social identity, clothes play them. Old women wear dress in black and the same role as they do in creating one’s grey’ (Amirmoez, 2002). personal identity: ‘In many settings of pre- Considering the religious, cultural, modern cultures, appearance was largely geographical, and ethnic characteristics standardised in terms of traditional criteria. of Iran, power centres and discursive Modes of facial adornment or dress, for signifiers have had a considerable influence example, have always been, to some degree, on the changes of women’s clothing in the
104 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 103 - 124 (2018) Discursive Politics of Women’s Clothing in Iran discursive fields attended by this essay. representation socially and politically Whereas the discourse of the Pahlavi developed to produce and distribute a regime revolved around modernity, the coherent set of meanings about a critical Islamic revolution focused on religious subject; these meanings serve a part of fundamentalism, and they both influenced society where the discourse originates and women’s clothing, which has always been makes attempt to turn these meanings into subject to the ruling power. While the the common sense through its ideological former placed a woman unshackled from function’ (Mehdizadeh, 2005 [1384]). the binds of religion in the centre of its In the 1970s and 1980s, the concept was discourse, the latter introduced an ideal introduced, according to Foucault’s ideas, as Muslim woman at the central point of the a place where power and knowledge meet. Islamic revolution’s discourse. According Discourse analysis includes ‘a set of analytic to Moghadam, gender relations play a techniques applied to uncover the patterns pivotal role in culture, idealism, politics, of understanding, beliefs, values and the and revolutionary societies, and the ‘ideal structure of faith embedded in a discourse. society’, as it were, implicates the notion of It is an interdisciplinary field comprised the ‘ideal woman’ (Foran, 1997). To counter of grammar, text analysis, cultural, and the Pahlavi discourse, the revolutionary semantic studies’ (Connell & Galasinski, discourse during the transition phase (the 1996). 1979-1981 Period) tried to formulate in Discourse in this paper is the analysis its meta-discourse the features of the ideal of thought systems in lingual forms Muslim woman, while going to lengths to (MacDonell, 1986) viewed from a critical once again promote the Islamic covering vantage where power and ideology are for women. Thus, a special form of clothes dealt with as elements that go beyond the with a specific aesthetics was introduced text. As Macdonell says, ‘All discourses are for the revolutionary Muslim woman. ideologically positioned; none are neutral’. This paper aims to examine this type of ‘Critical discourse analysis, as a qualitative aesthetics in contrast to the one prevalent methodology, studies language as a social during the Pahlavi period, and determine action in relation to ideology, power, history, its characteristics within the scope of the and society at the level of both written and Islamic revolution discourse during its spoken text’ (Agha-golzadeh, 2006 [1385]). Transition Phase. This paper seeks to analyse multiple discourses on women’s clothing in a specific MATERIALS AND METHODS period. According to Laclau and Mouffe’s This article aesthetically analyses theory, critical discourse analysis has a women’s clothing according to the concept post-structural viewpoint, which ‘speaks of discourse and its aesthetic function. of multiplicity of discourses and, more Discourse ‘is a language or system of specifically, of tensions and discursive
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 103 - 124 (2018) 105 Seyedeh Razieh Yasini, Mahdi Montazer Ghaem and Abdollah Bicharanlou contradictions within the texts. As a matter This paper considers the feminine of fact, we no longer have a homogeneous body and, therefore, feminine clothes as text written based on a single discourse the central signifier of the ruling discourse aimed at a homogeneous audience which and/or rival sub-discourses in the discursive produces a homogeneous response. The field. The prevalent signifiers put forth in the test itself is fraught with contradictions. body of the discourses of the period are as This is where discourses are in tension and follows: freedom, women’s rights, chastity, interaction. These are the nodes of which identity, feminine beauty, etc., each defined Laclau and Mouffe speak as ‘places where differently from the perspective of various discourses relate to each other’ (Moghadami, discourses to reach different discursive 2012 [1390]). meanings for women’s clothing that would According to Foucault, power is the main ultimately exclude other definitions provided player in the field of discourse distributed by rival discourses for these signifiers. across society, and the most general sense Articulating the central and prevalent in which power is productive for Foucault is signifiers around the subject of dress in the through knowledge. Knowledge, especially discourses of both Pahlavi and the Islamic the social sciences, is closely implicated in Revolution, accompanied by an analysis the production of docile bodies and subjected of the subject in the light of the discursive minds. ‘Discourses’ is the term Foucault practices of the two fields, will lead us to uses for these systems of quasi-scientific determine how the aesthetics of women’s knowledge. Knowledge as discourse is clothing was influenced by the definition not knowledge of the ‘real’ world as it of this central signifier by these discourses. exists prior to that knowledge. Although As this paper seeks to discover the it presents itself as representing objective discursive aesthetics of women’s clothing in reality, in fact, discourses construct and different periods and communities, it makes make ‘real’ the objects of knowledge they use of the sociological approach as well. ‘represent’. Knowledge is distinguished [This is because] sociology places immense from other ways of apprehending the world importance for the aesthetics of clothes. In and considered to be ‘knowledge’ of the Veblen’s analysis, then, are the foundations objective world, because it is supported of an approach that interprets fashion by practices of power. As Foucault sees goods as aesthetically inscribed resources, it, knowledge involves statements uttered collectively consumed by individuals whose in institutional sites in which it is gained primary rationale for purchasing particular according to certain rules and procedures, ranges and types of garments is their use in by speakers who are authorised to say what the articulation of shared lifestyle statements counts as ‘truth’ in that particular context (Bennet, 2005). Thus, in analysing women’s (Nash, 2010). clothing during the Transition Phase of
106 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 103 - 124 (2018) Discursive Politics of Women’s Clothing in Iran the Islamic Revolution, theoretical and is compared to the aesthetics of the women’s sociological aesthetic concepts act as the clothing in the preceding Pahlavi discourse. basis of our analysis and are made use of in By identifying the discursive elements of our quest for effective discursive factors in the mentioned discourses and analysing the these fields. discourse of each period regarding clothing, the effect of the discursive elements and Methodology the type of their application to form and aesthetics of clothing are recognised as The present study relies on the discourse the central core of each discourse, and the analysis method, which is a popular results, including types of women’s clothing qualitative method in various fields, due to in each period, are explained. its multidisciplinary character. Fairclough’s The context of studying the type and Critical Discourse Analysis suggests rather aesthetics of women’s clothing in each plainly how we might construct linguistics one of the aforementioned periods is the for the next century, which, in addition study of texts about the Iranian women’s to its pervasively critical and explanatory clothing in the subject periods, including focus, would require interdisciplinarity ‘textual’ and ‘visual’ documents, and as a central principle, without, however, putting them into qualitative analysis. The compromising in any way the central print texts like ‘news, speeches, interviews, capacity to describe (Fairclough, 1980). and compilations’; ‘pictures and magazine The study seeks to recognise the aesthetic images’ are regarded as the visual media changes of women’s clothing before and sources, which prepare the ground for after the Islamic Revolution and the way interpretation of the aesthetical cores they appear in the society. Accordingly, the of the aesthetics of women’s clothing critical discourse analysis method is selected through pictures Thus, beside special due to its practical advantages in the subject women magazines, all the issues of “Ettelat” matter. Laclau and Mouffe extended the and “Keyhan” newspapers –which were the critical discourse analysis from linguistics main newspapers published in Iran during to politics and social sciences and used it as the mentioned era- were studied. a powerful means of their social analyses. This type of discourse analysis emphasises the role of power and ideology and aims Dominant (Hegemonic) and Rival to reveal the hidden relationships between Discourses during the Revolutionary the power and the ideological processes Transition Era about Women’s Dressing in the lingual texts that study the social The 1979 revolution brought about a applications of the language. tremendous evolution in the Iranian society. Discourse is a historical phenomenon; One of its consequences was the changes thus, in this article, the aesthetics of women’s in the rules of women’s dressing and the clothing in the transient revolutionary period aesthetics of their clothes on a religious
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 103 - 124 (2018) 107 Seyedeh Razieh Yasini, Mahdi Montazer Ghaem and Abdollah Bicharanlou basis. One of the reasons for this was the period of 1979, 1980, and 1981 should be widespread and effective participation taken into consideration. of women in the Islamic Revolution. The integration of politics and religion During the formation of this revolution, (government and religion) is the result of women formed a large group of protesters the new perception of the founder of the (fighters) against the Pahlavi regime, but revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini, of the not all of them had religious attitudes. way of governance which was presented Nevertheless, the clothing and dressing in the theory of ‘absolute authority of of these women were distanced from the the jurisprudence’, brought about a great patterns of women’s clothing during the transformation in the history of Iranian Pahlavi era, influenced by the religious spirit governance and, as the theoretical basis of the revolutionary period. However, as far of dominant discourse, redefined various as the Pahlavi’s discourse and the Islamic social, cultural, economic, legal, judicial, Revolution’s discourse are concerned, the administrative, and military relations of influence of non-Iranian culture on women’s Iran, leading to the emergence of a new legal clothing continued to be observed. Yet, it juristic political discourse that affected the was a phenomenon strengthened by the issue of women’s clothing. dominant discourse of the Pahlavi regime, In the early months after the victory, the and discarded and marginalised by the late leader of the revolution expressed clearly discourse of the Islamic Revolution. his opinion about the type of covering - and According to research on women’s not the women’s clothing - that eventually performance and position in the world led to the determination of a structure for revolutions, ‘gender relations have women’s clothing in the society. Before tremendous contribution in revolutionary the revolution, in an answer to a question cultures, idealism, politics, and societies’. about women’s rights after the victory of the Hana Papanek maintains that the revolution, he said that ‘the Muslim women construction of the ‘ideal society’ entails a have chosen to wear Chador because of the notion of the ‘ideal woman (Foran, 1997). Islamic education. In the future, women will In the meantime, and after the revolution, a be free to decide on this; we will only ban system of language was formed that, on the the fripperies’ (Imam Khomeini, 1979a). one hand, was developing the values, and on His apparent position at the beginning of the other hand, was a combination of Islamic the victory of the revolution on the need values due to its religious background. to observe the Islamic limits as far as the To understand this system of obviously women’s clothing is concerned led, after ideological language and its functions in the much ups and downs, to the ‘revolutionary case of women’s clothing, the social texture state bureaucracy’ on this issue, and various of this system during the revolutionary perceptions of ‘Islamic Modest Dress’.
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At the same time, popular and political its leaders and rooted in Islamic beliefs that groups were engaged in producing different were also worn by religious women before discourses on this issue. the victory of the revolution. But these During the transition period of the clothes - including Chador - were subject revolution, ‘being revolutionary’, in the to structural changes in the context of the sense of denying past beliefs, was one of events of the revolution and in accordance the most important paradigms of the Islamic with its necessities. On the one hand, the Revolutionary Dialogue. In the important unanimous rise of most Iranian people, in paradigm of being revolutionary in Iran conjunction with the revolution, created in 1979, in addition to the proactive and social conditions that made people in Iran thought-minded features that existed to lack any social class, except the supporters establish this characteristic in individuals, of the Pahlavi regime. Consequently, the some lifestyle characteristics were also revolutionary style had come to be enjoyed considered effective to bring revolutionary by all, a manifestation of which was in appearance to one’s face, including the the form of women’s clothing. This was aesthetics of clothing as the closest object a kind of dressing that, combined with a to the body of women and men that had comfortable and loose coat and a scarf, was undergone tremendous development in a manifestation of feminine simple lifestyle these years. and fighting spirit, even though jeans were At that time, the type of dress was an seen among them. indication of the identity of a person as Of course, these particular conditions a revolutionary; therefore, many Iranian were related to the first months after the women who contributed to the formation victory of the revolution. The statement of the of the revolution and its victory, as well leader of the revolution was the beginning of as the women who followed it after the a discourse on the coverage of body by the victory, tended to show their revolutionary women and ‘revolutionary dress of Muslim identity through choosing a special type women’, which gradually distinguished it of dress. The Islamic Revolution had from other women’s revolutionary dresses, just come to a victory; thus, there was no which did not necessarily adhered to chance for systematisation of the various the religious limits [of Hijab]. The basic aspects emerging from the revolution principle in this discourse was the obligation and the formation of political-cultural of women to observe the limits [of Hijab]. discourse. Therefore, it cannot be said that Of course, the traditional religious class the women’s revolutionary dress was part also had a special interest in the Chador as of the discourse of the revolution, but more a Muslim woman’s modest dress. should be acknowledged that this kind of Women are considered key human dress was naturally tied with the intellectual elements in the victory of the Islamic foundations of the revolution expressed by Revolution. Through reviewing
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 103 - 124 (2018) 109 Seyedeh Razieh Yasini, Mahdi Montazer Ghaem and Abdollah Bicharanlou developments related to the type of women’s and a disrupting factor for social affairs. clothing after the Islamic Revolution, as As a matter of fact, he referred to this issue well as some attitudes of the legislative many years before the revolution’s victory. institutions in the Islamic Republic of In 1962, in a critical review of the situation Iran regarding the status of women and of that time, he said: ‘The uprising that men, Moghadam noted that ‘the signal took virtuous women’s headscarves was importance of the woman question to the an uprising for personal gain; and now this Islamist revolutionaries and state-builders matter which is contrary to religion and law and in particular the significance of veiling is ongoing in the country’ (Khomeini, 2000 has been widely discussed in the (expatriate) [1379]b). literature on Iranian women.’ Afsaneh He considered the lack of faith in the Najmabadi, for example, has discussed principle of hijab contrary to the laws of an editorial that appeared in a 1984 issue Islam and contrary to the principle of the of Zan-e Rouz (Today’s Women), which right to freedom and said: ‘Is it possible for described the veil as ‘a shield that protects a person to be a Muslim, and on the other [woman] against conspiracies aimed at her hand, be agree with not wearing hijab? ... humanity, honour, and chastity’, as well as Says you are free, but you should go to the means to protect Islam from cultural schools without Chador or scarf; is this imperialism. The editorial maintains that freedom?’ (Ibid). the revolution ‘transformed everyone, all Ayatollah Khomeini also did not know personalities, all relations, and all values’ the Chador as the sole Islamic modest and that ‘woman was transformed in this dress and did not consider any obligation society so that a revolution could occur.’ to use Chador: ‘The Islamic modest dress Other publications of the Islamic Republic means observing the limits [of Sharia’ and speeches by its leaders indicate the (religion)] and wearing simple dresses..., importance of the family unit, and the links not necessarily Chador’ (Ibid). between veiling and family values: ‘hijab is Another key point is that Ayatollah a spiritual bulwark around the family which Khomeini’s approach to the issue of Islamic protects it against degeneration’ (45), and modest dress was positive through inviting ‘the family is the basic unit of the society women to observe this kind of covering, and plays a crucial role in prosperity, public not a negative approach: ‘Hijab ... does not morals, and education of new generations, as oppose the freedom of [women] ... and we well as social integration and social stability’ invite them to observe the Islamic hijab’ (Foran, 1997). (Ibid). Ayatollah Khomeini believed that the Although he also adhered to observing non-observance of the Islamic modest dress the regulatory rules in this regard: ‘the (Islamic hijab) is against religion and law Islamic ministry is a place where no sin
110 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 103 - 124 (2018) Discursive Politics of Women’s Clothing in Iran should be committed. Women can go to the Prior to this, Ali Shariati expressed Islamic ministries ..., but they should wear his view of Islamic hijab as a symbolic hijab’ (Ibid. V. 6). matter and appreciated it. He said: ‘Hijab Currently, the main challenge in belongs to a generation of consciousness respecting the scope of Islamic modest who returns to Islamic modest dress; a dress (hijab) was for the freedom of women. generation that wants to say ‘no’ to western Thus, several clergies expressed their colonialism and European culture ... This views and announced that the purpose of person who consciously chooses the Islamic the invitation to wear hijab is not the social modest dress or hijab ... is a representation isolation of women, and women will enjoy of a specific culture, a particular school, all legitimate benefits and social rights. As a particular intellectual party, a particular a result, Ayatollah Khomeini focused his wing, and a particular front’ (Shariati, 2012). attention on the type of women’s clothing, After expressing the position of the not their social activity. He said ‘there is no dominant discourse on the type of women’s obstacle to women’s working ... but they clothing (hijab) in 1979, the minority should observe the limits of Islamic hijab’ spectrum among government officials as well (Ibid). as the religious intellectual spectrum, with Contrary to the view that the type of an emphasis on ‘no compulsion in religion’, women’s clothing during protesting against emphasised the modesty in both men and the Pahlavi regime was Islamic, and it is women’s behaviour. Pro-revolutionary therefore necessary to observe the Islamic thinkers took positions and contributed hijab, some others believed that the use to the formation of this discourse through of Islamic modest dress by a group of sharing their interpretations of the words of women in the Pahlavi anti-regime marches Ayatollah Khomeini. They emphasised the was symbolic and remonstrative, and had correction of the appearance and inside of nothing to do with their religious beliefs. the government offices simultaneously and ‘The street march involved a huge number considered the observance of Islamic hijab of women who came to the streets while as a change in the appearance. wearing hijab as a sign of opposition to In deepening this discourse, conferences the bourgeoisie or the Pahlavi westernised were held in Tehran with the presence decadence. Many women who used hijab as of pro-active Muslim women, and the protest did not expect the hijab to become speakers of these conferences sought to mandatory’ (Moghadam, 1995). From this formulate principles for the realisation perspective, after the victory of the Islamic of Islamic modest dress (hijab), which Revolution, this kind of covering (cloth) has guaranteed the goals of the revolution in lost its symbolic function and could have this regard and, at the same time, protected been replaced by any other clothing. women’s rights. In addition, the production
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 103 - 124 (2018) 111 Seyedeh Razieh Yasini, Mahdi Montazer Ghaem and Abdollah Bicharanlou of literature focusing on Islamic modest case of any insult to the women, the violator dress in the press, including the publication would face punitive acts. of the ‘Ettelaat Banovan’1, which was a Seculars and religious leftists also weekly magazine focusing on women’s declared their stands in this regard. The issues, was also aimed at strengthening this Marxist organisation called Peykar held a discourse. rather moderate ground and stated that the majority splinter of the People’s Mujahedin The Practices of the Dominant of Iran guerrillas would condemn the Discourse during the Revolutionary restraint of women’s social and legal rights, Transition to Establish the Signifying and would stand against any set of beliefs Islamic Dress Code for Women that degrades women to mere ‘dolls’. Their minority splinter as well condemned the Given that the social developments in compulsory Islamic hijab. The Tudeh Party, Iran are the outcome of two hegemonic too, had a moderate stand. The Women’s discourses of traditionalism and modernity, Party of Iran and the Laborers’ Party of Iran it can be inferred that the traditionalist expressed opposition to the demonstrations discourse deemed the obligation of Islamic held against the compulsory Islamic dress dress code as the demand of the Islamic code. Rahaaii-ye Zan Community was Revolution, and interfered with women’s against the compulsion of the Islamic dress choice of clothes, while the modernist code. It goes without saying that in the years discourse emerged as the opposing one. 1979-1980, in the heat of the revolutionary The dominant discourse openly atmosphere, leftist and nationalist parties announced their stance regarding the female were all about fighting the Arrogance dress code, but the differentiation between (referring to the capitalism led by the the pros and cons took a while to build up. United States and the Pahlavi Dynasty), Those women, who did not embrace the and all other phenomena were defined for Islamic dress code, marched in February them within that context. Thus, the issues 1979 to voice their dissent. Later, similar of Islamic dress code and woman’s rights demonstrations were spotted in smaller were considered functions of this principle, scales, which were occasionally suppressed and communities and parties took it into by the supporters of the Islamic dress code. consideration, along with their interests, Ayatollah Khomeini declared his opposition when taking positions. This was how female to disoblige women who did not wear the leftists accepted the Islamic dress code hijab, as did some other clerics, and even the against their absence of religious beliefs, then-attorney-general of Tehran said that in as they saw it as a symbol of opposition to the concept of the ideal woman in the west. 1It means ‘women information’ Educated intellectual females, too, took it as
112 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 103 - 124 (2018) Discursive Politics of Women’s Clothing in Iran the symbol of a revolution against the status The solemn demand of the Revolution quo and the undesirable rule of the Pahlavi, about the necessity of observing the and they accepted it even though they were Islamic dress code by the women was not religious. further established in July 1980, following Meanwhile, most people and Islamic the command of Ayatollah Khomeini, parties and communities, who saw the the leader of the Islamic Republic of practice of Islamic rules as the cause of their Iran, to the government demanding the revolution, not only had already accepted Islamisation of offices and organisations. As the observation of Islamic dress code for an answer, the announcement approved by women, but also demanded that this law the Revolutionary Council, which banned should be put into practice. Religious women without Islamic hijab from entering traditionalist revolutionary people held offices, was dispatched, and measures were peaceful rallies and issued statements and taken and announced by the Revolutionary resolutions to further stress the importance Attorney-General. Also, the government of observing the Islamic dress code as the ministers and managers all circularised the fortress of battle and the barrier of virtue. regulations regarding the female employees’ The discourse also used revolutionary dress code on July 5, 1980. The regulations press to propagate the Islamic hijab through instructed women to wear plain dresses literature and poetry. with head scarves or long-sleeved outfits, After the official establishment of pants, and head scarves. Also, the Ministry the rule of the Islamic Republic in April of Foreign Affairs issued a circular to oblige 1979, the efforts made to establish the women in the foreign missions to observe traditionalist discourse on women’s clothes the Islamic code of conduct and dress code grew more rigid. The revolutionary press in public appearances. Figure 1 shows started producing articles and graphics, the network of the dominant discourse’s publishing summons to call people to the practices (Islamic Traditionalists) in the rallies, and reciting the resolutions issued revolutionary transition era, and Figure 2 in the rallies. shows the articulation of women’s clothing in Pahlavi and Islamic revolution fields of discourses (1926-1979).
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 103 - 124 (2018) 113 Seyedeh Razieh Yasini, Mahdi Montazer Ghaem and Abdollah Bicharanlou
Figure 1. Network of the dominant discourse’s practices (Islamic traditionalists) in revolutionary transition era Figure 1. Network of the dominant discourse’s practices (Islamic traditionalists) in revolutionary transition era.
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Figure 2. Articulation of women’s clothing in Pahlavi and Islamic revolution fields of discourses (1926-1979) Figure 2. Articulation of women’s clothing in Pahlavi and Islamic revolution fields of
114 discourses (1926-1979). Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 103 - 124 (2018)
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Discursive Politics of Women’s Clothing in Iran
Types and aesthetics of women’s For example, girls and women in Marxist clothing during the revolutionary groups, such as Organisation of Iranian transition Fadaiyan-e-Khalgh Guerrillas, wore plain The women involved in the triumph of clothes (Figure 3), including a loose blouse, the Islamic Revolution of Iran came from a coat, or a jacket, coupled with loose jeans a wide range of political and religious or trousers, sometimes accompanied by tendencies as ‘there were countless women a kerchief, which represented their ideal: participating in Iranian people’s uprising defending the rights of the workers. against the Shah during 1977-1979. Like Another active political group with any other social groups, they had their own eclectic Islamic tendencies, which had reasons for opposing the Shah, such as numerous supporters among women, was economic deprivation, political repression, the People’s Mujahedin of Iran. Supporters determination of Islamic identity, and a of this organisation wore ordinary clothes tendency towards a society with a socialistic as most of their activities were covert future’ (Moghadam, 2011). Thus, women and, therefore, it was necessary for them who belonged to various revolutionary not to stand out. Since they considered groups wore distinct types of clothes, themselves Shia Muslims, they emphasised somewhat reflecting their tendencies. the observance of Islamic coverings. They presented themselves to society Sometimes, especially during special with clothing that had distinctive features. occasions and political meetings, they wore green overcoats and white kerchiefs.
Figure 3. Fadaiyan-e-Khalgh Guerilla Women
Figure 1. Fadaiyan-e-Khalgh Guerilla Women Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 103 - 124 (2018) 115
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Seyedeh Razieh Yasini, Mahdi Montazer Ghaem and Abdollah Bicharanlou
Moreover, many of the women with embroidered flowers on the back and participating in the Islamic Revolution ribbons on the edges. Women who adhered were Shia Muslims. These women, who to Islamic coverings used kerchiefs to cover were marginalised during the Pahlavi their foreheads and extended their sides to dynasty, found the opportunity during the cover their shoulders, while other women Revolution to wear Islamic coverings of did not cover themselves fully and parts of their choice, which were in accordance with the hair and neck were visible. Since most their religious law, and chador was the first religious women wanted full coverage of choice for many of them. At the same time, the front hair and adherence to the religious there were other groups of Muslim women boundaries of clothing, an attempt was made who accompanied the Revolution without to secure the sides of the kerchiefs. This was any political tendencies and participated done through a rubber band attached to the in special occasions without full Islamic kerchief at the forehead sides – like a prayer coverings. They wore common feminine maghna’e’ (wimple) – which provided full clothes, but tried to cover more of their coverage of the hair. Securing the kerchief bodies using socks and long sleeves. This under the throat using a pin and covering effort was a result of the revolutionary spirit, the whole upper body using its sides were as Islamic coverings still were not a legal observed in special occasions, such as requirement. Like the years of the Pahlavi military parades. Aside from kerchiefs, reign, during the revolutionary transition, another type of head covering used was more traditional women preferred to wear called a ‘maghna’e’(wimple). Wimples chador, while wearing kerchiefs along were originally a piece of head covering with common women’s clothing was also women wore under their chadors during prevalent among religious women. prayers. This head covering is like a very Large kerchiefs became very popular short chador covering the shoulders; it has during the revolutionary transition. a closed front, and is secured on the head Kerchiefs were used as a piece of clothing using a rubber band. Underneath, the chin along with home and party dresses and is covered with a triangular piece so that full were not part of a uniform. They were Islamic covering is observed during prayers. either ready-made or were sewn by women Different forms of Iranian women’s wimples themselves. They were even decorated in 1979 and 1980 are shown in Figure 4.
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Figure 4. Women’s Wimples in 1979 and 1980
Figure 2. Women’s Wimples in 1979 and 1980 During the Islamic Revolution, wimples got remained uncovered. During the Pahlavi’s popular amongst the women, to the extent reign and the first year after the revolution, that sometimes they wore prayer wimples in in addition to the black chadors, some the public, though this was very rare. Many less official thin cotton chadors, known as of the women used plain or black textiles to ‘Kudari’, were also used by urban women. make wimples, which were longer than the The black chadors were usually made of prayer wimples, and stretched a band fixed non-cotton heavy fabrics and were held on underneath the wimple around their heads the head by hands. When women needed to to make it look better. Besides several types use their hands, they would hold the chador of headdresses, the women used to wear by their teeth. Of course, the cotton chadors sunglasses, which sometimes functioned were lighter, and this method was more used like a mask to cover their faces. Since the more for the black chadors. sunglasses were relatively large at that time, The chadors were not fixed on the head; they provided a better coverage for beauty but later, women who participated in the of the face. demonstrations, made some changes to their In those years, chador was one of the chadors to fix them on their heads. One of major garments of the Muslim Iranian these methods was to sew a long rectangular women. The chador used in Pahlavi era had band to the upper edge of the chador to the a semi-circular pattern, and, when worn, front of the forehead, which was tied behind covered from the head to the feet. Usually the neck and fixed the chador on the head. both hands were used to hold the chador, and Later, this band was replaced by an elastic normally one hand brought the chador up to tape, which did not need to be tied and cover the lower half of the face, almost to was also more flexible. Different types of the nose, which was called ‘face-covering’; wearing chador in 1979 and 1980 are shown only a small part of the eyes and the nose in Figure 5.
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Seyedeh Razieh Yasini, Mahdi Montazer Ghaem and Abdollah Bicharanlou
Figure 5. Different types of wearing Chador in 1979 and 1980 Figure 3. Different types of wearing Chador in 1979 and 1980.
In other creative methods, measures were women, being exposed to the religious taken to release the hands when using the atmosphere of the Islamic Revolution, chador. The front part of the chador was tended to follow the clothing style of the stitched to the bottom of the chin, and a fighting women; the clothing which were triangular piece was added to the chin to possibly not chador, but close to the Islamic allow only the ‘face’, which is permitted dressing codes. These clothes were selected under the Islamic dressing code. The two from the ordinary and the most commonly sides of the chador around the forehead used clothes, which were more covered, were tied behind the head using an elastic were not fancy looking, and complied with tape or a band. In the elbow area or lower, the active revolutionary environment, while two slots were made on the front of the allowing more mobility. This analysis is chador to pull out the hands. This solution based on the case study of the clothing was especially useful for releasing the style of women who participated in the hands when chanting, taking banners and demonstrations, which spread all over the handwritings, and holding weapons - which country, especially to the big cities, and were often symbolic. The front part of the created the dominant atmosphere. In other chador was stitched, and two sleeves were places and environments, the woman’s added to them. A triangular piece was placed clothing still consisted of clothes which under the chin and the two sides of the were popular before the revolution. Before chador around the forehead were tied behind the late leader of revolution decreed that the head using an elastic tape or a band. the women must observe the Islamic 23 In 1979 and 1980, women’s clothing dressing code, there were no concerns faced changes, which were known on one about the women’s clothing. Therefore, the side, and unknown on the other. Most same pre-revolutionary clothing was used
118 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 103 - 124 (2018) Discursive Politics of Women’s Clothing in Iran by the women with the aforementioned by the boundaries of the Islamic dress considerations. The late leader’s remarks code. The type of clothes used by women attracted attention to woman’s clothing at this time was mainly the same as the and led to reflections on types of clothing old styles: several types of feminine outfits that could meet the Islamic Revolution modelled after the European and American requirements. The women who did not wear fashions, which were common during the chador wore trousers or socks, and covered Pahlavi’s rule. The choice of outfit for their hair by scarf to respect the Islamic traditional women’s social appearance was dressing code to some extent. Of course, chador. Those women who participated the there were some women who kept on their revolutionary rallies and meetings in the original clothing style without covering heat of the revolution would wear chador their hair. or would cover their heads and hair with Up until this time, there was no diverse types of head scarves or wimples. structured outfit for women, and they Yet some women would take part in rallies dressed just the same way as the men without hijab. After the revolution, too, did, with similar variety. There were few women’s clothing style, on occasions other exceptions, including certain rituals or than revolution-related meetings, was the ceremonies, where the women’s clothes same style, using the same clothing items. would be harmonised in one way or another. In other words, since there was no obligation For instance, on those occasions when regarding the observation of the Islamic women would march with weapons, all dress code, women would opt for Islamic would dress uniformly with head scarves outfits at their own discression. The clothing and jackets of the same or similar colour items were not new, but in the context of and shape. The ends of the head scarf would the revolutionary culture, they came to drape over the chest, or chador was worn. be used in new combinations inspired by All in all, it is safe to say that most revolutionary values. In other words, a women wore the ‘revolution outfit’, which new aesthetic perspective was emerging was characterised by being plain, long, which belonged to the Islamic traditionalist and loose, free of any flashy colours. It discourse. In this discourse, the regulations reflected the spirituality which emerged of the dress code were decided by the in revolution, and avoided the common majority revolutionary groups and were not attractions attributed to the female clothing officially issued. They would gain symbolic styles in the previous regime. power as certain categories of revolutionary The development in the aesthetics clothes would mark the person wearing them of female clothing styles during the as a member of certain groups or parties. revolutionary transition that can be Men would also wear revolutionary examined is part about the structures used clothes, but since the women’s clothes were in these styles, which are strongly influenced of particular Islamic features, the female
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 103 - 124 (2018) 119 Seyedeh Razieh Yasini, Mahdi Montazer Ghaem and Abdollah Bicharanlou revolutionary outfit of 1979-1980 was chador as the revolutionary outfit, which in obviously distinct from other categories. turn reflected commitment to the Islamic The regulations pertaining to this clothing practice as a common value. style created aesthetic principles of their Also, when it came to tying the head own. As we know, beauty is a subjective scarves, all that was considered was the entity, and can be influenced and changed issue of coverage around the face, and thus by several factors. Women’s revolutionary the quality of the formal proportions made clothes would bring with them a certain were absolutely ignored. In other words, type of aesthetics, which was acceptable during this course, the aesthetic function of in accordance with the newly emerging, clothes was overshadowed by the symbolic mainly Islamic mindset and values. Thus, and ideological functions. it was collectively accepted, and scores of In the heat of the revolution, which women would be happy to adopt it. corresponded a particularly cold winter, All in all, the aesthetic aspect of the winter coats provided another choice women’s clothes during that period was of clothing. Normally long and loose, these down to the covering and veiling of the common outfits of the winter later inspired body. This was observed by the women the design of another Islamic outfit called who donned the revolutionary clothes or Mantou, which was especially meant supported the revolutionary discourse, for female office workers, and gradually insomuch as it sometimes breached the came to be accepted and used for public celebrate principles of aesthetics. It must appearance along with chador. Another be considered, however, that the heat of the piece of clothing that was considered as a revolution would not in fact call for the time part of revolutionary attire was the glove. or opportunity for a thought-out change in This is yet another example that depicts the the structure and model of clothes while symbolic and aesthetic values of the time. considering the aesthetic aspects. Thus, Use of gloves, together with sunglasses the demanded issues would be put on an that further covered the facial beauty like agenda, and then put into practice in an a mask, was the new fashion for some equally urgent manner. An example of this women. At that time, women’s clothes in the was the chador designed and made under metropolitan streets were not meant to add the name hijab chador, which was like the to the structural beauty or to complement ordinary chador, except that it was stitched their feminine beauty but were the outfits and sewn on the front side as well and had to present the revolutionary character of a two openings to let the hands out up to woman and highlight her support for the the elbows or wrists. The formal structure revolutionary forces and the spirit of the of this outfit was nowhere near the visual revolution. aesthetics, but it was received and used well In the revolutionary discourse, use since it made possible the practical use of of chador was not mandatory, so the new
120 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 103 - 124 (2018) Discursive Politics of Women’s Clothing in Iran outfit and clothing style were a matter government offices and other official entities of various interpretations by different would define the acceptable dress code for authorities. Confusions about the type of female employees as long-sleeved Mantou, clothing style for women which would fit pants, and plain head scarves, bare of the paradigm of the discourse in question accessories which might draw attention to is evident in the regulations and circulars the user, appropriate for the workplace, and issued, even though they all highlight the distinct from party dresses (Figure 6). Some necessity of eliminating the dressing style organisations, such as the former Ministry of from the previous regime referred to as Health, gradually started to design their own Taquti (equivalent to ‘tyrannical’). Various uniform clothes for the female employees.
Figure 6. Diverse clothes of Iranian women during Revolutionary Transition Era (1979-1981) Figure 4. Diverse clothes of Iranian women during Revolutionary Transition Era (1979-1981).
CONCLUSIONS clothing based on the Non-Iranian and Non- A set of values related to a discourse leads Islamic patterns, relying on the authoritative to development of certain principles for power. In the time of Pahlavi II, the state clothing style of the social groups related discourse for development of Pahlavi I to it. Some of these principles are general discourse was inevitable for adopting a rules. For instance, in a religious discourse cultural approach; because, relying on the with an Islamic approach, the principle of authoritative power was proven inefficient conceitedness and concealment is a general in the time of Pahlavi I. clothing rule, while in a non-religious In the Islamic Revolution discourse, discourse the main principle might be beauty the symbolic power of modernity, freedom, and attractiveness. In the time of Pahlavi and progress in the form of western fashion I, the state tended to change the women’s which was derived from Pahlavi discourse,
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Seyedeh Razieh Yasini, Mahdi Montazer Ghaem and Abdollah Bicharanlou was replaced by the symbolic power of necessity of observing the Islamic dressing chastity and conceitedness in form of code by everyone. the revolutionary clothing, which was There is certainly a close interrelationship influenced by the Islamic Revolution between the cultural system and the political discourse. This symbolic power is still system in the field of dominant discourses. alive, although it has appeared in a variety In most cases, culture acts beyond politics of forms due to the social and cultural and covers the realm of power, so that the changes that have been taking place for politics are derived from the culture. For years. This study investigated the transverse this reason, the political systems of the discursive currents in clothing style of the dominant discourses may cause changes Iranian women from 1979 to 1981, which in the cultural approaches and prepare were rooted in the religious, ideological, the ground for emergence of new cultural or aesthetic tendencies of the social groups thoughts, but cannot develop or annihilate and led to some controversies. It is a a culture relying on their power. subject that involves Iran’s contemporary We believe that the aesthetics of cultural society as well, and requires women’s clothing, having confronted various serious investigations. Pahlavi and Islamic discursive alternations, and a combination Revolution discourses both focused on of post-revolutionary negotiations and antagonism to consolidate their approaches resistance, led to certain differences in towards women’s clothing; but, considering types and levels of covering the body. the fact the two-year transient revolutionary Although the form of women’s clothing, period had inherited the women’s clothing as a religious code of the Iranian society, culture from the 50-year Pahlavi state, remained a function of social-political the Islamic Revolution discourse stressed circumstances after the 1979 revolution, specifically on this antagonism. Therefore, the aesthetics of woman’s clothing was still the emphasis on observing the Islamic influenced by numerous cultural, social, dressing code by women a few months economic, and political factors, which after the revolution targeted the most the are sometimes in line with (negotiation) antagonism towards Pahlavi discourse and and sometimes against (resistance) the manifestations of the anti-religion state. clothing aesthetic approach of the dominant At that time, most of the Iranian women discourse. Sedghi (2007) refers to the issue observed the Islamic dressing code and of gender for the state and politics and liked it. By the way, marginalisation of explains how urban women in Iran under Pahlavi discourse in women’s clothing, different states veiled in the early 1900s, which was still represented by a small part unveiled from 1936 to 1979, and re-veiled of the Iranian women, made it necessary after the 1979 Revolution. The studies show for Ayatollah Khomeini to point out the that the discursive policies and emphasis on
122 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 103 - 124 (2018) Discursive Politics of Women’s Clothing in Iran the antagonism of the Islamic Revolution Bennet, A. (2005). Culture and everyday life. London, discourse towards Pahlavi discourse led to United Kingdom: SAGE. a type of homogenisation of the women’s Connell, I., & Galasinski, D. (1996). Cleaning up clothing in the post-revolutionary Iran. The its act: the CIA on the internet. Discourse and Islamic state built itself on the ruins of the Society, 7(2), 165-186. old regime, that it succeeded (Sedghi, 2007, Fairclough, N. (1980). Critical discourse analysis: p. 276). The revolutionary Islamists in Iran The critical study of language. New York: felt that “genuine Iranian cultural identity” Longman. had been distorted by Westernization or Foran, J. (1997). Theorizing revolutions. London: what they called gharbzadegi (a coinage Routledge. literally suggesting “West-struck” or Giddens, A. (1991). Modernity and self-identity: Self “Westoxicated”). The unveiled, publicly and society in the late modern age. Cambridge: visible woman was both a reflection of Polity. Western attacks on indigenous culture Imam Khomeini (1979, January 21). Interview and the medium by which it was affected. with As-Safir Newspaper reporter, Keyhan Following the policy of homogenising Newspaper, 3, No. 10618. women’s clothing, the differences between Khomeini, S. R. (2000 [1379] a). Sahife Noor (Vol. 1). the clothing cultures of various ethnic Tehran, Iran: Moassese Tanzim va Nashre Asare groups were not considered. This was Emam Khomaini [Institute of Imam Khomieni an outcome of disregarding the natural Works]. diversity of type and level of clothing in Khomeini, S. R. (2000 [1379] b). Sahife Noor (Vol. 6). different contexts and different cultural- Tehran, Iran: Moassese Tanzim va Nashre Asare social grounds. Neglecting the fact that Emam Khomaini [Institute of Imam Khomieni the cultural functions changed the dressing Works]. style years after the transient revolutionary Macdonell, D. (1986). Theories of discourse: An period, it led to a kind of turmoil in the introduction. Oxford: Blackwell. dressing system and women’s clothing in Mehdizadeh, S. M. (2005 [1384]). Barrasie Iran, and it is foreseen that it will cause mohtavai va herfeiye matalebe 7 khabargozarie further problems in the future. gheyredolati [Content analysis of seven nongovernmental news agencies]. Resaneh Journal, 35(3), 11. REFERENCES Moghadam, A. (2011). Introduction. In Militancy and Agha-Golzadeh, F. (2006[1385]). Tahlile goftemane political violence in Shiism. Routledge. enteghadi [Critical discourse analysis]. Tehran, Iran: Elmi farhangi. Moghadam, V. M. (1995). Gender and revolutionary transformation: Iran 1979 and East Central AmirMoez, Y. (2002). The Qashqa’i. In R. Tapper & J. Europe 1989. Gender and Society, 9(3), 328-358. Thompson (Eds.), The Nomadic peoples of Iran. London: Azimuth Editions.
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Moghadami, M. T. (2012). Nazarieh tahlile goftmane Sedghi, H. (2007). Women and politics in Iran; Laclau va Mouffe va naghde an [Laclau and veiling, unveiling, and re-veiling. Cambridge: Mouffe Discourse Analysis theory: introduction Cambridge University Press. and criticism]. Journal of Marefate Ejtemai, Shariati, A. (2012 [1391]). Fatemeh Fatemeh Ast 2(2), 91-124. [Fatemeh is Fatemeh]. Tehran: Chapakhsh. Nash, K. (2010). Contemporary political sociology: Varjavand, P. (1999 [1378]). Pishraft va tose’e bar globalization, politics, and power. West Sussex: bonyade hoviyyate farhangi [Progress and Wiley-Blackwell. development on the basis of cultural identity]. Papoli-Yazdi, M. H. (2002). Kurds of Khorāsān Tehran: Sherkat Sahami Enteshar. in Tapper. In R. & J. Thompson (Eds.), The nomadic peoples of Iran. London: Azimuth.
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SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES
Journal homepage: http://www.pertanika.upm.edu.my/
The Methodology for Prioritising Iran’s Social Problems
Mahdi Hoseinzadeh Yazdi1*, Ahmad Mehrshad2 and Mohsen Mollabashi1 1Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Tehran. Jalal Al-e Ahmad Highway, Tehran, Iran. P.O. Box: 14395-773 2Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Isfahan. Azadi Square, Isfahan, Iran.
ABSTRACT The primary objective in scientifically examining social problems is preparing the grounds for solving them. One of the essential steps in designing concrete practical measures to address social problems is determining the order of priority between social problems, as social problems are innumerable, while a society’s resources in resolving them are limited. Iranian researchers have made several attempts at prioritising Iran’s social problems. Yet, in addition to being very few, they suffer from several methodological flaws that drastically diminish their credibility. In the article at hand, we will first analyse the key concepts of social problem and methodology. Thereafter, we will examine the various methods and criteria used in the most credible studies available that have attempted to prioritise Iran’s social problems. From this examination and analysis, we have inferred five principal theoretic steps that need to be observed in the prioritisation of social problems so as to ensure the credibility and practical applicability of the article: (1) deciding who determines the priorities, (2) defining a particular theoretic approach, (3) drafting a comprehensive list of prospective social problems, (4) ensuring the homogeneity of the proposed social problems, and (5) defining a clear and distinct criterion for prioritisation.
Keywords: Iran’s social problems, methodology, prioritising, social problems
INTRODUCTION
ARTICLE INFO Social problems have existed since the very Article history: Received: 18 October 2017 beginning of human social existence. With Accepted: 01 February 2018 the advent of modernity, however, there E-mail addresses: has been a drastic escalation in the degree [email protected] (Mahdi Hoseinzadeh Yazdi) [email protected] (Ahmad Mehrshad) and variety of social problems owing to a [email protected] (Mohsen Mollabashi) * Corresponding author wide range of reasons, including epistemic
ISSN: 0128-7702 © Universiti Putra Malaysia Press Mahdi Hoseinzadeh Yazdi, Ahmad Mehrshad and Mohsen Mollabashi transformations, social upheavals, and another. The theoretic engagement in demographic shifts. In response to this scientific endeavours to find the solution escalating trend, social scientists have to some problems can pave the way for made it their primary concern to study and finding the solution to further problems, address these problems (Moidfar, 2008, p. just as implementing the solutions to and 11). Social issues partake of certain qualities eliminating some problems can potentially and features that prevent scientific research lead to the practical resolution of other regarding them from ever reaching the point social problems or at least to a reduction of exhaustion; their volume and variety of their intensity. Considering these two continues to increase rather than decrease. factors—the disparity between the rapidity Some of these qualities and features are as with which social problems develop and the follows. pace at which societies can address them, on (1) In most societies, social problems the one hand, and the different sequence of are always growing. We would be relations that hold between social problems hard-pressed to locate a society that and their solutions, on the other—in addition has succeeded in eliminating or even to the aforementioned qualities and features reducing its social problems. of social problems help us better understand the critical importance of prioritising social (2) Social problems tend to expand, problems and determining the appropriate constantly encroaching on new areas order in which they must be addressed. of social life. The study of the social problems of Iran—a country with a rich history and a Moreover, it is important to acknowledge dynamic and vibrant culture—naturally that the capacity of human societies in faces the same challenges highlighted above. addressing and resolving social problems Additionally, however, two key facts render is limited. It is nearly impossible to expect an examination of Iran’s social problems that societies should be able to find the even more difficult. The first is that until theoretical solutions to social problems, a decade or two ago, compared to political translate these solutions into practical and economic problems, social problems measures, and implement them while received very little attention in Iran. Second, keeping pace as the problems emerge and once social problems rose to the same develop. Furthermore, another factor to level of prominence as that of political and keep in mind is the order governing the economic problems, they faced yet another relations of the theoretical solutions and obstacle, which was the fact that the methods the consequent practical measures to one
126 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 125 - 146 (2018) The Methodology for Prioritising Iran’s Social Problems used to deal with them suffered from serious analyse a social problem and consider how problems, in theoretical investigation as it can be addressed. The latter studies are well as in practical implementation. One generally considered to precede the former problem, in both theory and implementation, studies. Studies of social problems in Iran relates to determining the order of priority generally fall into the first category. The between social problems, compounded by present study, however, belongs to the a chronic failure to duly acknowledge the second category. What we seek in this article strong relation that ties them together. In is specifically to study the methodologies conducting theoretical examinations and underlying the available prioritisations of in implementing the practical measures social problems in Iran so that by comparing intended to address social problems, little and contrasting the relative advantages and concern has been given to prioritising them, disadvantages of each, we may arrive at a and when there has been some level of better understanding of the most appropriate prioritisation, the criteria and factors used method in prioritising the social problems in have lacked sufficient comprehensiveness. Iran. With the better understanding, we can Furthermore, there has been a persistent hope to solve these problems. The better failure to realise that social problems are understanding is first step to solve them. inextricably interrelated and that there is To this end, we will analyse the meaning of more than one way in which two social social problem and methodology, look at the problems can be interconnected. These two available prioritisations of social problems general shortcomings about the theoretical in Iran, and scrutinise the criteria and examination of social problems and the factors underpinning these prioritisations, practical measures taken to address them enumerating their comparative pros and have severely impaired and limited their cons. We will then present five steps that we effectiveness. perceive as essential to any study that aims The available studies on social problems to prioritise Iran’s social problems. in Iran can be grouped into two general categories. One category comprises studies Research Background that scrutinise one or more social issues in In this section, it is provided an overview of a descriptive or explanatory methodology the studies that have attempted to prioritise and offer solutions for them. The second Iran’s social problems in table format to category consists of studies that conceptually simplify.
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 125 - 146 (2018) 127 Mahdi Hoseinzadeh Yazdi, Ahmad Mehrshad and Mohsen Mollabashi Classification Social problems and issues; family- related issues; other issues and problems Social issues, cultural issues, political issues Least important: Least important: homelessness, widowhood Least important: inequality in the implementation of laws and enjoyment of civil rights Least important: environmental problems, problems arising from inadequate social education Results Most important: joblessness, opioid addiction Most important: opioid addiction, joblessness, violence Most important: joblessness, high prices Most important: economic problems, joblessness Most important: poverty, joblessness Most important: economic issues, social issues Most important: joblessness, opioid addiction Method Delphi (three rounds) Delphi (four rounds) Survey Survey Survey Secondary analysis Survey Sample Size 823 individuals – managers and other employees of Iran’s Welfare State Organisation (Sazman Behzisti) 41 individuals – managers, professionals, experts 4581 individuals 36429 individuals Statistical Statistical Population Individuals over 15 years of age in 28 capitals of provinces Individuals over 15 years of age in 28 capitals of provinces of ten Villages provinces Four national surveys The municipalities of the Province of Isfahan Year Year Conducted 1385 AHS [2007] 1387 AHS [2008] 1379 AHS [2000] (first wave) 1381 AHS [2002] (second wave) 1384 [2005] 1390 AHS [2011] 1384 AHS [2005] Author Motamedi (2007) Rafiyee & Madani (2008) The Office of National Projects, The Ministry of Culture, and Islamic Guidance (2000) The Office of National Projects, The Ministry of Culture, and Islamic Guidance Amir Ahmadi (2005) Akbari & Yusefi (2011) Esmaili (2005)
Research Title Owlawiyyatbandi asibha wa masa’el ejtema’i dar iran (“Prioritisation of Social Problems and Issues in Iran”) Moshkelat ejtema’i dar owlawiyyat iran (“Social Problems of Priority in Iran”) Arzeshha wa negareshhaye iranian of Iranians”) Views and Values (“The Arzeshha wa negareshhaye iranian of Iranians”) Views and Values (“The Motale’eh shenasa’i wa owlawiyyatbandi asibhaye ejtema’i dar manateq rusta’i (“Studying, shaye’ Identifying, and Prioritising the Prevalent Social Problems in Villages”) jame’eshenakhti dar Ta’ammoli tashkhis wa ta’yin owlawiyyat Sociologic masa’el ejtema’i iran (“A Aimed at Identifying and Reflection Determining the Priority of Iran’s Social Issues”) Owlawiyyatbandi masa’el ejtema’i wa farhangi ostan esfahan (“Prioritising the Social and Cultural Issues of Province of Isfahan”) Table 1 Table social problems An overview of the studies that have attempted to prioritise Iran’s
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MATERIALS AND METHODS (Jawid, 2012, p. 8). That, therefore, is what this article is about. The available research Conceptual Definition projects that have been done on determining Methodology the order of priority among social problems The terms method and methodology are presuppose various factors and criteria and often used interchangeably, and this is a very proceed via different methods in pursuing unfortunate mistake (Blaikie, 2000, p. 8). As their subject of research. This article aims defined by Blaikie, method consists in the to critically evaluate the methods pursued in techniques used for gathering and analysing these research projects, and so this article is data. Methodology, on the other hand, refers a methodological investigation in the proper to discussions of how research is done, or sense of the term. should be done, and to the critical analysis of methods of research. Methodology also Social Problem deals with logics of enquiry, of how new As pointed out in the introduction, the current knowledge is generated and justified… state of research on social problems in Iran Methodology includes a critical evaluation suffers from two shortcomings: one, lack of of alternative research strategies and due consideration of their order of priority, methods. (Blaikie, 2000, pp. 8-9). and two, a chronic disregard for the fact that Giddens accepts research methods as social problems are often interrelated in many real techniques used to study social life ways, theoretically as well as practically. In (Giddens, 1993, p. 676), but he defines addition to these two shortcomings, the methodology as the study of logical available prioritisations are plagued by questions relating to research (p. 679). some fundamental flaws, and it is precisely Therefore, it would be correct to these methodological flaws that we intend to describe methodology as a second-order examine in the present article. Considering knowledge that reflects on another piece of the aforementioned flaws and shortcomings, knowledge, which means that methodology there are two primary reasons that compel is logically subsequent to method. There is us to consider—here and in the process no discipline, no science, no research that of our methodological examination of the is devoid of method. After the fact, once available prioritisations—the definition the scientific research and investigation of social problem. Prior to specifying has been undertaken, the method that the these two reasons, however, it is worth researcher utilised in the process and the mentioning that the existing definitions of path that he traversed is re-examined and social problem are of one of two kinds: they reflected upon, and it is this re-examination are either general definitions or definitions and reflection that constitutes methodology. arising from specific theoretical standpoints. As such, methodology is the observation of The first reason that inclines us to the ways in which a research is produced examine the meaning of social problem
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 125 - 146 (2018) 129 Mahdi Hoseinzadeh Yazdi, Ahmad Mehrshad and Mohsen Mollabashi relates to the difficulty that is caused by have a clear definition of what a social neglecting the importance of prioritisation. problem is. Identifying actual problems is In many general definitions of social impracticable without being in possession problem, one particular feature is highlighted of a clear definition. Thus, the first step in despite the wide-ranging differences, which any attempt at prioritising social problems is “to motivate people to eliminate the is to offer a clear and distinct definition problem” (Crone, 2011, p. 1; Loseke, 2017, of what a social problem is. One of the pp. 6-7). The motivation to eliminate social fundamental problems that bedevil the problems ipso facto leads to the subject research projects that attempt to prioritise of prioritisation, as there are naturally Iran’s social problems is their inherent many problems in every society, not all of ambiguity concerning what a social problem which can be eliminated simultaneously. is. As such, people, generally, and a society’s We will now briefly consider several leaders, specifically, are bound to prioritise definitions informed by different approaches their social problems with recourse to concerning what constitutes a social clear criteria to be able to meaningfully problem, and, by comparing and contrasting strive to eliminate them. Thus, the need them and showing how their differences for prioritising social problems is included affect the process of identifying social within and highlighted by the general problems, we will demonstrate how each of definitions of social problem. these definitions impacts how we prioritise The second reason for analysing the social problems (For the seven definitions definition of social problem is related to of social problem, which stem from seven the flaws of the available prioritisations. different approaches, we draw on The Study Prioritising social problems naturally begins of Social Problems: Seven Perspectives with preparing a list of the problems. To by Earl Rubington and Martin Weinberg prepare a list, we must first identify the (2003)). problems, which in turn requires that we
130 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 125 - 146 (2018) The Methodology for Prioritising Iran’s Social Problems Solutions Reforming the failing institutions Restoring the parts of system to equilibrium following diagnosis Agreement, compromise, force Increase in primary group’s contact with patterns of deviant behaviour Revising the definitions, eliminating the benefits consequent on labelling Political activity for bringing about reform or revolution attention Researcher’s throughout the process of definition to reconstruct Consequences Becoming devoid of human traits Change in system and individuals Jeopardising greater values, making values more transparent Founding deviant societies Intensification of deviation Increase in crime rate Indeterminable and fluid Features of Social Problems Situation Social environment etc.) (technology, Dissolution of the circumstances contributive to dynamic equilibrium conflict and Intergroup competition Increase in opportunities to learn ways of deviation benefitting The labeller’s from the resultant environment Scope of domination, class consciousness and conflict Process of interaction between accuser and accused Causes Failure in socialisation Social change Conflict of values and interests Inappropriate socialisation Concern on the part of people or elements of social control about the subject Class domination by people to Efforts compensate for their dissatisfaction Definition Flouting moral expectation Failure of laws and regulations Opposition to values of certain groups Becoming disenchanted with the prevalent norms Social reaction to alleged violations The state consequent on the enslavement of the working class Fluid and problematic cultural circumstances
Approach Social pathology Social disorganisation conflict Value Deviance Labelling Theory Critical Theory Social constructionism Table 2 Table Comparing the various definitions of social problem
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The aim in specifying these various approach is strongly attentive to objectivity, approaches to defining social problem is whereas the constructionist approach has to demonstrate the fundamental impact little concern for objectivity. The key point that one’s approach has on the proffered to bear in mind here is that depending definition and, in turn, the latter’s on which definition we side with, the fundamental impact on identifying social social problems we identify will look very problems. To shed more light on this, we different. As such, failure to acknowledge will compare two approaches along with the significance of how we conceptualise their suggested definitions. We will take social problems will undoubtedly impair our the pathological and the constructionist attempt at prioritising them and will distort approaches as two samples. According to the results we seek to obtain because of the social pathology approach, society is such prioritisation. There are ample samples an organism that can be considered healthy of such distortion in the available research when it properly performs its functions. projects that have sought to prioritise Iran’s Desirable social behaviours indicate that the social problems. society is in good health, and undesirable behaviours signal its disease. In this light, Research Method a social problem consists of the act of There are a variety of ways in which we can defying society’s moral expectations, and define our method of research. From the the main cause for the occurrence of this viewpoint of the variable of setting, this is a disease in society is an individual’s failure library research. From the viewpoint of data in socialising. The constructionist account, material, it is a qualitative research. From however, of the definition of social problem the viewpoint of the object variable, it is a and its cause is drastically different. This theoretic foundational research. In terms of approach views a social problem, regardless its substance, it is exploratory-descriptive. of what is taking place in a society, as that The method of data collection used in this which the people of a society identify and article is content analysis. The instrument define as a social problem. Whether there employed in data collection is cataloguing is an objective circumstance that may (For an explanation of terms, see Jawid, or may not exist in society, and may or 2012, pp. 85-98). For our critical evaluation may not have caused a certain conception of the methods used in research projects of a social problem to take shape in the concerned with identifying social problems minds of the people, is irrelevant to how a in Iran, it has been our sincere intention to social problem is defined. The pathological reconstruct the internal logic of the criticised
132 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 125 - 146 (2018) The Methodology for Prioritising Iran’s Social Problems material and to truly penetrate the meaning technical definition of what a social intended by the authors. Naturally, however, problem is—are required for this the interference of the writers’ personal purpose. convictions and biases cannot be entirely (2) Should a researcher deem it appropriate ruled out, but we have tried our best. to presuppose frequency as the criterion for identifying a social phenomenon as a RESULTS AND DISCUSSION problem, he must unambiguously assert A Critical Analysis of the Available this, rather than merely touching on it Prioritisations of Iran’s Social Problems in passing and amid an overwhelming volume of explanations and data that In “Owlawiyyatbandi asibha wa masa’el can only be confusing to the reader. ejtema’i dar iran” (which would translate as “Prioritisation of Social Problems and Issues (3) In order to statistically demonstrate that in Iran”), Hadi Motamedi (2007) takes the a purported social problem is in fact views of the officials and the employees a social problem, the researcher must of Iran’s State Welfare Organisation as the have access to a sufficient statistical basis in determining the order of priority of database. In the research in question, Iran’s social problems. After two rounds, the researcher lacks such a sufficient he presents a list of social problems in database, and the statistical resources Iran and then goes on to determine which that he has at his disposal are insufficient problems have priority. He divides social in proving that the social phenomena he problems into three classes: social problems, cites are in fact constitutive of social family-related problems, and miscellaneous problems. problems. He attempts to prove that the (4) The research fails to offer a clear social phenomena he points to are in fact definition of what constitutes a social social problems by citing their frequency in problem, and the researcher fails to the body of statistical data that he presents. identify any approach as underpinning There are several severely damning the research. For this reason, in addition points that we can elaborate in our critique to the fact that it is unclear whether the of this study. cited phenomena are social problems, (1) Quantity and frequency are inadequate the relations between the purported measures for proving the validity of social problems are not at all clear, and a thesis. Solid theoretic grounds— therefore it is difficult to pass judgment including, among others, a clear and as to whether they are in fact social problems or not.
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(5) Due to the fact that the presented list meaning and content and thus cannot of problems was obtained “in various be assigned any true value, and as such meetings with experts in the form of one cannot arrive at any results by brainstorming sessions” (Motamedi comparing it to its two counterparts. 2007, p. 337), the list can in no way be (9) The respondents offer orders of priority considered exhaustive. solely based on their distinctive personal (6) The problems listed in this study are views and opinions without there being not consistent and congruous. The a shared understanding as to common researcher fails to distinguish between criteria for prioritisation. Considering subjective problems and objective the stated objective, this flaw alone problems, major problems and minor suffices to undermine the credibility and problems, and general problems and validity of the research. particular problems. For instance, the problem of runaway girls is placed Ali Yusefi and Hoseyn Akbari (2011) base alongside joblessness, dropping out of their research article entitled “Ta’ammoli school, and such overarching rubrics jame’eh shenakhti dar tashkhis wa ta’yin as youth problems, unstable families, owlawiyyat masa’el ejtema’i iran” (which and prisoners. Such indiscriminate would translate as “A Sociological Reflection assortment of social problems renders Aimed at Identifying and Determining the a meaningful comparison of these Order of Priority of Iran’s Social Issues”) problems impossible. on a secondary analysis of two available (7) Many of the cited problems are grossly surveys: (1) a three-wave survey entitled overlapping, such as running away from “Arzeshha wa negareshhaye iranian” home and runaway girls. (which would translate as “Values and Outlooks of Iranians”) that determines how (8) The presented classification lacks any the Iranian people prioritise social problems logical theoretic pattern as its basis. This and (2) another survey documenting how is evident in the juxtaposition of social the Iranian elite, government officials, and problems and family problems, which the intelligentsia, view and prioritise social is not supported by any sound theoretic problems. The two researchers adopt the or technical justification. Even worse is constructionist approach in defining social the class of “miscellaneous problems”, problems, and they clearly indicate this which is devoid of any substantive choice: “In the constructionist approach,
134 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 125 - 146 (2018) The Methodology for Prioritising Iran’s Social Problems identifying and prioritising social problems (4) The criteria used in determining the is done either by a considerable number order of priority of social problems of ordinary people or by a number of remains unclear and undefined. prominent figures. Both classes (the people (5) When there is no clear criterion for and the elite) play a significant role in prioritising, it would lend greater shaping, identifying, and prioritising social credibility to the survey if there is more issues” (Yusefi & Akbari, 2011, p. 207). homogeneity among the respondents. Several notable points may be specified This, unfortunately, is not the case by way of critiquing this study. regarding the study in question. The (1) The theoretic approach of the study is respondents of the basic study—the inconsistent with the practical method three national surveys that serve as the that the authors pursue. How can basis on which the study in question one expect to arrive at the subjective relies—are random individuals from constructs of the people, the officials, various towns, villages, and regions, or the intelligentsia by means of a who may, depending on their peculiar questionnaire comprising of closed- living conditions, have distinct criteria ended questions? and factors in mind for the prioritisations (2) The problems cited in this study, like they suggest. the previous study, lack congruity and (6) In addition to geographic dispersion, the consistency. Such disparate problems lack of a unifying timeframe diminishes as dearth of cultural centres, theft, and the credibility of the study even further. tenancy are grouped together, and in the For example, the inhabitants of villages final analysis these problems are placed in the three national surveys have side by side with such general rubrics offered their responses at different as the problem of democracy, social timeframes, while it is genuinely problems, and defining religious role possible that the national and regional models. circumstances may have undergone (3) The authors of this article fail to some change in the different timeframes demonstrate how the cited problems in which the surveys were conducted, correspond to the theoretic definition and this exacerbates the aforementioned and approach purportedly undergirding problem of geographic discontinuity. their research.
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“Moshkelat ejtema’i dar owlawiyyat the social problems following the matrix iran” (which would translate as “Social model. The experts on the Delphi panel were Problems of Priority in Iran”) by Hasan selected purposefully rather than randomly Rafiyee and Saeed Madani is presumably the from among individuals with at least one of most credible of the available studies. It was two characteristics: conducted in accordance with the Delphi 1. Having written an article or a book or method and in four rounds. In the first round, conducted a research project related to the authors presented their definition of the study subject, or social problem to the panel of experts. The 2. Having professional experience pertinent presupposed definition ofsocial problem in to the study subject or administrative this study is that ratified by the High Council experience in a government or of Social Welfare and Security: nongovernment organisation involved A social problem is an undesirable social in work related to the study subject phenomenon that adversely impacts quality (Rafiyee & Madani, 2008, p. 195). of life and the most significant values agreed upon by the [Iranian] society and that, due to In other words, two groups of experts its harmful social causes or consequences, have participated in determining the order requires social intervention to be rectified, of priority: academic professionals and mitigated, or contained (Rafiyee & Madani, experienced administrators. 2008, p. 197). Three critiques come to mind in relation In the second round, with the help to this study. of the experts, they devised two separate lists, one of the proposed social problems (1) One shortcoming in this study is its and the other of the proposed criteria. By sole reliance on the opinions of the criteria, they mean “the rules or criteria experts in drafting the primary list of for identifying the social problems that social problems instead of providing partake of a higher priority insofar as social the experts with a comprehensive and planning and intervention are concerned” accurate list as a tentative list they could (ibid). After proposing and settling on work from, which makes it possible the agreed-upon list of social problems that the experts may have missed some and prioritising criteria, they prioritised important social problems. A case in
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point is that based on the definition of priority that it posits, for in the process of presented in more traditional works in prioritisation it compares problems that are the field of social issues and problems in not genuinely comparable and that cannot, Iran, such prevalent habits as lying and correctly speaking, be considered rivals flattering may have been added to the competing at the same level. The various list, but they were left out presumably social problems that this study lists should since the experts were not working from be assigned to different arenas and their a tentatively drafted comprehensive list. order of priority examined in their respective (2) Some of the listed problems—such arenas, and it is only when we view them as joblessness and joblessness of the from this perspective that we can properly educated class—overlap. devise and carry out plans to satisfactorily address them. (3) The problems grouped together lack The above three articles critiqued, are compatibility and congruity. Objective as far as we will go in this article by way of problems—such as joblessness—are examining the conducted studies of social listed next to such subjective problems as problems in Iran. We cannot cover all the lack of social confidence and declining conducted studies, for we are constrained by social capital. The list juxtaposes such the limited size of this article and some of the non-legal problems as malnutrition and conducted studies are unavailable. Several traffic congestion with such largescale the conducted studies were commissioned legal problems as organised crime. by governmental or private organisations that have refrained from publishing their This study is relatively successful in studies, and so these studies are inaccessible. defining social problems and in identifying Furthermore, several the available studies them considering its proposed definition, are either regional in scope, and thus do and it can also be considered successful in not cover all of Iran, or lack even the setting forth and consistently implementing minimal standards of professionalism and clear and distinct criteria for prioritisation. acceptability. Yet, in order that our readers That which detracts from the credibility of should have at least a general idea of these this study more than anything else is the studies, we offer a cursory evaluation in the inconsistency pervading the social problems following chart. it enumerates, and this inconsistency naturally harms the accuracy of the order
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 125 - 146 (2018) 137 Mahdi Hoseinzadeh Yazdi, Ahmad Mehrshad and Mohsen Mollabashi Are the criteria Are the criteria for prioritisation clearly and defined? distinctly No Yes No No No No Are the suggested Are the suggested social problems congruous? No No No No Partially Partially Yes Does the study Does the study present a comprehensive list of social problems? No Partially No No No Unknown No Does the author Does the author identify an approach in defining social problem? No Yes No No Yes No No Whose views Whose views provide the basis of prioritisation? Government officials Administrators and experts General public General public General public Administrators and experts General public Author Hadi Motamedi Hasan Rafiyee Saeed Madani The Office of National Projects, The Ministry of Culture, and Islamic Guidance The Office of National Projects, The Ministry of Culture, and Islamic Guidance Hoseyn Yusefi, Ali Akbari Khalil Kamarbeygi and Mojtaba Rashidi Maedeh Qorashi Nasim Nematizadeh Arefeh Hasani
Study Title Owlawiyyatbandi asibha wa masa’el ejtema’i dar iran (“Prioritisation of Social Problems and Issues in Iran”) Moshkelat ejtema’i dar owlawiyyat iran (“Social Problems of Priority in Iran”) Arzeshha wa negareshhaye iranian (“The of Iranians”) Views and Values Arzeshha wa negareshhaye iranian (“The of Iranians”) Views and Values jame’eshenakhti dar tashkhis Ta’ammoli wa ta’yin owlawiyyat masa’el ejtema’i Aimed at Sociologic Reflection iran (“A Identifying and Determining the Priority Social Issues”) of Iran’s Mas’aleh shenasi wa owlawiyyatbandi asibha wa masa’el farhangi (mowred motale’eh: ostan ilam) (“Identifying Problems and Prioritising Social Harms and Cultural Problems (Subject of Study: ÏlÁm Province)”) Owlawiyyatbandi asibhaye ejtema’i dar shahr waramin (“Prioritising Social Problems in the City of Varamin”) Table 3 Table social problems cursory evaluation of conducted prioritisations Iran’s A
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Five Proposed Steps Essential to a by these three target groups in drafting Credible and Effective Prioritisation of a comprehensive plan to address, in a Social Problems national capacity, Iran’s social problems? Put differently, each of these groups regards 1. Deciding Who Determines the society from its own distinct perspective Priorities and in line with its own peculiar outlook, The first step in the process of prioritising and it is in light of this distinct perspective social problems is determining the objective and peculiar outlook that the members sought by the prioritisation, and the objective of these groups identify and prioritise is determined by those undertaking the social problems. It would seem then that prioritisation: the various groups of people relying solely on one of these three groups who bring their preconceptions and their for identifying and prioritising social experiences—as products of their social, problems would seriously undermine the economic, and cultural standing—to bear practical results that we seek from any on what social phenomena they identify given study. Serious problems can result as social problems and how they arrange if, for instance, we decide to identify social them in order of priority. In the various problems based exclusively on public research studies conducted in Iran, the opinion. One possible problem is that researchers have sought out different target studies that rely solely on public opinion groups. Some of these studies distinguish tend to overlook the problems and priorities three target groups: the general public, of the minorities. If our identification of the officials and administrators, and the social problems is directed only by the experts. These studies also indicate the most general expectations and opinions of order of priority preferred by each target the general public, there is a good chance group (Mohammadi, 2001; Table 1). These that we will fail to notice the special needs studies highlight a very important point, and of such minorities as people with physical that is the noticeable difference between the disabilities or impairments. Another prioritisations each of these three groups possible problem is that relying solely on the proposes. opinion of the general public tends to distort Now, as already mentioned, one of the social studies and administrative plans and essential factors that compel us to prioritise causes them to lose sight of “the existing social problems is the need to take practical social order,” for, generally speaking, measures to resolve these problems. As the macrostructures tend to remain hidden to subject of this study is a methodological the general public, which is more inclined examination of the conducted prioritisations, to see the objective, the particular, and the we are compelled to inquire concerning the behavioural and is less likely to discern following question: To what extent can we the macrostructures. Therefore, in their rely on the different prioritisations offered attempt to define, identify, and prioritise the
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 125 - 146 (2018) 139 Mahdi Hoseinzadeh Yazdi, Ahmad Mehrshad and Mohsen Mollabashi problems of a society as vast as a country, social problems, it is critical to be mindful of they must bear in mind that their study must the close connection that binds the first and take the vastness of the administrative task second steps in the process of prioritisation. into consideration and thus include the input To arrive at a correct order of priority of social of all social groups in Iran so as to ensure problems, the adopted theoretic approach comprehensiveness. and the defined objectives of a study must correspond. When two researchers or two 2. Defining a Particular Theoretic organisations embark on prioritising social Approach problems for entirely different objectives, the respective approach they choose must be The second step in the process of prioritising consistent with their objectives, and so they social problems is defining what a social cannot necessarily adopt the same approach. problem is. Our definition of social problem As an example, the mayor’s office and the is in large part determined by the theoretic judicial branch of the national government approach governing our study. A very are charged with entirely different duties frequent problem that plagues most of the and responsibilities in the Iranian society. studies that attempt to prioritise Iran’s social Yet, both are in some way responsible for problems is the failure to clearly indicate social problems, and so in this respect they the adopted approach. Without a clearly share a common sphere of activity while specified approach, it is impossible to have also shouldering clearly distinct functions. a definition, and without a definition, any Thus, it is only natural that if these two attempt at identifying social problems would government entities commission studies to result in failure, for in the absence of a clear identify and prioritise social problems to use definition of social problem, the researchers the results in improving their effectiveness, and the participants lack a clear criterion for they are pursuing different objectives determining which social phenomena are and are searching for different sets of problems and which are not. Furthermore, problems, for their responsibilities and without first drafting a list of potential social functions are different. Thus, owing to their problems, it would be a waste of time to disparate functions, they seek different embark on prioritising them. As shown social problems, and this difference in the above, a number of the studies conducted in choice of social problems is the result of Iran fail to offer a clear definition of social differing definitions, and this difference in problem and, consequently, they identify definition, in turn, is the result of adopting and prioritise social problems based on different theoretic approaches (it is worth personal and subjective views. noting that different approaches inevitably In addition to the importance of the produce different definitions, but it is adopted theoretic approach for defining not necessarily true that having the same social problems and the importance of the approach will yield the same definition.). definition for the process of identifying
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As such, a very important point that must exhaustive list, the researcher, in addition be taken into consideration in selecting a to adopting the right theoretic approach method for prioritising social problems and the appropriate definition to correctly is the correspondence between a study’s identify social problems, must be careful objectives and its approach. If a researcher to choose a method that is most effective in fails to bear this key point in mind, the diminishing the possibility of missing any results that his or her study produces may social problems. For instance, it would be not translate into practical measures that insufficient to base our list of prospective can realise the objectives for the sake of social problems on, as seen in some of which he or she conducted the study in the the conducted studies, surveys of limited first place. groups of people or the brainstorming of some individuals, and then use this list in 3. Drafting a Comprehensive List of prioritising social problems, which will Possible Social Problems in turn be utilised in establishing practical policies to implement in addressing social The third step in prioritising social problems problems. is drafting a list of social problems in view The second point is that the researcher, of the chosen definition. At this stage, there having given his chosen definition of are two important methodological points social problem and having identified social that need to be observed. The first point is problems in light of the chosen definition, that it is crucial that the drafted list of social must demonstrate that the social problems problems be exhaustive, and the failure to he has identified are in fact social problems. ensure the exhaustiveness of the list will What takes place in this process is that have a direct impact on the prioritisation in light of his chosen definition, which process. It is on the basis of this list that develops out of the adopted theoretic social problems are prioritised, and this approach, the researcher comes up with means that if this list is not exhaustive, the a certain criterion that he then uses in credibility of the consequent prioritisation designating certain social phenomena as of social problems will be undermined social problems. It is very natural to expect considerably. For, the absence of even a few that the researcher ought to clearly delineate important social problems on this list will his reasons for identifying the particular set mean that they will not be included in the of problems that he has identified so as to order of priority, and this methodological allow those reading his study to know on flaw will then carry over and become evident what basis he has made his choices and to in the practical stage when the results of possibly engage in a meaningful critique of the prioritisation are put into practice. To his methods. succeed in satisfactorily preparing such an
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4. Ensuring the Homogeneity of the no sound comparison or conclusion can be Proposed Social Problems drawn, and so to ignore this crucial point The next key point that a researcher must would drastically diminish the credibility bear in mind, after drafting an exhaustive of the study. list of prospective social problems based One of the ways in which the failure on his chosen definition and in light of his to observe consistency and congruity in theoretic approach, is to make sure that the the prepared list of social problems based problems on this list are homogeneous. on clear and logical categorisations (by This homogeneity requirement is dictated incorporating, for instance, such distinctions by a clear logical principle. To legitimately as subjective vs. objective, material vs. compare two discrete phenomena, they cultural, small-scale vs. large-scale) can must be consistent and congruous so as to distort the results of the study is that the less be logically comparable, for if two things noticed but still very important problems lack logical comparability, we cannot tend to be eclipsed and side-lined by the legitimately make judgments based on their more visible social problems, whose degree juxtaposition. It would be a mistake, for of importance is not necessarily any more example, to place social problems pertaining than the former. For instance, the absence to subjective and cultural matters next to of the cultural tendency to honour the law those concerned with objective matters or to is sure to be overshadowed by such salient compare large-scale and structural problems social problems as joblessness, poverty, with small-scale problems and then proceed opioid addiction, government corruption, to prioritise them. The distinct groups of and divorce. Due to this methodological social problems must be homogeneously flaw, the role of the researchers or study categorised in view of their proper scope participants who are responsible for and prioritised within the context of their the prioritisation takes on an increased specific scope. To indiscriminately list all the importance compared to a situation in incongruous social problems together would which the right methods are used, for they— definitely preclude a meaningful study that working from their personal experiences would result in effective practical measures. and preconceptions—tend to give greater How can we meaningfully compare the priority to those social problems with weak work ethic in Iran with the problem which they are more intimately engaged, of runaway girls and prioritise between unaware that many of the problems they the two? They are fundamentally two have considered are not even comparable incongruous problems that are incomparable. as they pertain to widely different domains. The crucial methodological point that any In the process of prioritising social study must take into consideration is to problems, ensuring the consistency and ensure the congruity and consistency of the congruity of the social problems under studied problems, in the absence of which consideration functions as the crucial link
142 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 125 - 146 (2018) The Methodology for Prioritising Iran’s Social Problems that connects the third step—preparing its harm, and the degree of its social impact an exhaustive list of prospective social are a few examples of possible criteria. If problems—with the last step, which is the we choose to work with the extent criterion, actual prioritisation of social problems is it is essential to have comprehensive and critical. Without this crucial link, even if the accurate statistical data of the target society first three steps of the prioritisation process in order to determine the extent of every are executed flawlessly, the entire process social problem’s reach to thereby prioritise would be jeopardised, thus fundamentally social problems. If we instead opt for the undermining the legitimacy of the results severity criterion, the social problems that of the prioritisation. cause the greatest and most irreparable injury will take precedence. As such, homicide, 5. Defining a Clear and Distinct fatal accidents, and other such injuries Criterion for Prioritisation that result in loss of life will occupy the very top of the order of priority. The social The fifth and final step in the process of impact degree criterion is analogous in prioritising social problems is determining a meaning to Durkheim’s definition of crime clear and distinct prioritising criterion. One as an offence to the society’s “collective of the more impactful and frequent errors conscience.” Certain social problems—such that occur in the available prioritisations as rape and paedophilia—strongly affect the of Iran’s social problems is the absence of society’s sentiments, and so naturally people a clear and distinct prioritising criterion. expect a swift and severe punishment for The importance of heeding this condition the perpetrators. Now, when considering is logically obvious. When faced with a which of these criteria one should use in prioritised order, the first question that the process of prioritisation, the researcher may arise is what criterion underlies the must take several factors into consideration. prioritisation. A study that cannot answer Arguably, the most determining factors are this very preliminary question clearly the objectives of the study and its theoretic suffers from a fundamental methodological approach. Yet, determining our research error. Of course, there need not be only one criteria is always a complex issue and criterion. It is possible to apply multiple therefore cannot be simplified in the form of methods and then feed all methods into a universal formulas. We cannot, for instance, matrix diagram to arrive at one uniform say that whoever takes such-and-such order of priority. The key point is to define approach in defining social problems must one or more criteria and to consistently and by extension adopt such-and-such criterion meticulously apply them in the prioritisation in prioritising social problems. process. A very critical flaw affecting the There are numerous criteria that can be available prioritisations of social problems utilised in prioritising social problems. The in Iran, to which an allusion was made in extent of a problem’s reach, the severity of
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 125 - 146 (2018) 143 Mahdi Hoseinzadeh Yazdi, Ahmad Mehrshad and Mohsen Mollabashi the introduction, is neglecting the web of and long-term fashion by laying emphasis interconnections between social problems. on and devising plans to strengthen the A very helpful criterion for use in a study of social sense of respect for law, a key cultural the order of priority that is meant to serve factor that can help in reducing many crimes as the basis for a comprehensive plan to and resolving many other social problems. address a country’s social problems is the degree to which a problem can impact other CONCLUSION social problems. Taking this criterion into Vigorous attempts are being made in Iran consideration can considerably increase a to fundamentally and scientifically address plan’s efficiency and efficacy in combatting the existing social problems. To succeed social problems. For example, a very in these attempts, there needs to be a prominent social problem in Iran that merits fundamental re-evaluation in conducting the a top place in the order of priority of social studies dealing with social problems. Simply problems in view of many criteria is the addressing one or more social problems high volume of motor vehicle crimes and will not go a long way in resolving social road accidents. It is a problem that entails problems. The sociological studies that are a host of other social problems: from the conducted to this end must aim to shed light bankruptcy of Iran’s insurance industry, on the conceptual interconnections of social to the excessive rate of fatalities, and to problems. One of the best ways in which numerous emotional, psychological, and this can be achieved is studying the order of behavioural problems from which families priority between social problems. suffer as a result of losing one or both parents. In examining the research that has been Neglecting the web of interconnections that conducted in Iran so far, we considered seven exists between these problems, government studies concerned with the prioritisation of officials and administrators tackle the motor social problems in Iran, three of which we vehicle problem with a one-dimensional analysed in depth. What our analysis showed approach: they considerably raise the was that the available studies are, for the monetary value of traffic fines every year most part, methodologically flawed, and and expand the amount of inner- and inter- this greatly diminishes the credibility of city roads monitored by traffic cameras in their prioritisations and undermines their the hope of reducing motor vehicle crimes conclusions. and accidents. A more holistic approach, After examining the available studies of however, would be to acknowledge the often social problems in Iran, we presented five multi-pronged interconnections of social key methodological points that are critical problems, to prioritise social problems in in ensuring the integrity and credibility view of this criterion, and to thereby address of any study that aims to prioritise social the loaded problem of motor-vehicle-related problems. These five are, in summary, crimes and accidents in a more fundamental as follows. (1) It is important to bear in
144 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 125 - 146 (2018) The Methodology for Prioritising Iran’s Social Problems mind that depending on the social group logically cogent, and more practically we consult in determining the order of efficacious. (5) For an effective and sound priority of social problems, we will arrive prioritisation, it is necessary to work on at different results. Furthermore, if we wish the basis of a carefully defined criterion, to survey the views of all the three main for various criteria produce various results, groups of people—general public, academic and the absence of a determinate criterion experts, public administrators—there will render the conclusions of our study are certain methodological requirements unreliable. that ought to be observed. (2) Due to the existence of drastically different approaches REFERENCES to social problems and the separate ways in Blaikie, N. (2000). Designing social research. which they impact our identification and Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. prioritisation of social problems, it is crucial Crone, J. A. (2011). How can we solve our social to define a specific approach according problems? Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE. to which we carry out our prioritisation Esmaili, R. (1384 AHS [2005]). Owlawiyyatbandi of social problems. Neglecting this key masa’el ejtema’i wa farhangi ostan Esfahan point will obviously result in theoretical [Prioritising the social and cultural issues of the flaws that will show themselves in the province of Isfahan]. Esfahan: Mobin. practical results that we wish to draw from Giddens, A. (1993). Sociology. Cambridge, UK: our study. (3) A comparison between Polity Press. social problems to determine their order of Jawid, M. J. (1391 AHS [2012]). Rawesh tahqiq dar priority is incomplete and ineffective if done elm hoquq [Research method in law]. Tehran: without fist drafting an exhaustive list of all Mokhatab. prospective social problems in view of the Kamarbeygi, K., & Rashidi, M. (1394 AHS [2015]). approach adopted in the above-mentioned Masaleh shenasi wa owlawiyyatbandi asibha wa second point. Once we have such a list, we masa’el farhangi: mowred motale’eh ostan Ilam can then legitimately embark on prioritising [Classifying cultural pathologies: Case of Ilam the social problems by comparing all province]. Farhang Elam, 16(48&49), 165-186. or, where sanctioned by a sound logic, a Loseke, D. R. (2017). Thinking about social problems: selected number of them. (4) Examining An introduction to constructionist perspectives and prioritising social problems without (Social Problems & Social Issues). New York: first ensuring that the social problems Routledge. under consideration are consistent and Ministry of culture and Islamic guidance. (1379 AHS congruous can potentially lead to a lopsided [2000]). Arzeshha wa negareshha [Attitudes and and inconsistent prioritisation. When the Values]. Tehran: Office for National Planning. social problems being considered are Ministry of culture and Islamic guidance. (1382 AHS made consistent and congruous, the results [2003]). Arzeshha wa negareshha [Attitudes and are more accurately distinguished, more Values]. Tehran: Office for National Planning.
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SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES
Journal homepage: http://www.pertanika.upm.edu.my/
Women’s Access to Family Justice in Iran: Exploring the Main Barriers
Mehri Bahar1*, Fatemeh Hamedanian2, Mohammad Farajiha3 and Tooba Shakeri Golpaygani2 1Department of Cultural Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Tehran, Intersection of Chamran and AL-E-Ahmad Highways (First floor), No .43,Tehran, Iran 2Department of Women’s Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Tarbiat Modares University, Intersection of Chamran and AL-E-Ahmad Highways (P.O. Box: 14115-111), Tehran, Iran 3Department of Criminal Law, Faculty of Law, Tarbiat Modares University, Intersection of Chamran and AL-E-Ahmad Highways (P.O. Box: 14115-111), Tehran, Iran
ABSTRACT Access to justice as a procedure and practice-based concept is defined as the capacity of people to access judicial organisations and institutions. While having the problem of access to justice is ordinary among different groups of people, women may be affected more frequently for accessing these institutions and organisations, as they have to overcome many socio-political, economic, and structural barriers that reinforce this inaccessibility. This article emphasizes on women’s access to family justice in Iran. It explores the perspective of women who have experienced Iran’s judiciary system in terms of divorce, custody, dowry, and alimony in the family court. The data were collected through the women referring to the family courts, and data analysis was conducted based on thematic framework. The participants acknowledged low levels of legal awareness, feminisation of poverty, and low self-esteem because of the masculine hegemonic structure as the major barriers in their access to family justice.
Keywords: Access to justice, barriers, Iran, judiciary system, women
INTRODUCTION ARTICLE INFO Article history: Access to justice is recognized by the Received: 18 October 2017 Accepted: 01 February 2018 Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran E-mail addresses: within the just trial provisions; yet there is [email protected] (Mehri Bahar) [email protected] (Fatemeh Hamedanian) an increasing concern that “justice for all” [email protected] (Mohammad Farajiha) does not apply to every Iranian and in all [email protected] (Tooba Shakeri Golpaygani) * Corresponding author
ISSN: 0128-7702 © Universiti Putra Malaysia Press Mehri Bahar, Fatemeh Hamedanian, Mohammad Farajiha and Tooba Shakeri Golpaygani cases. There is unequal access to justice it sees them as private matters and outside between the different groups of people in the fields of public dispute resolution. 3) the most societies, characterized by gaps Exclusion and disempowerment of women among the socioeconomic status of citizens, in the family justice. In spite of the fact that level of education, gender, religion, and there is an increasing recognition of the so on. Therefore, the main contribution of noteworthiness of women’s inclusion, they this paper is to attempt to present a general are often excluded from fully participating understanding into women’s access to in and benefiting from different dimensions family justice in Iran. It analyses a range of law, justice and development work. of challenges that women confront when Geographic, financial and political distance trying to take legal action to settle their from justice structures hinders women problems. It further emphasizes that the from claiming and realizing their rights. step-by-step recognition of women’s rights, Iranian women face additional barriers due access to equal legal remedies, and legal to discriminatory social and cultural norms empowerment are key aspects in shaping the and practices. prospects for better access to family justice Women’s access for getting the justice for Iranian women. is changing. The aim of this study is to An instant review of current problems examine the status of women with access to women’s access to family justice to family justice processes. Resorting to reveals three priority fields of concern: 1) judicial organisations’ authority, urban Discriminatory legal structures. Despite transportation facilities, poverty, economic improvement in different areas, Iran has concerns in petitioning to the courts, legal provisions that discriminate against masculine hegemony in structure, access to women. For example, Iran has laws that legal information, illiteracy, and inequality place men as head of households and legally in everyday life are some of the elements expect wives to obey their husbands, prohibit that alter the position of women in their a woman from getting a passport without access to family justice processes. her husband’s permission, and has legal restrictions on what types of jobs women Theoretical Background can do. 2) Limited justice sector capacities to dispatch family justice for women. Access to justice Unresponsive justice organizations continue Access to justice is the subject matter of to discourage women from seeking family the difference between existing laws and justice. In many cases, conventional justice the implementation of the same laws in revisions have effectively postponed the two areas of social life and legal and social justice needs of women. For example, Iran’s studies. Access to justice also provides family justice sector often disregard inner opportunities for discussing the equality household and community disputes, because efficiency scale against the law which is
148 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 147 - 164 (2018) Women’s Access to Family Justice in Iran one of the principles underlying modern rights. This does not, of course, mean that law (Rhode, 2004). It is very important to these legal rights should be pursued or look at the gender issues as well as access defended in that way. There may be many to justice, along with the discussion of occasions when the responsible thing to do classes and social groups, because this is a is to compromise, or even abandon, one’s topic that deals with the ambiguity between legal rights. This could be inherent in a equal rights and inequalities in society. full concept of responsibility (Eekelaar & In daily life, mechanisms based on the Maclean, 2013). However, it is one thing to principle of equality were not successful make a responsible decision to compromise in solving the problems and differences or abandon one’s legal rights, it is another arising from gender inequality. For example, thing to yield without any knowledge of the feminization of poverty or inequality what rights are or if they are known, to in social activities affects access to justice yield under pressure due to lack of means (Morris, 1999; Sandefur, 2009). to protect them. The justice system is there to try to Women’s access to family justice prevent those things from happening. A justice system is anchored in the judiciary. In her book “Justice, Gender, and the However, attention should be paid to Family”, Susan Moller Okin defines family the women’s challenging conditions in the justice as a range of issues from child context of family justice. For example, custody and terms of divorce to physical Singer (2009) has observed that the goal and sexual abuse of women and children. of maintaining relationships conflicts She believes that family justice must be of with another objective, often thought to vital importance for social justice (Okin, be desirable, of bringing about a ‘clean 2008, p. 8 / 101). Eekelaar also remarks: break’ between the parties. She surmises ‘Family justice is concerned with more than that maintaining relationships favours men simply bargaining, fairly or otherwise. It is because women are likely to receive less concerned with upholding some elemental money than under a clean break settlement features of personal relationship. Family and are more restricted in what they can do. justice cannot do this without the law and effective means of upholding it’ (Maclean, Eekelaar, & Bastard, 2016). Iranian women’s experience in the As many socio-legal researchers pointed justice routes out, most issues are disposed of elsewhere in The fear of being alone in a society like the family justice system while the judiciary Iran for a divorced woman is pervasive. remains at its core. This is because, quite Being a mother in a family, many rights simply, the purpose of a justice system are sacrificed in the favour of inappropriate is ultimately to safeguard people’s legal law. Sometimes, women, for getting custody
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 147 - 164 (2018) 149 Mehri Bahar, Fatemeh Hamedanian, Mohammad Farajiha and Tooba Shakeri Golpaygani rights, give up other rights (especially of case, there are not acceptable reasons financial rights like dowry or Mahriyeh). for a divorce order. Her husband has a job The fear of separation, the fear of and provides economic demands of life being alone, and the fear of how society for Maryam and her children. The only views divorced women are among the acceptable reason in terms of what the hardest conditions that divorced women court sees is unemployment caused by the can experience in Iran. Such a condition husband’s drug abuse.’ is clearly visible in family courts. Many However, Maryam could not prove in women from different social classes and the court to what extent she had suffered backgrounds have experienced these from her husband’s violence; and, therefore, circumstances. Therefore, many people have she had no choice but to give up all complained through talking and interviews financial rights (which include her dowry about ignoring motherhood by courts’ staff, and alimony) to get the judge to issue her topped by judges. Another major issue divorce. ignored by these family courts is the social There are no approved laws on marital position of women, which goes unnoticed. violence in Iranian family courts; hence, ‘Maryam’, a 20-year-old woman with women are not able to prove violence a pale face sat on the bench of family court perpetrated against them. This forces on the campus. After asking her whether she women to give up all their financial rights agreed to be interviewed, she started to cry stated by the family law to get their divorce. and ‘screeds out of her damn life’ (this was According to the Iranian family protection her own expression). Having some papers act, women cannot claim for a divorce in the and files in her hands, she said: ‘I cannot family court; only men can do it. continue this life. I married him at 16, and I ‘Sara’ is a lawyer in family justice was pregnant at 17. Before finishing my high cases; she believes ‘any woman according school, I had given birth to my daughter. to her family backgrounds has an especial Now, my daughter is my life, but the judge experience of justice path.’ said the custody was the right of the father She said many women, for reasons and I could not live with my daughter after related to their reputation and their children, I got a divorce.’ would give up initiating a divorce claim. Maryam’s husband, is seven years Many women give up this right, especially older than her, is a drug addict. She is also in the case of infidelity claims for divorce a battered woman because her husband did in the family court. However, there is no beat her many times. considerable support for them in the current The judge dealing with her case believes family law. that ‘according to the existence of evidence
150 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 147 - 164 (2018) Women’s Access to Family Justice in Iran
The statistics of the National Tehran Family Courts (Shahid Mahallati; Organization for Civil Registration in Iran the second branch of family court). Some suggest that 13.3 % of all divorces happen of the in-depth interviews could be recorded during the first year of marriage, while 47.2 by a recorder, yet a few of the participants % take place during the first five years of did not satisfy with recording some part of marriage (2015). In Tehran, there happens the interviews. All the women interviewed one divorce out of every three marriages. had passed through a court experience Also most divorces happen for men and in the civil or criminal courts earlier. All women between 25 and 29 years of age. of them had sat for litigations or hearing Though this news is irritating, but it would sessions in the family court. The authors increase attention to raise and discuss the used a semi-structured interview that problem and rethink strategies applied to taken to account questions to emphasize prevent more problems in family justice the most important problems related to the matters through a gender-sensitive approach legal system, conventional justice systems, with a special emphasis on women as a courts, prosecutors, police, legal aid, and vulnerable group in Iran. determinant socioeconomic elements regarding the law. In other words, the Methodological framework questions of interview were designed to focus on the women’s basic legal knowledge, A methodological framework provides a their familiarity with legal procedure, framework for both data collection and their perceptions of cultural barriers, the data analysis, which basically encompasses issues that influence their preference for all the aspects involved in planning and mechanisms of dispute solutions, and executing the research (Bryman, 2012, their level of satisfaction with their chosen p. 46; D’Cruz & Jones, 2004, p. 84). courses of action. Besides this framework, understanding the The data analysis was initiated with open research purpose helps the authors pick an coding, where categories of information appropriate theoretical framework. This, about the phenomenon being investigated then study was conducted in Iran with the were formed (Robson, 2002, p. 194). The purpose of identifying the family justice transcriptions were read by the researcher, barriers faced by women, assisted with and codes were given to the statements in the participation of the ‘Research Centre the data. Related codes, which arguably of Judiciary’ in Tehran. The data were represented the pre-determined themes, gathered through interviews and reviews of were then grouped under the same category secondary sources (Bryman, 2012, p. 70). or categories, and later were gathered under Overall, 50 women (Table 1) were themes (Saldana, 2013, pp. 10-13). interviewed from June to August 2016 in
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Table 1 Demographic characteristics of the interviewees
Background variables Abundance Total Age (year) 18-25 9 50 25-35 24 35-45 12 45-55 5 55-60 - Education level Under diploma and diploma 28 50 Undergraduate and bachelor 18 Masters and higher 4 Economic class Low 16 50 Medium 30 High 4 Employment status Employed 15 50 Unemployed 35 Marital status Married 12 50 Divorced 14 Married with a life separate from the spouse 23 Widow 1 Type of litigation Civil cases 30 50 Criminal cases 20
Analysis and Main Themes proceedings are followed up with fears, While the barriers to access to justice are including shame of being stigmatised, ordinary for various groups, women may particularly in such issues as domestic more frequently suffer from these barriers violence and rape. Also, elements like and suffer more to prevailing them due working at home, poverty, being elderly, and to the structural elements contributing to childcare have been considered as creating inequality. Such structural components a dearth in time and resource for women in of inequality for women is available in the processes of legal claiming. It is crucial ownership, inheritance, rights, employment to target certain conditions as well as on and family law. Women may experience problems with regarding justiciable event obstacles to access judicial organizations while considering women’s access to family that is more than anything else aggravate justice. by poverty. Institutional barriers are caused According to the output resulting from by masculine hegemonic proceedings the women’s interviews in the family courts and security institutions and male officers of Iran, there are five main themes related to worsen the situation and propel an increment their access barriers to family justice in the in the complaints of women. In addition, judiciary system (Table 2).
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Table 2 The items of main barriers to women’s access to family justice in Iran
Central item Main item Basic concepts Main barriers to Legal awareness Inability to distinguish between criminal and civil women’s access cases, false resources and wrong addresses, lack of to family justice access to sources of awareness in the public media and in Iran lack of awareness of the lawsuit in practice Language Lack of access to legal language (lawyer language) Cultural stereotypes The behavior of relatives and acquaintances, the way society looks at divorced women Feminization of poverty Rental housing, low job pay, lack of job opportunity, insurance problems and employment discrimination, Hegemonic masculinity Discriminatory behaviors and norms against women in in the justice path family justice institutions
Legal awareness alongside with a higher educational Legal awareness is a socio-legal term that base. Most interviewees were unable to mentions to the knowledge of the law and distinguish among criminal and civil cases legal organizations, together with attitudes or civil and criminal courts. According to the towards them between the members of definition of the Canadian Bar Association the public. It helps the authors realize (1992, p. 23), awareness of rights and legal the importance of the people attachment processes is useless if a user of justice to the law in relation to their everyday does not have adequate awareness of the matters. Legal awareness is in the tight legal organizations that regulate public life bond with popular culture, which depicts (Maranlou, 2015; Wan, 2014). law, lawyers, and judges in the media and ‘Hamideh’, a 25-year-old woman, has a the arena of life that involves norms and master’s degree in Accounting but is jobless. expectations of behaviour, including morals She had claimed a divorce six months ago and laws. According to the American Bar because of her husband’s infidelity, and now Association (1989), Commission on Public she lives in her parents’ house with them. Understanding, legal awareness is ‘the She is economically dependent on her father, ability to make critical judgments about the but before starting her divorce’s claim, she substance of the law, the legal process, and gave up her job in a private organization available legal resources, and to effectively as an accountant (without unemployment utilize the legal system and articulate insurance) due to depression. She says: ‘I strategies to improve its legal literacy’. did not know what I should do, and because I The output of the interviews, however, had no money to hire a lawyer, I had to apply reveals an awareness of justice sector for free legal advice in the family justice problems that grown consistently up court, but it was not helpful …’
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The lack of knowledge of the legal language is deemed proper and suitable in organizations is a crucial matter, since the certain situations (Kramsch, 1998). public’s awareness of the judicial system In its widespread sense, gender-neutral is an important prerequisite of their path to language is achieved by avoiding ‘gendered justice (Hough & Roberts, 2005, p. 71). It generics’, which are masculine or feminine is an obvious fact that the police or courts nouns and pronouns used to refer to both have the most responsibility to protect the men and women (Curzan, 2003). The rights of the people and keep social order up. constant use of male-gendered generics to This pervasive blindness of the legal system show all people can have a psychological impresses women’s perceptions of justice. effect on women by making them feel ‘Zohre’, a 27-year-old woman who initiated excluded and by strengthening traditional a dowry case before her divorce order case, gender stereotypes – even when that effect does not know anything about the procedure is not predestined (Chew, 2014). Social of her judicial case affairs, and her mental science research illustrates that language condition is not good; she is stressed out and is a social force that can have an impact has many worries about her only daughter on how women see themselves and are after divorce. She says: ‘The court staffs’ seen by others. The ‘Linguistic Relativity behaviour is not good with me, and my case Hypothesis’ argues that ‘culture and affairs have witnessed numerous delays in language are interconnected and that the progress. I have an attorney for my case words that people use affect the way they (alimony), but I would come to the court for view both the world and their self-concept’ some papers work myself. At first, all I knew (Sniezek & Jazwinksi, 1989). about such a case was little information Fourotan did a content analysis of from my relatives. I was not familiar with educational system books in Iran. He divided the process of my case; I was just confused words and key concepts representation in a place like this.’ in these books into two groups (male and female). The content analysis results Language revealed that 65% of these words were dedicated to the male group while only one All over the world people ‘perform’ their out of three words referred to the female roles within society and become socialized group (Fourotan, 2014, p. 133/155). by using language as one of the many ‘Bani’, a 57-year-old woman, lives in ways. Language filters whatever one wants Qom with her daughter after her ex-husband to see and, by doing so, he/she influences died in Tehran; her case is financial (marital what is communicated to others. The inheritance and alimony). She speaks both communication people have with others Farsi and Arabic. She must come from gradually creates social conventions and Qom to Tehran to follow her case in the norms, which subsequently, affect what
154 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 147 - 164 (2018) Women’s Access to Family Justice in Iran family justice court. She says: ‘I came to the Theory of Derrida (Derrida, 1967) and the family court’s free advice centre to pursue discourse analysis of Michael Foucault. The the matter but I could not understand the central emphasis here is turning to creating language, and I became more confused.’ context, representations, and discourses, which would make the conceptions of Cultural stereotypes gender (Weedon, 1987). In this approach, the authors will talk about the differences Regarding ‘The Analysis of Culture’, among both women and men and between Williams (1963, 2009) demarcates the women; here, the concept of ‘being woman’ ‘three common categories in the definition has a messy understanding itself. of culture’. First, there is the ‘ideal’ in which Unfortunately, the existence of culture is a process of human perfection in hegemonic masculinity in the context of the terms of certain universal values. Second, legal space of Iran emphasizes only ‘those there is the ‘documentary’ record: the living differences that could lead to stereotyping’ texts and practices of a culture. Third, there (Martin & Nakayama, 2010, p. 182) (that is the ‘social’ definition of culture in which women are emotional or that men are culture is an explanation of a way of life. rational). As these stereotypes of gender Based on this definition there are three differences persist, it may be pervasive new ways of thinking about culture: A) the because of the stereotypical of women anthropological aspect, which views culture everywhere in media and specially in Iranian as an explanation of a way of life; B) the idea movies. that culture represents special meanings and The attitudes and stereotypes adopted values; and C) the claim that the work of by the Iranian community regarding claims cultural analysis should be the illumination against a husband by his wife do not only of the meanings and values implicitly and affect the woman’s individually but often explicitly in a way of life, a culture. leads to discrimination towards certain The considered whole paradigm of groups of them, especially many poor social definition of culture, the importance women who lack financial resources. of culture in gender differences constructing In Iran, although statistics show that the is received centrally. This paradigm of divorce rate has gone up steadily, yet divorce socialisation theory - in explanation of is pondered a social taboo (Maranlou, boys’ and girls’ different behaviour from 2015). Women are more stigmatized by the first years of childhood- is faced with divorce, as indicated in a Persian proverb: the public interest. The educational system ‘A woman enters her husband’s house with is a laudable part of this process, so it guides a white wedding dress and they should be boys and girls to different activities and in husbands’ house till burial shroud’. This achievements. In a recent analysis on gender means that the women they think living with and culture, there has been a major emphasis their husband and being with him is better on literature and on deconstructing the
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 147 - 164 (2018) 155 Mehri Bahar, Fatemeh Hamedanian, Mohammad Farajiha and Tooba Shakeri Golpaygani to divorce. ‘Sharare’, a 33-year-old woman, Feminization of poverty was dumped with her two children by her As Mahoozi (2015) shows in his research, husband without any financial support: ‘My there is a multi-dimensional poverty in Iran father helps us in our daily costs, but I do for four distinct groups (rural households not like to depend on him. What would other with a male head, rural households with people think of me … Many of my relatives a female head, urban households with a blame me, the court’s staffs blame me, too. male head, and urban households with a The judge told me: ‘If your husband pays female head) for each of the 30 provinces for your food, it is enough, but he could in Iran. The poorest groups in each province not understand I have many demands like are rural households, mostly the rural emotional ones, financial progress and female-headed households. Poverty is more other …’. prevailing among the rural households Cultural stereotypes in the judiciary in compared with the urban households of Iran have more impact on the judges’ views the same region. The reason could be the in issuing sentences, especially when the inequality of welfare distribution in favour case is related to family justice. Such a view of urban areas, or could be the immigration can leave a case pending for more than three of wealthier rural households to urban areas. years in the family court without any final But then, there is rather less poverty among verdict. ‘Zahra’, a 45-year-old woman from the male-headed households (in both urban Abadan (620 miles from away Tehran), sat and rural areas) in comparison with the at the family court campus crying, and said: female-headed households, which shows an ‘This year is my third year of attending in increasing risk of female-headed households the family court; I am the fourth wife of falling into poverty, particularly in rural a man that had three other wives before areas and the poorer provinces. marrying me. He lied to me about everything Mahoozi’s study underlines three related to himself and his life …. During dimensions of inequality in Iran: provincial these three years, every time I try to file a inequality, gender inequality, and regional demand of confiscating his property so that inequality (Mahoozi, 2015). So, there is I would claim my marriage due (Mahriyeh), a phenomenon in Iran in the name of the he comes to the court and talks to the judge, ‘feminisation of poverty’1. Iranian women then the judge comes to this belief that he are more educated than men. A recent report2 has three more wives and that he is the bread winner of all of them and his children. At 1“Feminization of poverty” address Increasing the end, I get zero marital financial support poverty among women in Third World countries, deprived women and women of minorities in Europe because the confiscation order is rejected and United States. This term was first used by by the judge.’ American sociologist “Diane Pearce”. 2http://www.mehrnews.com/news/2364001/
156 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 147 - 164 (2018) Women’s Access to Family Justice in Iran shows that nearly 70% of the university has no idea of his whereabouts. She is a gym intake is female. Yet, statistics show that coach in a club for women in Tehran; she 80% of governmental jobs are assigned said: ‘I have two children who are 21 and to men. Also, official reports say: ‘There 18 years old, I don’t have an employment are two million and 500 thousand female- insurance and I provide my children with headed households, which means 80% of living costs. There isn’t a governmental women are unemployed and 60 thousand support group. I do not know anything about women per year are added to them. So, my husband or where he lives; he is always these increasing statistics of female-headed fleeing from his responsibilities towards me households lead to many serious problems and our children. I am so tired, our home is in society.’These statistics acknowledge rented; both rental payment and other costs an increasing number of divorces as a of living have been a trouble that I had to significant determinant in the feminization deal with in hard conditions. Alongside of poverty in Iran. Divorce adds to number these difficulties, the judge dealing with of female-headed households in the country. my case told me you should first publish ‘Samira’, a 23-year-old woman with an advertisement in the newspapers to no children, only six months after her legal announce your husband’s disappearance and marriage registration had claimed a divorce wait for his coming to the court. During this against her husband in the family justice time and delays, I have had many financial court. She now lives with her parents. She concerns.’ Factors like this discourage has no job and is dependent on her father women from enforcing their rights in the economically; she said: ‘The costs of my family justice courts. lawsuit were so high, my father was able to provide them. But if a woman had no money, Hegemonic masculinity in the justice she would not have been able to do anything path in the family justice court for her marital As Connell mentioned, ‘hegemonic rights or court matters in Iran.’ masculinity’ is part of the gender order theory, In this context, women’s poverty which recognizes multiple masculinities that negatively affects their ability to invoke the vary across time, culture, and the individual. family justice courts to redress themselves, Hegemonic masculinity is defined as and the attitude of the court clergy judges the current configuration of practice that in the family court of Iran is, generally, legitimizes men’s dominant position in the reluctant to use their discretion in women’s society and justifies the subordination of favour. ‘Zoleikha’ is a 48-year-old woman women, and other marginalized ways of who has two children. Her case started 14 being a man (Connell, 2005). Conceptually, years ago. The reason for this long-lasting hegemonic masculinity suggests to explain case is because her husband left home how and why men preserve dominant without any support for living costs and she social roles over women, and other gender
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 147 - 164 (2018) 157 Mehri Bahar, Fatemeh Hamedanian, Mohammad Farajiha and Tooba Shakeri Golpaygani identities, which are perceived as ‘feminine’ in Iran), even though increasing, is still in a certain society. much lower than the number of male According to Connell, the politics personnel (Maranlou, 2015). This hegemony of gender (in this case, of gender and is reverberated in the family laws that law) arises from the always-contested arrange gender relations and the rights of nature of men’s power and the ever-present men and women. Islamic jurisprudential possibilities of resisting and contesting the texts—which are the basis of Islamic laws present gender arrangements. It is a key in Iran, including family law—consider feature of the thesis, in short, that hegemonic women as second-class citizens and locate masculinity is never, finally, closed, fixed or them under men’s domination. resolved (Collier, 2010, p. 454). One result of these laws is the low The conceptual beginnings of representation of women as judiciary staff, hegemonic masculinity represented the especially barricaded from being judges. culturally idealized form of manhood that The prohibition began instantly after the was socially and hierarchically exclusive 1979 Islamic revolution. This practice was and concerned with bread-winning; that legitimized later by adding an article to was anxiety-provoking and differentiated the constitution, which demonstrated that (internally and hierarchically); that was only men may become judges. The law brutal and violent, pseudo-natural and reformation in 1992 helped women to sit tough, psychologically contradictory, and as assistant judges in some civil courts, but thus crisis-prone; economically rich and yet, women were prevented from becoming socially sustained (Donaldson, 1993). judges (Maranlou, 2015). The hegemonic masculinity within the In the present work, most of the Iranian family justice system seems to be interviewed women during the field study pervasive. A male hegemonic system for gave priority to the fairness of the legal accessing justice is closely linked to the procedure. ‘Other parallel studies have capacity of law enforcement agencies to also revealed that people attach a perceived provide non-effective legal remedies for fairness to processes that result in special women. A male hegemonic system and decisions’ (Van den Bos & Miedema, discriminatory norms seem to pervade the 2000). ‘Hoda’, a 32-year- old woman, has administration of justice, and therefore, a master’s degree in law. She is an attorney create more multi-dimension barriers that in family justice cases and has a high social women must get over to access the family and economic position equal to that of her justice. In this system, some policies are husband. She has not claimed a divorce, but connected to the proportion of female has rather claimed for their son’s custody staff too. The number of female personnel right in the family justice court. She says: working within the justice organizations My eleven-year-old son’s custody order (such as judicial officers, judges and police was issued in my ex-husband’s favour, and
158 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 147 - 164 (2018) Women’s Access to Family Justice in Iran the judge determined 24 hours per week this kind of cohabitation, the parties live visitation for me; this is while I and my ex- without legally registered marriages. Some husband have equal situation economically, specialists argue that white marriage in socially and …’ Iran is the result of discriminatory laws One of the considerable sample in against women, because many women, the fieldwork given by the interviewees especially in the urban environments, are addressed the concern of whether a woman well-educated, and the current family law is has been rendered the opportunity to voice not in accordance with the women’s socially her claim. The interviewees also noted that changing conditions. On the other hand, the male hegemonic framework of the court marital life in the form of white marriage was a factor that influenced women’s trust would make many problems for women in the family justice system. The framework and young girls in the current social context of court and the settled hierarchy may cause of Iran. women to feel fragile and discrimination. ‘Shiva’, a 36-year-old woman, holds a CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS high school diploma and has no job; she is This study aimed to examine what kinds of economically dependent on her father now; obstacles are present for Iranian women so before her divorce, she was dependent on that they can access family justice. The case her husband. She said: ‘My ex-husband study and the interviews showed that wider, had claimed divorce and the judge issued more complex factors have an impact on the the order in favour of him. Before divorce, identity and development of individuals. I only lived with him for the sake of our The results further revealed the fact that an children but when a man claims divorce, the individual can be greatly shaped by his or woman can do nothing about it. Now, I just her wider environment to the point where came to the family court to pursue my dowry he/she would not seek help for accessing and alimony cases. The divorce order issued family justice matters, became certain by the judge is something not in my hands aspects mentioned as the main themes (legal and I cannot do anything about it.’ awareness, feminisation of poverty, cultural Within a context like this, in recent stereotype, language, and a male hegemonic years, some of the Iranian news agencies structure) discourage seeking support or 3 announced the increase of ‘white marriages’ accessing family justice. While the way an in Iran, especially in the metropolis. In individual’s environment (context) impacts his/her view towards seeking aid for Iranian women in the family justice path, the general 3White marriage is a kind of cohabitation in Iran in background of these women has no impact which the couples have no legal commitment toward on the type of support they receive from each other, but are heartfelt; the judiciary system in Iran considers it illegal as non-protected, especially some organizations or advisory centres in for women, and against the Islamic values. the family court.
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 147 - 164 (2018) 159 Five main themes (Figure 1) as obstacles that prevent Iranian women from accessing Mehri Bahar, Fatemeh Hamedanian, Mohammad Farajiha and Tooba Shakeri Golpaygani family justice were emerged through the interviews and their outcome on women’s Five main themes (Figure 1) as about legal organizations, procedures, and obstaclesexperiences that prevent in theIranian family women justice from responsibilities path. First, tothe which lack they of canadequate refer to legal awareness is a problem accessingof access family to justice family were jusemergedtice. Almsettleost their alllegal womenissues. So, theirknow awareness little about legal organizations, through the interviews and their outcome of their rights could not be converted into onprocedures, women’s experiences and responsibilities in the family legalto which actions, theybecause can they refer are not to awaresettle their legal issues. So, their justice path. First, the lack of adequate of how they should use the family justice legalawareness awareness ofis a their problem rights of access could to notsystem. be converted into legal actions, because they are not aware familyof how justice. they Almost should all women use know the littlefamily justice system.
Figure 1. Main barriers of Iranian women access to family justice
TheFigure language 1. Main barrier barriers is one of of the Iranian things the women a given access context. to family These justicestereotypes in Iran’s interviewee women frequently mentioned family courts have appeared mostly in the in their answers to the researcher’s judges’ views, especially in the process of questions. AlmostThe language all of them barrierreferred tois onecase of sentencing. the things Many the women interviewee interviewees women frequently mentioned the humiliating language used by the court said that both the judge and the court staff personnelin their or judges.answers Besides to thethis language,researcher’s did not questions. understand Almost them. Many all ofof these them referred to the humiliating there are other issues arising from cultural judges see the men as the breadwinners, context;language the complexity used by of the legal court technical personnel and the womenor judges. should Besidesobey their husbandsthis language, there are other issues languagearising completely from cultural confuses many context; women the because complexity they provide of legal financial technical needs. language completely confuses in the family court. Many women, who have Unfortunately, this view is the reason financialmany difficulties,women inwould the provide family the court.of much Many domestic women, violence who occurring have in financial difficulties, would attorney fees with the help of their families different Iranian families. becauseprovide of this the legal attorney technical fees language with theFeminization help of oftheir poverty families is a remarkable bec ause of this legal technical issue.language issue. problem related to women’s access to family Cultural stereotypes comprise a certain justice in Iran. There are many educated view based Culturalon the way stereotypes in which gender comprise women, aeven certain more than view men based in some onareas, the way in which gender roles roles are defined by a certain community in in Iran, but there is no special mechanism for are defined by a certain community in a given context. These stereotypes in Iran’s family 160courts have appearedPertanika J. mostlySoc. Sci. & Hum. in 26 (T):the 147 - 164judges’ (2018) views, especially in the process of case sentencing. Many women interviewees said that both the judge and the court staff did not understand them. Many of these judges see the men as the breadwinners, and the women should obey their husbands because they provide financial needs. Unfortunately, this view is the reason of much domestic violence occurring in different Iranian families. Feminization of poverty is a remarkable problem related to women’s access to family justice in Iran. There are many educated women, even more than men in some areas, in Iran, but there is no special mechanism for equal and supportive employment of women in the
18
Women’s Access to Family Justice in Iran equal and supportive employment of women 1), as a main mentally severe problem for in the society and law. So approximately 75- women who are barred from any action 80% of the governmental jobs are occupied to achieve their rights and access family by men, and women can only contribute to justice. The lack of access to justice itself 20%. As mentioned above, many women- in a cyclic manner would result in a wider headed households suffer from poverty more range of problems in both personal and than their male counterparts. On this path, marital life. high legal fees represent another barrier The data retrieved through fieldwork facing women’s access to family justice. also declare that Iranian women’s High cost of court fees could be another understanding of the justice system includes obstacle for women finding justice. Women depriving feelings and unmet demands. To who are unable to pay the fees might meet these demands and empower Iranian bow to the inevitable by giving up their women, it is essential to adopt and apply rights. Also, long waiting time given to a gender-sensitive approach both in law- women for opportunity to present their making processes and administration. In the case in court can cause them to lose faith law-making process, preserving a gender in justice system. Often families intervene sensitive approach for anti-discrimination and try to solve the problem by passing the and making, adopting, and performing laws court. Enhancement of human resources in accordance with this approach will sweep and number of courthouses, judges, and a main obstacle to women’s access to family prosecutors adjudicating family disputes justice. will settle this problem caused by the high The present research results present workload. a number of absorbing views into the A male hegemonic structure and many understandings of Iranian women of access different obstacles within the procedural to family justice. However, like any study justice and sociocultural and cultural about such a complicated subject, there exist matters, play a more important role in a number of limitations, and it is crucial preventing women’s access to family justice to identify these limitations and to make in Iran. As current study has shown, despite recommendations for future study. This written approved law in family matters, it is research has also its limitations in terms of already observed that, notwithstanding the methodological framework and application. protection provided by the law, women’s The interviews were limited by use of a non- access to family justice in many different random sample. They were carried out in positions, has been ignored. two main distracts of Tehran Family Court These obstacles and barriers will lead to with an almost small population. Subsequent a reduction of Iranian women’s self-esteem research about women’s understandings within the society’s different spheres. This of access to family justice should overlay decrease causes a fragile agency (Figure different cities in Iran. Furthermore, the
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 147 - 164 (2018) 161 Mehri Bahar, Fatemeh Hamedanian, Mohammad Farajiha and Tooba Shakeri Golpaygani questions in the interviews were arranged Canadian Bar Association. (1992). Report of the based on the researchers’ knowledge of the Canadian Bar Association Task Force on legal existing issues about legal empowerment literacy. Ottawa. and access to family justice literature. So, it Chew, P. (2014). Language choice and religious is fair to say that the result of this paper may identities. International Journal of the Sociology reflect the interests and the concerns of the of Language, 229(2014), 49-65. researchers as much as the interests and the Collier, R. (2010). Masculinities, law, and personal concerns of the respondents. Nonetheless, life. Harvard Journal of Law and Gender, the interpretations demonstrated based on XXXIII/2, 431-475. the items came out from the interviewees’ Connell, R. (2005). Masculinities. University of answers seem to sufficiently indicate that the California Press. results of this study reflect the respondents’ Curzan, A. (2003). Gender shifts in the history of views. English. Cambridge University Press. Ultimately, the previous study is the D’Cruz, H., & Jones, M. (2004). Social work research: next study question, and this study is no Ethical and political contexts. Sage. exception. It is only one of the early efforts Derrida, J. (1978). Writing and difference. University to explore the main barriers of access to of Chicago Press. family justice from the users’ view in Iran. Donaldson, M. (1993). What is Hegemonic For instance, this study has not covered Masculinity? In theory and society. Springer, the extent to which minorities or defendant 22(5), 643-657. or prisoner women have access to family Eekelaar, J., & Maclean, M. (2013). Family justice: justice. In addition, study would also be the work of family judges in uncertain times. needed to present more up-to-date data Oxford and Portland, Oregon. in relation to these issues in Iran. Taking Fourotan, Y. (2014). Male hegemonic socialization to account the lack of literature regarding in Iran. Development Social Studies Quarterly access to family justice from the different Journal, 4(spring). Islamic perspectives, it would also be of Hough, M., & Roberts, J. (2005). Understanding great concern to examine how various public attitudes to criminal justice. McGraw-Hill schools of thought reflect on such a subject. Education (UK).
Kramsch, C. (1998). Language and culture. Oxford REFERENCES University Press. American Bar Association, Commission on Public Maclean, M., Eekelaar, J., & Bastard, B. (2016). Understanding about the Law. (1989). Legal Delivering family justice in the 21st century. literacy survey summary. Chicago: American Oxford and Portland, Oregon. Bar Association. Mahoozi, H. (2015). Gender and spatial disparity Bryman, A. (2012). Social research methods (4th ed.). of multidimensional poverty in Iran. Oxford Oxford: Oxford University Press. Poverty and Human Development Initiative, University of Oxford.
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Maranlou, S. (2015). Access to justice in Iran: women, Sniezek, J. A., & Jazwinksi, C. H. (1989). Gender bias perceptions, and reality. Cambridge University in English: in search of fair language. Journal of Press. Applied Social Psychology, 616-660.
Martin, J. N., & Nakayama, T. K. (2010). Intercultural The Statistics of the National Organization for Civil communication in contexts. McGraw-Hill. Registration in Iran. (2015). Retrieved from http:// www.sabteahval.ir/default.aspx?tabid=4756 Morris, J. R. (1999). Women’s access to legal services: women’s access to justice (Vol. 1). Law Van den Bos, K., & Miedema, J. (2000). Toward Commission. understanding why fairness matters: The influence of mortality salience on reactions to Okin, S. M. (1989). Justice, gender, and the family procedural fairness. Journal of Personality and (Vol. 171). New York: Basic books. Social Psychology, 79(3), 355-366. Rhode, D. L. (2004). Access to justice. Oxford Wan, A. J. (2014). Producing good citizens: literacy University Press. training in anxious times. University of Robson, C. (2002). Real world research (2nd ed.). Pittsburgh Press. Chiswick: Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Weedon, C. (1987). Feminist practice and Saldana, J. (2013). The coding manual for qualitative poststructuralist theory. B. Blackwell. researches (1st ed.). London: SAGE Publications Williams, R. (1963). Culture and society. Ltd. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Sandefur, R. L. (2009). Access to justice: Classical Williams, R. (2009). The analysis of culture. In approaches and new directions. Sociology Crime J. Storey (Ed.), Cultural theory and popular Law Deviance, 12, ix-xvii. culture: A reader (4th ed.). Harlow: Pearson Singer, J. B. (2009). Dispute resolution and the Education. postdivorce family: Implications of a paradigm shift. Family Court Review, 47(3), 363-370.
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SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES
Journal homepage: http://www.pertanika.upm.edu.my/
Religiousness and the Impact of Education on It in Iran
Hooshang Nayebi* and Taghi Azadarmaki Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, Tehran University, Ale-Ahmad Ave., P.O. Box: 14395-773, Tehran, Iran
ABSTRACT This article shows, as Peter Berger’s desecularisation theory indicates, that the contemporary world is mainly religious as much as it was in the past, and although pluralisation somewhat loosens religious beliefs, people are largely religious. On a probability sample of a national survey in Iran, we show that Iranian’s people are mainly religious. However, they are not very comment to religious behaviours, especially in treatment with others and the affairs of everyday life. Also, education has a negative, but minor impact on individuals’ religiousness. However, it exerts a more impact on other dimensions of religious life, religious tolerance, and secularisation of individuals.
Keywords: Education, individual secularisation, pluralisation, religiousness, religious tolerance
INTRODUCTION Emile Durkheim, in The Elementary Forms Religion is a fundamental aspect of social of Religious Life (1912), highlighted the life and the classical theorists of sociology social function of religion and its role in have generally emphasised the importance bringing social cohesion. Max Weber, of religion in society. August Comte (1849) in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of tried to create a positivistic religion (religion Capitalism (1985), emphasised on the role of humanity) for modern society to fulfil the of religion in the rise of modern industry cohesive function of traditional religion. and capitalist economy. However, the classical theorists of sociology explicitly or implicitly saw the declining importance of religion in modern society. For Max ARTICLE INFO Article history: Weber, the major specificities of modern Received: 18 October 2017 society is rational action towards the target Accepted: 01 February 2018
E-mail addresses: that implies a reduction in traditional action [email protected] (Hooshang Nayebi) and value-oriented rational action, as vital [email protected] (Taghi Azadarmaki) * Corresponding author features of religion. Durkheim’s emphasis
ISSN: 0128-7702 © Universiti Putra Malaysia Press Hooshang Nayebi and Taghi Azadarmaki on the development of science in organic Sociological Theory of Religion (1967), in societies implies the decline of religion the realm of religion. Berger presented his in modern society. According to him, secularisation theory in this book. According religion is not only a system of behaviours to him, there is an intrinsic link between and actions but also a system of ideas and modernisation and secularisation that means beliefs whose aim is to express the world the former does necessarily lead to the latter. and scientific thinking and is, thus, evolved However, religious movements in into religious thinking. Therefore, scientific the closing three decades of the twentieth thinking takes the place of religious thought: century, including the Islamic Revolution, “Hence, it seems natural that religion should Solidarity in Poland, the Church’s support lose ground as science becomes better at of Revolutionaries Sandys in Nicaragua, performing its task” (Durkheim, 1995, pp. and elsewhere in Latin America, are a 427-428). reincarnation of religion, challenging The assumed decline of religion arose secularisation theory. As a result, a new centuries ago, in the Enlightenment, when it theory under “desecularisation” appeared was thought that the development of science (Casanova, 1994). Again, one of the most replaced the supernatural (religious) with prominent theorists of desecularisation is the scientific (natural). However, it was in Berger, who revised his previous opinions 1950s and 1960s that the idea of religion and saw secularisation theory was wrong. declined, as the theory of secularisation Now he believes the modern world is as attracted theorists’ attention. The most religious as it used to be. famous of such theorists is Peter Berger, Therefore, given the importance of the one of the major figures in the sociology relationship between modernisation and of religion. Some writers (for example, religion in sociology, this paper seeks to Woodhead, 2001) recognise him as one of answer the questions of how religious Iran’s the sociologists who have contributed the society is and whether education has a role, most in the theoretical study of religion. as a representative of modernisation, in the Berger’s theoretical ideas were formed in his secularisation of people. The authors have early work in the 1960s, especially in The tried to derive appropriate assumptions Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise from Berger’s theories (secularisation and in the Sociology of Knowledge (Berger & desecularisation) and test the empirical credit Luckmann, 1966), which is a canonical of the authors’ theoretical response to these work of the sociology of knowledge. It questions in Iran, which has experienced explores the relation between beliefs and modernisation, especially with the spread social reality. He developed his ideas in his of public education and higher education later work, Sacred Canopy: Element of a for several decades.
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LITERATURE REVIEW number of individuals who look upon the world and their own lives without recourse Secularisation Theory to religious interpretations (ibid). Berger defines secularisation as the process Berger sees the modern economy, of separating the sectors of society from industrial capitalism, as the main cause of the dominance of religious institutions and secularisation. Hence, different segments symbols (Pfadenhauer, 2013). Secularisation of modern society, based on their closeness in the history of the modern West is the to or remoteness from the process of separation of fields that had previously secularisation, are affected differently. Very been dominated by the Christian church, secular segments emerge in the immediate including the separation of state from vicinity of these processes. In other words, church, confiscation of church lands, and the modern industrial society has created separation of education from religion. a central sector that is free from the realm Berger sees secularisation as a wide process of religion. Secularisation has expanded which influences all cultural life and is from this sector to influence other social the unpopularity of religious themes in sectors (Berger, 1967). Thus, even though arts, philosophy, literature, and, above secularisation is the general phenomenon all, sees it as the emergence of science as of modern societies, it does not distribute an independent and completely secular uniformity within society and affects worldview (Berger, 1967). different groups differently. For example, Berger argues that secularisation the impact of secularisation is greater on includes not only the social institutes and men than women, on middle-aged people cultural spheres, but also the minds of than the very young and very old, on people: “Secularisation is … a decline in urban than the rural, on the classes that religion both in society and in the minds deal directly with the modern industrial of individuals” (Pfadenhauer, 2013, p. 56). production (especially working class) than Thus, secularisation has two interrelated traditional occupations groups (such as dominations: (1) institutional secularisation artisans or small shopkeepers), and on the (or, in Berger’s terms, social structural Protestants than the Jews and the Catholics, secularisation), which means the removal etc (ibid). of religion from the realm of public In Berger’s view, another key factor institutions; and (2) individual secularisation in the secularisation of individuals (or, in Berger’s phrase, secularisation of (secularisation of minds) is pluralisation. consciousness), which means individuals He argues that throughout much of human not resorting to the interpretation of religion history, religious organisation has had a in their behaviour and thought. According to monopoly over legitimising individual Berger, the modern West has raised growing and collective lives. Religious institutions
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 165 - 178 (2018) 167 Hooshang Nayebi and Taghi Azadarmaki defined the world, and going out of this logic of the market economy. Pluralisation religiously defined world was stepping changes the relationship between religious into chaotic darkness, anomalies, and institutions in line with ecumenical and possibly madness, on the one hand, and interfaith tolerance (Berger, 2014). deserved harsh punishment, on the other Pluralisation makes previously hand. However, Modern life is segmented monopolising religious groups become and this segmentation and pluralisation not competitive marketing firms. Previously, only is on the level of social conduct, but religious groups were organised, so they had also on the level of consciousness (Berger, control over their followers. However, now 1974). According to Berger, the pluralisation religious groups must organise themselves in of social life-worlds has grave effects on competition with other groups that have the religiousness. Now, different parts of social same goal to attract people. Success in this life are under a different semantic system competitive situation involves rationalisation and it is difficult for religious institutions and bureaucratisation of religious structures. to have a single meaning for this plurality Expansion of bureaucratic structures in the of social life. Moreover, the subjective religious institution makes all religious consciousness of the individual threatens institutions, regardless of their different the plausibility of religious definitions of faith traditions, socially like each other. reality, too (Berger, 1974). Pluralisation This pluralisation in a religious market forces individuals to recognise others with situation requires increasingly friendly different meanings, values, and beliefs. cooperation between religious groups. The Thus, pluralisation causes the secularization affinity causes religious rivals to no longer of society and minds (Berger, 1974). be considered “enemy”, but peers with The main feature of all pluralist shared issues. Pluralisation makes religious situations is that religious institutions institutions lose earlier monopoly privileges. cannot take the loyalty of the people for Now, they have to compete without use granted any more. Loyalty is voluntary of coercion. There are pressures toward and, therefore, less certain itself. Thus, restricting the competition, which makes religious tradition that was already firmly a degree of cooperation practical (Berger, imposed should be marketed. The religious 2014). tradition must be levied onto individuals Thus, in everyday life, the individuals who are no longer programmed to bear it. subjectively tend towards uncertainty about Particularly, the pluralist situation is the religious affairs, because in everyday life “market situation”. In this situation, the they are objectively exposed to a wide religious institutions become marketing variety of religious and other factors, which institutions and religious traditions become define reality and compete with their loyalty consumer commodities. In this situation, or, at least, their attention, and none of these any type of religious activity is subject to the factors can make them loyal (Woodhead
168 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 165 - 178 (2018) Religiousness and the Impact of Education on It in Iran et al., 2001). In short, pluralisation, as the precisely that this main idea that was wrong. infant of modernisation, inevitably leads Certainly, modernity has some secularising to subjective secularisation (individual effects, but it has also led to powerful secularisation). movements of counter-secularisation. Secularisation on the societal level is not Desecularisation Theory necessarily leading to secularisation on the level of minds (Berger, 2013). Beginning in 1974, Berger began to doubt According to Berger, a main reason the secularisation theory and came to for desecularisation is that modernity believe that many observers of the religious usually undermines the taken-for-granted scene have over-estimated the degree and certainties. This is not pleasant to many irreversibility of secularisation (ibid). Bruce and is not tolerable for some, and religious stated conservative and evangelical church movements that claim to give certainty have growth in the United States, the decline a lot of charm for these people” (ibid). of the liberal church, the continued trend Berger holds two exceptions for of religion in western countries, and the desecularisation. First, is Europe, especially continued existence of religion in the rest of Western Europe, where, the old secularisation the world as reasons for this doubt (Bruce, theory would hold (Berger, 2013). Second, 2001). In the late 1990s, Berger came to is an internationally secular subculture completely reject the secularisation theory which is carried out by the western-educated and recognized the biggest mistake of those as a main carrier of progressive values who worked in this field in 1960s to be that and beliefs, and enlightenment ideas. This they thought the modernity inevitably to subculture includes the progressive beliefs result from weakening of religion (ibid). and values of Enlightened. The number of Berger rejected the secularisation theory its bearers is small, but they are strongly under the discussion of the desecularisation influential. They control the institutions of the world (Berger, 1999). He discarded which determine the official definitions of the notion that living in a secular world reality, especially the educational system, is unsound: “most of the world today is the media of mass communication and the as religious as ever it was, and in a good legal system (Berger, 2013). many locales, more religious than ever” However, Berger continues to (Woodhead et al., 2001, p. 91). Now, Berger stress the influence of pluralisation on argues that although the term “secularisation the secularisation of individuals, albeit theory” related to the works of 1950s and with some modifications. According 1960s, in fact, the basic idea of this theory to Berger, modernisation has created can be found in the Enlightenment with very heterogeneous societies and great this simple idea that “Modernisation does intercultural mutations that together make necessarily lead to decline of religion both the two factors in the line of pluralisation in society and in the minds of people”, and
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 165 - 178 (2018) 169 Hooshang Nayebi and Taghi Azadarmaki and not the line of establishing (or re- 2014, p. 53). In short, people generally establishing) religious monopoly (Berger, have religious beliefs, but they are secular 1999). He recognises that this was wrong in daily life. Some, such as Warner (1993), about secularisation but was not wrong acknowledged that, today, Berger’s theory about pluralisation. According to him, about the relationship between pluralisation pluralisation does not necessarily lead and religion is such a central issue in the to individuals’ secularisation, but it does community of religion that it has become a undermine all religious certainties, as it does new paradigm in the sociology of religion. in other areas of life (Woodhead, 2001). Later, Berger (2014) came to concede Hypotheses that the secularisation theorists are not quite Based on the later Berger’s idea as wrong as he previously thought: ‘I now (desecularisation) which holds most of the understand more fully the global reality of world today is as religious as ever it was, the secular discourse, not just in Europe the authors conclude that religiousness and in faculty clubs all over the world, is prevalent in Iran’s society (First but in the lives of many ordinary believers hypothesis). In other words, the authors who succeed in being both secular and expect that the vast majority of Iranian religious” (Berger, 2014, p. 20). Berger sees people are religious. In fact, in a non- some of the main processes of modernity European society like Iran, there is not (industrialisation, urbanisation, migration, a strong force such as Enlightenment education) move religion out of much of the subculture that can struggle religious beliefs institutional order (Berger, 2014). Also, he and weaken it. Therefore, people generally argues that pluralism undermines the taken- are religious. for-grantedness of religion (Ibid). From Berger’s argument on the Berger believes modernity produces a expansion of pluralisation in contemporary secular discourse, which compels people societies and that people are faced with a to deal with many areas of life without wide variety of religions and other factors reference to religious definitions of reality that define human realities in everyday (ibid). This discourse exists both in the minds life leading to uncertainty about religious of individuals who deal with everyday world affairs, it could be concluded that people do without any supernatural presuppositions not have very strong commitment to follow and in the society. The implication of this religious instructions and duties or neglect for individuals is simple and very important: to. In other words, people’s commitment to “For most religious believers, faith and practice religious rulings, duties, and rites secularity are not mutually exclusive modes is not very strong (Second hypothesis). of attending to reality; it is not a matter of Again, based on the above reasoning, either/or, but rather of both/and (Berger, the authors expect that people tolerate
170 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 165 - 178 (2018) Religiousness and the Impact of Education on It in Iran perceived non-religious subjects or acts. stage, individuals have been selected by This means, non-religious actions and random sampling from the selected blocks. non-religious people are tolerated. In other As is manifest based on the hypotheses, words, religious tolerance is prevalent in the authors’ discussion about secularisation Iran’s society (Third hypothesis), too. in this article is limited to the subjective From Berger’s argument that science is dimension of it; that is, secularisation a completely secular view of the world, and of individuals, not the institutional his emphasis on the existence of a secular secularisation, which is a vast subject area. culture in the world among those with high Following Berger’s argument, the authors education, the authors expect that people define subjective (individual) secularisation with higher education are less religious. In as the abandonment of religious rulings, other words, there is an inverse relationship duties, and rites in treating with people and between education and religiousness issues (for different definitions of secularism (Fourth hypothesis). However, it is a and the history of its use (Robertson, 1970). weak one, because, as mentioned above, In this article, religiousness and other there are not any variables with strong variables are measured by single items inverse relationship with religiousness. or indicators consisting of several items. Also, it could be expected there to be an Religiousness is measured by this simple inverse relationship between education and self-assessment statement: “How religious commitment to practice religious duties are you?” with these options as its answer: and rites. Furthermore, based on above not at all, little, somehow, very, and very reasoning, the authors expect there to be a much. direct relationship between education and Commitment to practice religious religious tolerance. rulings, duties, and rites has two indicators: obligatory prayers and participation in METHODS religious rituals. Obligatory prayer (Namaz) To test the hypotheses, the authors did a is required from every Muslim that needs secondary analysis of a survey, “Values to be performed along a special ritual five and Attitudes of Iranians”, which is a times a day. This variable is measured national survey based on a large probability by this self-assessment statement: “Have multistage cluster sample on the 15-65-year- you prayed regularly during the past old people who lived in the capital cities of year?” with these options as its answer: the Iran provinces. In that sampling, in the never, seldom, sometimes, most often, and first stage, the blocks have been selected by always. Religious rituals are measured random sampling proportional to the size by an indicator includes variables which (population) of each block and in the second are participation in Muharram (Tasua and
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 165 - 178 (2018) 171 Hooshang Nayebi and Taghi Azadarmaki
Ashura) rites, in the religious ceremonials RESULTS (Hey’ats), and other rites. Religiousness Religious tolerance is measured by two indicators, too: tolerance toward non- Table 1 indicates that the vast majority religious behaviours and secular attitudes. of people are religious (they consider The first indicator is composed of four items: themselves religious) and only a little bit “how do you encounter with an unveiled (1.4%) consider themselves not religious at lady (Bad Hejab)?”, “how with friendship all. However, religiousness does not have between boys and girls? “, “how with mixed a uniform distribution, and the majority party?”, and “how with the strip and illegal (58.9%) of people consider themselves movies?” with five options: (1) I intervene, somewhat religious, although nearly one- (2) I report to police, (3) I warn, (4) I am third (29.2%) consider themselves very or opposed to but do not intervene, and (5) very much religious. never mind. The indicator scores range from This data shows that religiousness 1 (low tolerance) to 5 (high tolerance). The is common among people and only very indicator of secular attitudes is composed small proportions among them are secular. of four questions, requesting a response This finding confirms the first hypothesis regarding the opinion about each phrase: that “religiousness is prevalent in Iran’s “we must not associate with who is non- society”. In other words, the vast majority religious”, “the religious affiliation must of people in Iran are religious, although not not be considered in employment”, “secular very religious. individuals must not be at high position” and “we must prevent non-religious books Table 1 and movies.” The indicator scores range Distribution of religiousness from 1 (non-secular attitude) to 5 (secular Religiousness Frequency Percent attitude). These variables are mainly at the Not at all 65 1.4 ordinal level, but are considered interval Little 476 10.4 to calculate the average of a set of them Somehow 2698 59.0 as an indicator of the concepts within this Very 1080 23.6 research (this is acknowledged by experts; Very much 257 5.6 Total 4576 100.0 for example, Borgatta & Bohrnstedt, 1980, pp. 155-160). These indicators construct a continuum from the very religious to non- Commitment to Practice Religious religious (or secular). (Discussion about the Rulings, Duties, and Rites dimensions of religion and its operational Obligatory prayer, which is the most aspects is one of the topics in the field of important religious obligation in Islam, is sociology of religion; for example, see also largely prevalent among people. Table Glock & Stark, 1965).
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2 shows that more than two quarters (43.5%) duties, and rites is not very strong) is of people say they pray regularly, although somewhat confirmed. nearly a third (30.5%) of people prays sometimes, seldom, or never. Religious Table 2 rituals is rather common among people Distribution of obligatory pray (Figure 1), although its publicity is less than Obligatory pray Frequency Percent that of the obligatory duties. In general, Never 239 5.3 these two indicators show that people are not Seldom 345 7.6 strongly committed to religious practices, Sometimes 802 17.6 especially religious rituals. Therefore, it Most often 1186 26.1 can be concluded that the second hypothesis Always 1979 43.5 (commitment to practice religious rulings, Total 4551 100.0
Figure 1. HistogramFigure of religious 1. Histo ritualsgram of religious rituals
Religious ToleranceReligious Tolerance 3 shows that the secular attitude is relatively common among people. Thus, these findings The two indicatorsThe two of indicators religious of tolerancereligious tolerance suggest the prevalent of it confirm our Third hypothesis, that religious suggest the prevalentamong Iranian'sof it among people. Iranian’s Figure 2 indicates a broad tolerance with non- people. Figure 2 indicates a broad tolerance tolerance is prevalent in Iran’s society. religious behaviours. Also, figure 3 shows that the secular attitude is with non-religious behaviours. Also, figure relatively common among people. Thus, these findings confirm our Third hypothesis, that religious tolerance is prevalent in Iran's society.
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Hooshang Nayebi and Taghi Azadarmaki
Figure 2. Histogram of tolerance toward non-religious behaviours Figure 2. Histogram of tolerance toward non-religious behaviours
Figure 3. Histogram of secular attitudes Figure 3. Histogram of secular attitudes
Religiousness Religiousnessand Education and Education increasing18 education, the religiousness decreases. Also, here is seen the inverse As Table 3 shows,As Table there 3 shows, is a there negative is a negative correlation between religiousness correlation between religiousness and relation between religious practices and and education (r = -.172). This means that with increasing education, the education (r = -.172). This means that with education (r = -.100), which means that religiousness decreases. Also, herewith is seen increasing the inverse education, relation between the level of religious practices and education (r = -.100), which means that with 174 increasing education,Pertanika J. Soc.the Sci.level & Hum. of 26 (T):commitment 165 - 178 (2018) to religious duties decreases. Again, as expected, there is a reversed correlation between the religious rituals and education (r = -.114). These findings confirm forth hypothesis, "religiousness has an inverse relation with education". Education plays a role, however small, in the secularisation of people.
19
Religiousness and the Impact of Education on It in Iran commitment to religious duties decreases. confirm forth hypothesis, “religiousness Again, as expected, there is a reversed has an inverse relation with education”. correlation between the religious rituals Education plays a role, however small, in and education (r = -.114). These findings the secularisation of people.
Table 3 Correlation between education and other variables
Variable Religiousness Obligatory pray Ritual Tolerance Secular Attitude Education -.172 -.100 -.114 .168 .239 N 4576 4539 4565 4539 4556 Note: All Correlations are significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed)
On the other hand, as seen in Table 3, there is are confronted with different religions and a positive correlation between education and perspectives. tolerance toward non-religious behaviours This leads to unreliability in religious and secular attitudes (r = .168), as well as affairs, and inevitably, people do not resort between education and secular attitudes to religious interpretations in their everyday (r = .239). This means, as expected, that lives and tends to deal with many issues by education plays a role in religious tolerance a secular approach. and secularisation of people. Anyway, the general prevailing religious beliefs among people generally DISCUSSION prevent social variables from playing a The findings of this study indicate that the role in religiousness, with the exemption of Iranian people mostly believe in religion. education. The findings show that education This is just according to Burger’s argument has an inverse relation, though weak, that the people of the world are generally with religiousness and a direct relation religious. The religious beliefs are prevalent with religious tolerance in Iran. These among the Iranian people, because in Iran, correlations are also in line with Berger’s like most of non-European societies, there view that there is an internationally secular is not a strong force such as Enlightenment subculture which is carried out by the subculture to struggle with religious beliefs. western-educated proportions of population. However, religious tolerance is prevalent He sees education as one of the main among Iranians, too. People mostly tolerate processes of modernity forcing religion non-religious behaviours. Also, secular out of much of the institutional order. The attitudes are relatively common among empirical researches confirm this sort of people. These findings are in line with correlation, too. For example, James Leuba Berger’s pluralism theory which argues (1916; 1934) shows in the early twentieth that modernity leads to pluralism as people century that scientists have less religious
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 165 - 178 (2018) 175 Hooshang Nayebi and Taghi Azadarmaki beliefs than ordinary people and the gap religious, and just under a third of people will grow over time. Larson and Witham consider themselves very religious. (1998) show that almost all leading natural Modernity may not necessarily lead scientists are atheist. Ecklund and Scheitle to secularisation, but it ends the religious (2007) show that academics in the natural monopoly and leads to pluralisation in and social sciences are less religious than contemporary societies the consequence of general public. Pahlevan Sharif and Ong which is religious tolerance (less adherence (2018) show that education weakens the to those beliefs and rituals). The empirical relationship between spirituality and the data show that religious practice (duties quality of life and stress. and rituals) is common among people, but not as highly as before. Instead, tolerance CONCLUSION is generally accepted in dealing with The idea of the decline of religion is traced seemingly non-religious behaviours. back to the Enlightenment, when it is Moreover, since science is a purely thought the spread of science makes the secular view and there is a secular scientific (natural) replace the supernatural international subculture among a small (religious). By the 1950s and 1960s, this group of the educated around the world, idea evolved into secularisation theory, the authors speculate that education makes which claimed that modernity necessarily people rather secular. Again, the findings leads to secularisation, a process by which support this hypothesis. On the one hand, sectors of society and culture are released religion is related inversely to education: from the domination of religious institutions religiousness decreases with the increase and meanings. Secularisation is a decline in in education. Also, the generalisation religion in the minds of individuals, which of religious practices has an inverse means that individuals do not resort to the relationship with education. On the other interpretation of religion for their behaviour hand, religious tolerance (tolerance in and thoughts. dealing with seemingly non-religious social However, some decades later, and behaviours as well as people) is directly following the rise of religious movements related to education as religious tolerance around the world, the theory of increases with the increase in education. desecularisation emerged, holding that the However, in all cases, the role of contemporary world, with few exceptions education in undermining religious (a tiny layer of educated Western Europe orientations and creating secular attitudes and worldwide) is as religious as it was among people is minor. As a result, it can in the past. The experimental data on be said that education has a role in the Iran informs this view: almost all people secularisation of minds, but this role is not recognise themselves as religious, although great. most people consider themselves somewhat
176 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 165 - 178 (2018) Religiousness and the Impact of Education on It in Iran
REFERENCES Durkheim, E. (1995 [1912]). The elementary forms of religious life (K. E. Fields, Trans.). The Free Berger, P. L. (1967). Sacred canopy: Element of Press. a sociological theory of religion. New York: Doubleday. Ecklund, E. H., & Scheitle, C. P. (2007). Religion among academic scientists: distinctions, Berger, P. L. (1974). Religion in a revolutionary disciplines, and demographics. Social Problems, society. Washington, D. C: American Enterprise 54(2), 289-307. Institute for Public Policy Research. Glock, C. Y., & Rodney S. (1965). Religion and Berger, P. L. (1999). The desecularization of the society in tension. Chicago: Rand McNally & world: a global overview. In P. L. Berger (Ed.), Company. The desecularization of the world: resurgent religion and world politics. Washington, D. C: Larson, E. J., & Witham, L. (1998). Leading scientists Ethic and Public Policy Center. still reject God. Nature, 394(6691), 313.
Berger, P. L. (2013). The desecularization of the Leuba, J. (1916). The belief in God and immortality: world: A global overview. In M. Pfadenhauer A psychological, anthropological, and statistical (Ed.), The new sociology of knowledge: the life study. Boston: Sherman, French, and Company. and work of Peter L. Berger (M. Geoghegan, Leuba, J. H. (1934). Religious beliefs of American Trans.). Transaction Publishers. scientists. Harper’s Magazine, 169(8), 291-300. Berger, P. L. (2014). The many altars of modernity: Pahlevan Sharif, S., & Ong, F. S. (2018). Education toward a paradigm for religion in a pluralist age. moderates the relationship between spirituality Boston: Walter de Gruyter. with quality of life and stress among Malay Berger, P. L., & Luckmann, T. (1966). The social Muslim women with breast cancer. Journal of construction of reality: A treatise in sociology religion and health. doi: 10.1007/s10943-018- of knowledge. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books. 0587-1
Borgatta, E. F., & Bohrnstedt, G. W. (1980). Levels Pfadenhauer, M. (2013). The new sociology of of measurement: once over again. Sociological knowledge: The life and work of Peter L. Berger Methods and Research, 9(2), 147-160. (M. Geoghegan, Trans.). Transaction Publishers.
Bruce, S. (2001). The curious of the unnecessary Robertson, R. (1970). The sociological interpretation recantation: Berger and secularization. In L. of religion. Oxford: Blackwell. Woodhead, P. Heelas & D. Martin (Eds.), Peter Warner, R. S. (1993). Work in progress towards new Berger and the study of religion. New York: paradigm for the sociological study of religion Routledge. in the United States. American Journal of Casanova, J. (1994). Public religions in the modern Sociology, 98(5), 1044-1093. world. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Weber, M. (1985 [1905]). The protestant ethic and the Comte, A. (1849). Discours sur l’ensemble du spirit of capitalism. London: Unwin. positivisme. Paris: Mathias; reprinted, Paris: Woodhead, L., Heelas, P., & Martin, D. (Eds.) (2001). Garnier Freres, 1998. Translated as: General Peter Berger and the study of religion. New York: View of Positivism, London: Trubner, 1865. Routledge.
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Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 179 - 196 (2018)
SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES
Journal homepage: http://www.pertanika.upm.edu.my/
Altruism among Iranian Families a Trend Study in Tehran
Saeedeh Amini Department of Sociology, Allameh Tabataba’i University, Dehkade-ye Olampik, West Hemmat Highway, Tehran, Iran
ABSTRACT Altruism is a voluntary action aiming to help others without reward expectation. In this type of action, the individual cares for others’ interests rather than those of his own. This type of behaviour that goes beyond social norms falls into the sphere of morality. The frequency of such actions in society promises ethical behaviour. In this regard, the role of the family as one of the most important agents of socialisation is highlighted. This article seeks to examine altruism among the Iranian families and show its process of change over a decade (from 2005 to 2015). The findings of a longitudinal study were used to achieve this objective. This survey was done in 2005, for the first time, and was repeated in 2015, for the second time, in two developed and less developed regions of Tehran, using cluster sampling. The results show that the number of people showing altruistic actions declined by 7percent between 2005 and 2015 (from 26 percent to 19.2 percent). The number of people having high altruistic attitudes was higher in 2005 compared to 2015 (90.9 percent versus 86.6 percent). Also, the number of people with high cultural capital was more in 2005 compared to 2015. Accordingly, altruism among Tehranian citizens has declined within a decade, while the economic and social capital has slightly increased. In both surveys, there is a noteworthy relationship between social capital and altruistic attitudes with altruistic actions, specifically regarding marital status.
Keywords: Altruistic action, altruistic attitude, cultural capital, economic capital, social capital
INTRODUCTION Altruism is a voluntary action done to help others without the expectation of reciprocity ARTICLE INFO Article history: or compensation. In this type of action, the Received: 18 October 2017 Accepted: 01 February 2018 individual places the interests of others
E-mail address: before his or her own. The person who [email protected] (Saeedeh Amini) does altruistic actions goes beyond social
ISSN: 0128-7702 © Universiti Putra Malaysia Press Saeedeh Amini relations corresponding to social norms is important regardless of many motives. In and social responsibilities into the realm other words, the functions and consequences of morality. Altruistic actions can be done of altruistic actions are more important than in temporary and stable forms. In the first the motives. The presence of these actions in type, the person may have an accidental the community promises moral behaviours, altruistic action, but in the second type, he or and the lack of them is a threat to social she acquires an altruistic worldview. These order. Family is one of the institutions people create patterns, which are not based that teaches these behaviours. Family as on social norms, but on beliefs and values the primary institution of socialisation that are intrinsic to the worldview. The scope plays a key role in the development and of altruistic worldview is all humanity, not institutionalisation of moral and altruistic a small insider group. actions. Therefore, successful family life According to Rushton (1981), a increases the occurrence of such behaviours. person who has an altruistic worldview Many studies confirm the above claim internalises universal standards of justice, (Einolf, 2006; Wilson, 2000). social responsibility, moral reasoning, and Some studies indicate that married wisdom. He or she empathises with the people are more likely to perform altruistic pains of others. This gives the person an actions than singles (Einolf, 2006). This emotional and motivational perspective seems to also be true for people having to the world. He or she is motivated to do more children than those having no children things like helping the poor, providing peace (Einolf, 2006). for others, and saving others from adverse Accordingly, it is proved that the more conditions (Anderson, 1989). Based on nuclear a family, and the more people and Daniel Baston’s researches, helping others children born in the family, the higher the may have altruistic or selfish motivations probability that altruistic actions will occur. (Batson, Fultz, Vanderplas, & Isen, 1983). This paper is primarily aimed at examining Baston believes that the person who reacts to the status of altruism among married, single, others’ pain has selfish motives to alleviate and divorced or widowed Tehranian people his own pains. in the developed and underdeveloped Accordingly, altruistic actions help the regions, and explains altruism among these individual committing the actions achieve three groups. peace rather than being focused on the needy person. Archer (1981) established MATERIALS AND METHOD a link between motivation, helping others, Altruism is a voluntary action done to help and sympathy. He believes a selfish desire others without expectation of reciprocity to avoid others’ negative judgments is a or compensation. In this type of action, motivation for altruistic actions (Anderson, the individual places the interests of others 1989). However, the altruistic action itself before his or her own. The person who
180 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 179 - 196 (2018) Altruism among Iranian Families does altruistic actions goes beyond social actor theorists try to explain altruistic relations corresponding to social norms behaviour through “identification theory”, and social responsibilities into the realm of which argues that altruistic acts are rational morality. Different theoretical approaches because altruistic people identify strongly have investigated the concept of altruism with others. According to this theory, from diverse perspectives. individuals who give to others are engaging in a rational, self-interested act, as they are Sociological Approach giving to an extended version of themselves (Schervish & Havens, 2002). Rational Actor Theories Monroe (1996) offers a more Rational actor theories maintain that human sophisticated version of this, arguing that beings are profit-driven by nature. Some the single distinguishing characteristic of theorists believe that altruistic actions are altruistic individuals is a universalistic moral in fact self-interest. According to them, the perspective. Monroe states that altruistic purpose of helping others is social prestige. people view all humankind as members of Some other rational choice theorists argue their moral and social community. Whereas that people may not expect material rewards, typical individuals consider themselves but do gain internal emotional rewards by morally obligated only to help family helping; the positive feeling of emotional members and close friends, altruists consider solidarity with the helped person, and themselves to be morally obligated to help the avoidance of the emotional costs of all people. Because altruists identify all feeling pity or guilt that would come human beings as an extension of their family with not helping (Einolf, 2006). Many or their “self”, their helping behaviours are rational actor theorists argue against the a self-interested and rational action (Einolf, existence of pure altruism by pointing out 2006, p. 13). that all helping behaviours bring the helper either a material or psychological reward, Social Exchange Theories but Mansbridge (1990), working from a Social exchange theorists regard rewarding rational-actor perspective, argues that the as a form of social exchange that facilitates mere existence of some reward does not social solidarity and creates a hierarchy of render a helping behaviour non-altruistic. power. The most useful theory of gift-giving As Mansbridge points out, it would be as social exchange is that of Blau (1964), surprising indeed if helping behaviours who sees helping behaviour as a type of were not usually rewarded; since helping social exchange which both creates social behaviour is beneficial to the functioning solidarity and places an obligation upon the of a society, it is rational for societies to recipient of the help to reciprocate in the reward helping behaviour when it occurs future (Einolf, 2006). (Schervish & Havens, 2002). Some rational
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Collins and Hickman (1991), working In their book, Super Cooperators: from the standpoint of conflict theory, Altruism, Evolution, and Why We Need Each propose a similar theory of charitable action, Other to Succeed, Nowak and Highfield arguing that participation in charitable (2011) argue that cooperation was and is activities is the primary means of “status necessary for human survival. They propose legitimation” in societies that lack a single that in addition to mutation, competition, dominant religion. While the desire for and natural selection, cooperation was a prestige and power motivates some giving major player in the evolution of man. Just and helping behaviours, social exchange as humans are wired to compete, humans theory can point to another motivation are also wired to cooperate, and helping for altruistic action, that of generalised each other could therefore be something reciprocal obligation. The term “generalised human beings are driven to do. The ability reciprocal obligation” describes the feeling to cooperate is presented as a major reason that some individuals have that they are human beings were able to survive in a obligated to make a repayment for the good variety of climates and compete with a fortune that they have received in life. To variety of other species arguably more these people, assets and good fortune are physically suited to survival (Huneycutt, a blessing from God or society; since there 2013; Nowak & Highfield, 2011). Indeed, is not a possibility of compensation to the there is evidence to suggest cooperative and source of this good, they try to help others altruistic behaviour begins very early in life to compensate for this blessing indirectly and appears to be intrinsically motivated (Einolf, 2006). (Huneycutt, 2013, p. 9). Developmental psychologist Michael Biological Approach Tomasello argues that human altruistic behaviour is intrinsically motivated from Altruistic behaviour can be argued to infancy. Multiple trials observing infant originate both at the beginning of the helping behaviour found that neither the human lifespan and from the beginning of addition of tangible rewards or prompting human history (Huneycutt, 2013). Rushton from mothers increases the helping and Sorrentino (1981) define altruism as behaviours of infants, suggesting that sympathetic instincts correlated with the such behaviour is intrinsically rewarding evolutionary theory of Charles Darwin. (Huneycutt, 2013). Darwin’s theory “proposed that humans According to some theorists, motivation were biologically disposed to behave to participate in altruistic activities, including socially, cooperatively, and helpfully to volunteering, has been found to be higher one another” (Anderson, 1989; Rushton & when the participant takes part for intrinsic, Sorrentino, 1981). rather than extrinsic, reasons. Warneken and
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Tomasello (2008) found that the addition of approaches. With an emphasis on social extrinsic rewards for altruistic behaviour led learning and the role of parents, they explain infants to help less than they had when there the difference in people’s altruistic actions. was no reward (Huneycutt, 2013). According to the learning theory, people Another biological explanation of learn to help by getting a boost and seeing altruism states that a sacrifice done by others help. Psychologists have examined the altruism is not a sacrifice but an investment in experiences of early childhood, particularly a system of interdependence that maximises focusing on parenting styles and how moral an altruist’s genetic compatibility. Such norms are learned from parents, schools, behaviour challenges the theories claiming religious institutions, and the community. different species evolve because climate These childhood experiences and influences change maximises genetic adaptation. motivate adult altruistic behaviour through Efforts to link altruism with gene selection the development of empathy, and through theory indicate that altruists maintain the development of internalised moral genetic compatibility by helping those who norms of helping (Eisenberg & Fabes, 1989; have a genetic link with them or are trying Eisenberg & Mussen, 1989; Lapsley, 1996). to preserve the species to which they belong Wuthnow (1985) found that school (Edwards Wynne, 1962). clubs, community organisations, and A limitation of these two approaches is religious organisations were all important that sometimes the people receiving help in teaching moral norms of helping and are genetically like the helper. Evolutionary recruiting young people to the actual research forms a useful background for this practice of volunteer work (Einolf, 2006). study, but is of limited use in explaining Researchers have argued about the variations among individuals in the level importance of characteristics of parents of altruistic motivation or action. Since and norms learned in childhood affecting all human beings evolved from primate altruistic behaviours in adulthood. Colby ancestors, evolutionary theories cannot and Damon (1992) criticise the emphasis explain why some individuals act differently on characteristics of parents and childhood from others, the focus of this dissertation experiences, and state that the choices (Einolf, 2006). people make in adulthood, the self- reinforcing nature of altruistic behaviour, Psychological Approach and the lifelong development of a moral orientation are more key factors than The psychological approach maintains that childhood experiences in determining the biological basis for altruistic actions is altruistic behaviour. Wuthnow (1985) goes not essential. Psychologists do not involve farther, postulating that nearly all people themselves with the survival of altruism in learn basic values of caring in childhood, natural species. Several theories of social and that service experiences in adolescence psychology seek to fill the void of biological
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 179 - 196 (2018) 183 Saeedeh Amini and early adulthood are the determining Hypotheses factors in adulthood altruistic behaviour There is a significant relationship between (Einolf, 2006). marital status and altruistic action. However, Mustillo, Wilson and Lynch There is a significant relationship (2004) found that parental modelling of between social capital and altruistic action volunteering has a considerable influence based on marital status. on the volunteering habits of young adults, There is a significant relationship but not at later stages of life. between altruistic attitude and altruistic In other words, in the process of re- action based on marital status. socialisation that usually follows the stage There is a significant relationship of adolescence, the role of institutions of between cultural capital and altruistic action socialisation, such as schools, media, and based on marital status. peer groups, are more important than family. There is a significant relationship In other words, the role of social networks is between economic capital and altruistic more prominent than family in the process action based on marital status. of re-socialisation. People who participate in various social networks develop social Validity and Reliability awareness. These people have a higher social capital that increases the probability In order to measure and evaluate the ultimate of altruistic actions. Wilson and Musick questionnaire, 30 primary questionnaires (1997) focused on the impact of social and were distributed among respondents and cultural capital on altruistic actions. They pre-test was done; lastly, the outputs were define social capital as the access to social examined and scales were finalized. networks that help people learn charitable Construct and face validity were used deeds and cultural capital as the skills and to evaluate the validity and reliability of education of the person. Bourdieu worked on the research. Factors of the variables were cultural and social capital while he believed identified using factor analysis and varimax the two are determined by economic capital rotation, consistent with and derived from (Einolf, 2006). theoretical discussions. The factor analysis These are noteworthy points investigated determines validity and supports reliability in this paper. The authors examined the role of the research. Factor loadings, which of economic, social, and cultural capital and show the correlation of each item with the altruistic attitude on altruistic actions of desired factor or scale, are mentioned in the three groups of people of Tehran: married, table of operational definition of variables. single, and divorced or widowed. To determine face validity, viewpoints of several social scientists and teachers were asked, and the questionnaire was finalised after two pre-tests.
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The population, sample size and of altruism. Items in the Likert scale would sampling method assess the 1scale. The population was selected based on the 2005 study of the index of development Economic Capital of twenty-two districts of Tehran, from Economic capital describes financial men and women 18 years old and above, resources possible to convert into cash and from regions 3 and 19 as the least and most institutionalised in the form of property developed districts of Tehran. The sample rights (Smith, 2001). Economic capital is size was 419 and calculated using the the total assets that determine the economic Cochran formula. In 2015, the research was power. This concept is investigated by conducted with the same sample size and asking about the income, house, and vehicle. multi-stage cluster sampling in four stages as follows: Social Capital First: Choosing two regions from Social capital is the aggregate of the actual existing districts of Tehran based or potential resources linked to possession on development index. of a durable network of institutionalised Second: Selecting several apartment blocks relationships of mutual acquaintance from each district randomly based and recognition (Bourdieu, 1986; Field, on a random numbers table. 2003). Putnam (2000), Effeh, and Fuches Third: Selecting households from the views on the dimensions of social capital, residents of each block from the and three-dimensional association binds, list. consciousness, and generalised trust were Fourth: Choosing eligible people from the considered. Items of the scale were assessed sample households. using a Likert scale.
Operational and Theoretical Definitions Cultural Capital Altruism is a voluntary action done to help Cultural capital is the aggregate of others without expectation of reciprocity relationships and knowledge and privileges or compensation. In this type of action an that the individual acquires in the process individual places the interests of others before his or her own. The person who 1In this article the likert scale number is 1=too high, does altruistic actions goes beyond social 2=high, 3=moderate, 4=low, 5=too low. According to this scale, low number means high altruism or relations corresponding to social norms social capital, and so on. Moreover, in scales, for and social responsibilities into the realm of instance, if we had 4 items, the minimum was 4 and the maximum was 20. Accordingly, 4-10=high and morality. Generalised emotional attachment too high, 11-13=moderate, and 14-20=low and too and generalised commitment are dimensions low.
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 179 - 196 (2018) 185 Saeedeh Amini of socialisation from family and formal The educational status of 34.6 percent education and helps to achieve or maintain of the respondents in 2005 was bachelor’s a social status. Three forms, “objectified”, degree. In 2015, 42.3 percent of the “embodied”, and “institutionalised” states, respondents had a bachelor’s degree, are considered for cultural capital. Questions which was the most frequent answer among in a Likert scale were used to measure the respondents. In the 2005 sample, 41.1 scale. percent of the respondents were employed, 6.24 percent were housewives, 16.4 percent RESULTS AND DISCUSSION were students, 8.9 percent were retired, It is a survey; research and data were 8.7 percent were unemployed, and 0.2 collected using questionnaires. The percent of respondents marked the option hypotheses were tested using one-way “none”. In the 2015 sample, 44.6 percent of ANOVA and LSD test. respondents were employed, 28 percent were According to data obtained, 52.5 housewives, 15.3 percent were students, percent of respondents in 2005 and 51 6.6 percent were retired, 5.3 percent were percent in 2015 were female. 47.8 percent of unemployed, and 0.3 percent marked the respondents in 2005 and 49 percent in 2015 option “none”. were male. The age range of respondents In the 2005 sample, among 170 employed in 2005 was from 17 to 89 years old and in respondents, 15.5 percent had education 2015 from 17 to 81. Age was categorised jobs, 5.9 percent had technical jobs, 22.6 into three groups: 17-29 (young), 30-50 percent had administrative jobs, 1.2 percent (middle-aged), and 51-89 (old). In the had farming and gardening jobs, 13.1 2005 sample, 44.2 percent of respondents percent were workers, 8.3 percent had high were 17 to 29 years old, 35.6 percent were ranking jobs, and 2 people did not mention 30 to 50 years old, and 2.20 percent were their jobs. In the 2015 sample, among 170 51 to 89. In the 2015 sample, 36.8 percent employed respondents, 8.9 percent had of respondents were 17 to 29 years old, education jobs, 22.2 percent had technical 51.4 percent were 30 to 50 years old, and jobs, 8.27 percent had administrative jobs, 12 percent were 51 to 89 years old. In the 11.2 percent were shopkeepers, 15.4 percent 2005 sample, 39.3 percent were single, were workers, and 10.1 percent had high 57.3 percent were married, and 3.4 percent ranking jobs. were divorced or widowed. In the 2015 sample, 32.7 percent were single, 65 percent Final Description of the Main were married, and 2.3 percent divorced or Indicators widowed.
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Table 1 Distribution of participants in terms of the main indicators
Variables Low Moderate High Total 2005 2015 2005 2015 2005 2015 2005 2015 1. Altruistic Action 41.7 50.9 32.4 29.9 26 19.2 408 395 2. Altruistic Attitude 0 0 9.1 13.4 90.9 86.6 397 396 3. Social Capital 29.2 27.1 65.7 67.4 5.1 5.5 353 328 4. Cultural Capital 81.6 73 16.5 25.4 1.9 1.6 369 337 5. Economic Capital 65.1 62.2 26.6 29 8.3 8.8 338 217
Results of the two surveys show that capital in 2005 was more than that of 2015. the number of people performing altruistic Accordingly, altruism among Tehranian actions has declined by 7 percent from 2005 citizens has declined within a decade, while to 2015 (26 percent in 2005 and 19.2 percent the economic and social capital has slightly in 2015). The number of people having increased. high altruistic attitudes in 2005 was more than that of 2015 (90.9 percent versus 86.6 Statistical Relationships percent). Also, the number of people with First hypothesis: there is a significant high social and economic capital in 2015 relationship between marital status and is slightly higher than that of 2005, while altruistic action. the number of people with high cultural
Table 2 Altruistic action and marital status
Independent variables Low Moderate High Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Chi-square test MEANS F- TEST Marital Single 86 54.4 46 29.1 26 16.5 20.33 13.57 status Married 78 33.3 83 35.5 73 31.2 Cramer’s 11.97 F=10.49 2005 V=0.16 Sig=0.000 Divorced or 6 42.9 3 21.4 5 35.7 11.93 Sig=0.000 widowed Marital Single 79 61.2 28 21.7 22 17.1 11.00 9.9 status Married 120 47.1 84 32.9 51 20 Cramer’s 10.9 F=5.55 2015 V=0.16 Divorced or 2 22.2 5 55.6 2 22.2 12.4 Sig=0.000 Sig=0.027 widowed
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Data from Table 2 shows that there is percent. According to chi-square test in a significant difference between altruistic two surveys (2005-2015), altruistic action behaviours of the respondents based on and marital status are not independent of their marital status in both surveys. Based each other and there is correlation between on data from both surveys, altruism among them. One-way ANOVA testing shows that single people is lower than married and the hypothesis is confirmed at a 99 percent widowed or divorced people. The findings confidence level. Sheffeh & LSD post-hoc of both surveys show that in a period of show that altruism of single and married ten years, altruism among married and people is different significantly but there is unmarried people has declined, although no significant difference between them and more severely for married than singles. divorced or widowed people. The rate of married people having high altruism has dropped from 31.2 percent Second hypothesis: there is a significant to 20 percent, from 2005 to 2015, and the relationship between social capital and percentage of married people having low altruistic action based on marital status. altruism has risen from 33.3 percent to 47.1
Table 3 Impact of social capital on altruistic action based on marital status
Marital Social capital Spearman Correlation & status Kendall’s tau-b Low Moderate High Total 2005 2015 2005 2015 2005 2015 2005 2015 2005 2015 Single Low Frequency 40 22 32 39 1 3 73 64 Sp: 0.19 Sp: 0.16 Sig=0.029 Sig=0.097 Percentage 63.5 73.3 51.6 54.2 16.7 60.0 55.7 59.8 Moderate Frequency 17 6 14 17 5 2 36 25 Tau b: 0.18 Tau b: 0.15 Percentage 27.0 20.0 22.6 23.6 83.3 40.0 27.5 23.4 Sig=0.019 Sig=0.061 High Frequency 6 2 16 16 0 0 22 18 Percentage 9.5 6.7 25.8 22.2 0.0 0.0 16.8 16.8 Total Frequency 63 30 62 72 6 5 131 107 Percentage 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Married Low Frequency 38 33 27 69 2 2 67 104 Sp: 0.34 Sp: 0.18 Sig=0.000 Sig=0.007 Percentage 45.2 58.9 26.5 48.3 10.5 15.4 32.7 49.1 Moderate Frequency 33 14 40 48 2 3 75 65 Tau b: 0.32 Tau b: 0.17 Sig=0.000 Sig=0.009 Percentage 39.3 25.0 39.2 33.6 10.5 23.1 36.6 30.7 High Frequency 13 9 35 26 15 8 63 43 Percentage 15.5 16.1 34.3 18.2 78.9 61.5 30.7 20.3 Total Frequency 84 56 102 143 19 13 205 212 Percentage 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
188 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 179 - 196 (2018) Altruism among Iranian Families
Table 3 (continue)
Marital Social capital Spearman Correlation & status Kendall’s tau-b Low Moderate High Total 2005 2015 2005 2015 2005 2015 2005 2015 2005 2015 Divorced Low Frequency 5 0 1 2 0 0 6 2 Sp: 0.33 Sp: -0.76 or Sig=0.287 Sig=0.135 Percentage 62.5 0.0 25.0 66.7 0.0 0.0 50.0 40.0 widowed Moderate Frequency 1 1 1 1 0 0 4 2 Tau b: 0.32 Tau b: Percentage 12.5 50.0 25.0 33.3 0.0 0.0 100.0 40.0 Sig=0.221 -0.72 Sig=0.000 High Frequency 2 1 2 0 0 0 2 1 Percentage 25.0 50.0 25.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 100.0 20.0 Total Frequency 8 2 4 3 0 0 12 5 Percentage 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 0.0 0.0 100.0 100.0 Total Low Frequency 83 55 60 110 3 5 146 170 Sp: 0.29 Sp: 0.16 Sig=0.000 Sig=0.003 Percentage 53.5 62.5 35.7 50.5 12.0 27.8 42.0 52.5 Moderate Frequency 51 21 55 66 7 5 113 92 Tau b: 0.27 Tau b: 0.15 Percentage 32.9 23.9 32.7 30.3 28.0 27.8 32.5 28.4 Sig=0.000 Sig=0.003 High Frequency 21 12 53 42 15 8 89 62 Percentage 13.5 13.6 31.5 19.3 60.0 44.4 25.6 19.1 Total Frequency 155 88 168 218 25 18 348 324 Percentage 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
The data from two surveys shows that in Also in 2015, 15.4 percent of married people 2005, 83.3 percent of singles with high with high social capital had low altruism, social capital had moderate altruism while 23 percent had moderate altruism, and 61.5 16.7 percent of singles with high social percent had high altruism. Based on the capital had low altruism. Also in 2005, results of both surveys, altruistic action 78.9 percent of married people with high was significantly related to social capital social capital had high altruism, 10.5 according to marital status. percent moderate, and 10.5 percent had low altruism. In 2015, 60 percent of singles with Third hypothesis: there is a significant high social capital had low altruism and relationship between altruistic attitude and 40 percent of them had moderate altruism. altruistic action based on marital status.
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 179 - 196 (2018) 189 Saeedeh Amini
Table 4 Altruistic attitudes and altruistic action based on marital status
Marital Altruistic action Altruistic attitude Spearman Correlation & status Kendall’s tau-b Not agree Not agree/ Agree Total Agree 2005 2015 2005 2015 2005 2015 2005 2015 2005 2015 Single Low Frequency 1 - 1 21 23 57 25 78 Sp: 0.11 Sp: 0.16 Sig=0.159 Sig=0.065 Percentage 16,7 - 8,3 75.0 17,2 57.0 16,4 60.9
Moderate Frequency 2 - 1 5 41 23 44 28 Tau b: 0.11 Tau b: 0.16 Sig=0.142 Sig=0.039 Percentage 33,3 - 8,3 17.9 30,6 23.0 28,9 21.9 High Frequency 3 - 10 2 70 20 83 22 Percentage 50,0 - 83,3 7.1 52,2 20.0 54,6 17.2 Total Frequency 6 - 12 28 134 100 152 128 Percentage 100.0 - 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Married Low Frequency 0 - 3 12 69 106 72 118 Sp: 0.09 Sp: 0.13 Sig=0.155 Sig=0.831 Percentage 0.0 - 17,6 50.0 32,5 46.5 31,3 46.8 Moderate Frequency 1 - 6 7 75 76 82 83 Tau b: 0.09 Tau b: 0.13 Sig=0.138 Sig=0.833 Percentage 100.0 - 35,3 29.2 35,4 33.3 35,7 32.9 High Frequency 0 - 8 5 68 46 76 51 Percentage 0.0 - 47,1 20.8 32,1 20.2 33,0 20.2 Total Frequency 1 - 17 24 212 228 230 252 Percentage 100.0 - 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Divorced Low Frequency - - - 0 5 2 5 2 - Sp: 0.00 or Sig=1.00 Percentage - - - 0.0 35,7 25.0 31,3 22.2 widowed Moderate Frequency - - - 1 3 4 3 5 Tau b: 0.00 Percentage - - - 100.0 21,4 50.0 35,7 55.6 Sig=1.00 High Frequency - - - 0 6 2 6 2 Percentage - - - 0.0 42,9 25.0 33,0 22.2 Total Frequency - - - 1 14 8 14 9 Percentage - - - 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Total Low Frequency 1 - 4 33 97 165 102 198 Sp: 0.11 Sp: 0.16 Sig=0.026 Sp: 0.09 Percentage 14,4 - 13,8 62.3 26,9 49.1 25,8 50.9 Sig=0.07 Moderate Frequency 3 - 7 13 119 103 129 116 Tau b: 0.11 Percentage 42,9 - 24.1 24.5 33,1 30.7 32,6 29.8 Sig=0.022 Tau b: 0.09 Sig=0.06 High Frequency 3 - 18 7 144 68 165 75 Percentage 42,9 - 62,1 13.2 40 20.0 41,7 19.3 Total Frequency 7 - 29 53 360 336 396 389 Percentage 100.0 - 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
In 2015, 57 percent of single people with Generally, in 2005, 27 percent of people “Agree” on altruistic attitudes had low with “Agree” position on altruistic attitudes altruistic actions, 23 percent had moderate had low altruistic actions, 33 percent had altruistic actions, and 20 percent had high moderate and 40 percent had high altruistic altruistic actions. action. Also, generally in 2015, 49 percent
190 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 179 - 196 (2018) Altruism among Iranian Families of people with “Agree” altruistic position Fourth hypothesis: there is a significant had low altruistic actions, 31 percent had relationship between cultural capital and moderate and 20 percent had high altruistic altruistic action based on marital status. action. Statistical tests suggest a significant relationship between altruistic attitude and altruistic action in both surveys.
Table 5 Cultural capital and altruistic action based on marital status
Marital Altruistic action Cultural Capital Spearman Correlation & status Kendall’s tau-b Low Moderate High Total 2005 2015 2005 2015 2005 2015 2005 2015 2005 2015 Single Low Frequency 39 8 34 8 11 0 84 16 Sp: -0.13 Sp: Sig=0.880 -0.17 Percentage 60.0 47.1 51.5 61.5 73.3 0.0 57.5 53.3 Sig=0.378 Moderate Frequency 18 4 19 3 3 0 40 7 Tau b: -0.12 Tau b: Percentage 27.7 23.5 28.8 23.1 20.0 0.0 27.4 23.3 Sig=0.872 -0.16 High Frequency 8 5 13 2 1 0 22 7 Sig=0.346 Percentage 12.3 29.4 19.7 15.4 6.7 0.0 15.1 23.3 Total Frequency 65 17 66 13 15 0 146 30 Percentage 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 0.0 100.0 100.0 Married Low Frequency 50 14 15 1 1 1 66 16 Sp: -0.90 Sp: -0.23 Sig=0.213 Sig=0.219 Percentage 37.0 51.9 30.0 100.0 10.0 100.0 33.8 55.2 Moderate Frequency 43 5 18 0 5 0 66 5 Tau b: Tau b: -0.83 -0.22 Percentage 31.9 18.5 36.0 0.0 50.0 0.0 33.8 17.2 Sig=0.194 Sig=0.131 High Frequency 42 8 17 0 4 0 63 Percentage 31.1 29.6 34.0 0.0 40.0 0.0 32.3 27.6 Total Frequency 135 27 50 1 10 1 195 29 Percentage 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Divorced Low Frequency 2 1 2 0 0 0 4 1 Sp: 0.22 Sp: 0.50 or Sig=0.513 Sig=0.667 Percentage .6 50.0 50.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 36.4 33.3 widowed Moderate Frequency 2 1 1 1 0 0 3 2 Tau b: Tau b: 0.50 Percentage .6 50.0 25.0 100.0 0.0 0.0 27.3 66.7 0.209 Sig=0.221 Sig=0.451 High Frequency 3 0 1 0 0 0 4 0 Percentage 42.9 0.0 25.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 36.4 0.0 Total Frequency 7 2 4 1 0 0 11 3 Percentage 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 0.0 0.0 100.0 100.0 Total Low Frequency 91 23 51 9 12 9 154 33 Sp: 0.007 Sp: -0.15 Sig=0.895 Sig=0.256 Percentage 44.0 50.0 42.5 60.0 48.0 60.0 43.8 53.2 Moderate Frequency 63 10 0 4 8 4 109 14 Tau b: Tau b: Percentage 30.4 21.7 0.0 26.7 32.0 26.7 31.0 22.6 0.007 -0.14 Sig=0.893 Sig=0.213 High Frequency 53 13 0 2 5 0 89 15 Percentage 25.6 28.3 0.0 13.3 20.0 0.0 25.3 24.2 Total Frequency 207 46 120 15 25 1 352 62 Percentage 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
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Results of the two surveys show there Fifth hypothesis: there is a significant is not a significant relationship between relationship between economic capital and cultural capital and altruistic action based altruistic action based on marital status. on marital status.
Table 6 Economic capital and altruistic action based on marital status
Marital Altruistic action Economic capital Spearman Correlation & status Kendall’s tau-b Low Moderate High Total 2005 2015 2005 2015 2005 2015 2005 2015 2005 2015 Single Low Frequency 23 23 32 14 13 5 68 42 Sp: -0.03 Sp: -0.07 Sig=0.710 Sig=0.533 Percentage 59.0 54.8 57.1 60.9 54.2 55.6 57.1 56.8 Moderate Frequency 10 7 20 6 6 2 36 15 Tau b: Tau b: Percentage 25.6 16.7 35.7 26.1 25.0 22.2 30.3 20.3 -0.03 -0.07 Sig=0.721 Sig=0.529 High Frequency 6 12 4 3 5 2 15 17 Percentage 15.4 28.6 7.1 13.0 20.8 22.2 12.6 23.0 Total Frequency 39 42 56 23 24 9 119 74 Percentage 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Married Low Frequency 43 46 22 15 5 4 70 65 Sp: -0.05 Sp: 0.09 Sig=0.496 Sig=0.302 Percentage 38.4 50.5 31.0 37.5 31.3 44.4 35.2 46.4 Moderate Frequency 32 30 28 17 4 4 64 51 Tau b: Tau b: 0.08 -0.04 Sig=0.292 Percentage 28.6 33.0 39.4 42.5 25.0 44.4 32.2 36.4 Sig=0.496 High Frequency 37 15 21 8 7 1 65 24 Percentage 33.0 16.5 29.6 20.0 43.8 11.1 32.7 17.1 Total Frequency 112 91 71 40 16 9 199 140 Percentage 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Divorced Low Frequency 4 1 2 0 0 0 6 1 Sp: -0.37 - or Sig=0.268 Percentage 66.7 100.0 50.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 54.5 100.0 widowed Moderate Frequency 1 0 1 0 0 0 2 0 Tau b: Percentage 16.7 0.0 25.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 18.2 0.0 -0.32 Sig=0.229 High Frequency 1 0 1 0 1 0 3 0 Percentage 16.7 0.0 25.0 0.0 100.0 0.0 27.3 0.0 Total Frequency 6 1 4 0 1 0 11 1 Percentage 100.0 100.0 100.0 0.0 100.0 0.0 100.0 100.0 Total Low Frequency 70 70 56 29 18 9 144 108 Sp: 0.00 Sp: 0.02 Sig=0.913 Sig=0.742 Percentage 44.6 52.2 42.7 46.0 43.9 50.0 43.8 50.2 Moderate Frequency 43 37 49 23 10 6 102 66 Tau b: 0.00 Tau b: 0.02 Percentage 27.4 27.6 37.4 36.5 24.4 33.3 31.0 30.7 Sig=0.917 Sig=0.740 High Frequency 44 27 26 11 13 3 83 41 Percentage 28.0 20.1 19.8 17.5 31.7 16.7 25.2 19.1 Total Frequency 157 134 131 63 41 18 329 215 Percentage 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
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According to data from both surveys, Also, the number of people with high there is not a significant relationship between social and economic capital in 2015 is altruistic action and economic capital based slightly higher than that of 2005, while on marital status. the number of people with high cultural capital in 2005 is more than that of 2015. CONCLUSION Accordingly, altruism among Tehranian Altruism is a voluntary action aiming to citizens has declined within a decade, while help others without expectation of reward. the economic and social capital has slightly In this type of action, the individual cares increased. for others’ interests rather than those of his Based on data from both surveys, or her own. This type of behaviour goes altruism among single people is lower than beyond social norms and social relations married and widowed or divorced people. of social responsibility and falls into the This result is similar to the findings of sphere of morality. In other words, a person some researches like Wilson and Musick behaving pro-socially puts himself in (1997), Rotolo (2000), and Einolf (2006). another person’s shoes. The frequency of This seems to also be true for people having such actions in the society promises ethical more children than those having no children behaviour, and the lack of it is a threat to (Smith, 2001). social order. In this regard, the role of the The findings of both surveys show that family as one of the most important agents in a period of ten years, altruism among of socialisation is highlighted. Children married and unmarried people has declined, mimic many right and wrong behaviours although more severely for married than of their parents in observational learning. singles. Therefore, parents with altruism have The rate of married people having children with such behaviours. The main high altruism dropped between 2005 and conclusion of this article is: 2015, while the percentage of married Results of the two surveys show that the people having low altruism has risen in this number of people having altruistic actions decade. The data from two surveys show has declined by 7 percent from 2005 to 2015. that in 2005, 83.3 percent of singles with The number of people with high altruistic high social capital had moderate altruism. attitudes in 2005 was more than that of 2015. 16.7 percent of singles with high social It shows that the gap between morals and capital had low altruism.78.9 percent of ethics has been increased in that decade. The married people with high social capital had decrease of altruistic actions threats social high altruism, 10.5 percent had moderate order. The increase of egoism, instrumental altruism, and 10.5 percent had low altruism. rationality and bureaucratisation of human In 2015, 60 percent of singles with relationships have influenced caused the high social capital had low altruism and declining altruistic actions. 40 percent had moderate altruism. 15.4
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 179 - 196 (2018) 193 Saeedeh Amini percent of married people with high social Blau, P. (1964). Exchange and power in social life. capital had low altruism, 23 percent had New York: John Wiley and Sons. moderate altruism, and 61.5 percent had Bourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital. In Handbook high altruism. Based on the results of both of theory and research for the sociology of surveys, altruistic action was significantly education. New York: Greenwood Press. related to social capital according to marital. Colby, A., & Damon, W. (1992). Some do care: According to Putnam (2000) social networks Contemporary lives of moral commitment. New and associations encourage charitable and York: Free Press. philanthropic activities. This networks Collins, R., & Neal, H. (1991). Altruism and culture reinforce empathy and consider the welfare as social products. Voluntas, 2(2), 1-15. and comfort of others. In his view, the Edwards Wynne, V. C. (1962). Animal dispersion active people in these networks more than in relation to social behavior. London: Oliver nonactives allocate their money and time and Boyd. to charity affairs. Generally, in 2005, 27 Einolf, J. C. (2006). The roots of altruism: a percent of people with “Agree” altruistic gender and life course perspective (Doctoral attitudes had low altruistic actions, 33 Dissertation), University of Virginia. Retrieved percent had moderate and 40 percent had from www.Proquest.com high altruistic action. Also, generally in Eisenberg, N., & Fabes, R. A. (1998). Prosocial 2015, 49 percent of people with “Agree” Development. In W. Damon & N. Eisenberg altruistic attitudes had low altruistic actions, (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology: Social, 31 percent had moderate and 20 percent emotional, and personality development (Vol. 3). New York: Wiley. had high altruistic action. Statistical tests suggest the significant relationship between Eisenberg, N., & Mussen, P. H. (1989). The roots of altruistic attitude and altruistic action in both prosocial behaviour in children. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. surveys. Eisenberg, N., Reykowski, J., & Staub, E. (Eds.). REFERENCES (1989). Social and moral values: individual and societal perspectives. Hillsdale, New Jersey: Anderson, V. L. (1989). Gender difference in altruism: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.Field, J. (2003). a psychological study of non-jewish german Social capital. Routledge. holocaust rescuers (Doctoral dissertation), B. A. University of Northern Colorado. Retrieved Huneycutt, A. (2013). Altruistic action and from www.proquest.com relationship satisfaction: exploring possible benefits of volunteering and altruism on couple Batson, D. C., Fultz, J. Q., Vanderplas, M., & Isen, A. relationships (Doctoral Dissertation), California M. (1983). Influence of self-reported distress and School of Professional Psychology, Alliant empathy on egoistic versus altruistic motivation International University. Retrieved from www. to help. Journal of Personality and Social Proquest.com Psychology, 45(3), 706-718.
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Lapsley, D. K. (1996). Moral psychology. Boulder, Rushton, J. P., & Sorrentino, R. M. (1981). Altruism Colorado: West view Press. and helping behavior: An historical perspective. In J. P. Rushton & R. M. Sorrentino (Eds.), Mansbridge, J. (Ed.). (1990). Beyond self interest. Altruism and helping behavior: social personality Chicago: University of Chicago Press. and developmental perspectives. Hillsdale: Monroe, K. S. (1996). The heart of altruism: Erlbaum. perception of common humanity. Princeton Schervish, P. G., & Havens, J. (2002). The boston area University Press. diary study and the moral citizenship of care. Mustillo, S., Wilson, J., & Lynch, S. M. (2004). Voluntas, 13(1), 47-71. Legacy volunteering: a test of two theories Smith, Ph. (2001). Cultural theory. Madlen: Blakwell of intergenerational transmission. Journal of Publishers Inc. Marriage and Family, 66(2), 530-541. Warneken, F., & Tomasello, M. (2008). Extrinsic Nowak, M., & Highfield, R. (2011).Super cooperators: rewards undermine altruistic tendencies in Altruism, evolution and why we need each other 20-month-olds. Developmental Psychology, to succeed. New York: Free Press. 44(6), 1785-1788. Putnam, R. D. (2000). Bowling alone: The collapse Wilson, J. (2000). Volunteering. Annual Review of and revival of American community. Simon and Sociology, 26(1), 215. Schuster. Wilson, J., & Musick, M. (1997). Who cares? Towards Rotolo, T. (2000). Town heterogeneity and affiliation: an integrated theory of volunteer work. American a multilevel analysis of voluntary association Sociological Review, 62(5), 694-713. membership. Sociological Perspective, 43(2). Retrieved from www.sage.com Wuthnow, R. (1985). Learning to care: Elementary kindness in an age of indifference. New York: Oxford University Press.
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Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 197 - 214 (2018)
SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES
Journal homepage: http://www.pertanika.upm.edu.my/
Women’s Reflexive Identity and Spirituality Case Study: Iranian Employed, Degree-holder Women
Jabbar Rahmani1* and Mehri Tayebinia2 1Institute for Social and Cultural Studies, Tehran-Iran, Pasdaran Ave, Shahid Momennejad (Golestan I), No. 124 2Institute for Management and Planning Studies Tehran-Iran, Niavaran Ave, Jamal abad (Mokhtar askari), No. 6
ABSTRACT The massive entrance of Iranian women into the labour market and higher education has formed a type of women’s experience of modernity in Iran, which is followed by many consequences for women who are both educated and employed. Women with traditional identities and roles, above all, were defined within the home environment and with traditional sexual roles. It was within this traditional framework that most important religious socialisation and practices of women were defined. The main subject of the present article is the consequence of women’s reflexive identity on their religious and spiritual identity. For this purpose, interviews and ethnographic methods were used. The reflexive identity of Iranian women has led them to move out of traditional roles and find a combination of traditional roles (housekeeping, motherhood, and wife-hood in the traditional sense) and new roles (defined by individualism and realisation of self and reflexive identity) as a result of higher education and employment experiences. Field data indicate the shift by this group of women from traditional spirituality as the realm dominated by traditional religious institutions to modern spirituality and consequential redefinition of individual assignments and inner life accordingly. The results show that Iranian women’s choice to achieve social ideals through education and employment and by following the principle to consecrate life have transformed the spiritual aspects of their lives.
Keywords: Female identity, higher education, reflexivity, spirituality
INTRODUCTION ARTICLE INFO Article history: Received: 18 October 2017 Women, Cultural Changes, and Accepted: 01 February 2018 Religious Identity E-mail addresses: [email protected] (Jabbar Rahmani) Identity is a dynamic process constructed [email protected] (Mehri Tayebinia) * Corresponding author diversely in various layers and forms and is
ISSN: 0128-7702 © Universiti Putra Malaysia Press Jabbar Rahmani and Mehri Tayebinia constantly relative and transient. Meanwhile, this aspect of women’s identity has, in the social identity cannot be reduced to a single meantime, encountered and challenged many fixed form because the entire socio-cultural transformations daily. Women’s identity factors can exert great impact on our identity expansion and boundaries have transformed through the processes and the ways in which greatly and were investigated pluralistically. various identity resources influence us. This However, in the current study, we focus on was the concern of various investigations the ways that women reflect on traditional in contexts where cultural transformation identity and its connections to their personal is on the agenda. This phenomenon is more reflection on this identity. On the one hand, tangible in Iran where women encounter religious identity could be reflected as a broad socio-cultural transformations due principle of social identity in analysing to their novel experiences in education and the ways that women’s new identities are employment. constructed. Intellectual development, Religion, as an institution, shapes inclusive of religiosity and spirituality, could one of the identity’s central resources and influence the social transformation. Various make up the religious and spiritual layers studies have demonstrated the significant of both individual and social identity. relationship between religion and identity. Religious experiences are considered These studies reveal that religiosity plays a among the main influential elements major role in diverse aspects of commitment on women’s identity experiences. If we by and determination of identity, which is accept religious and spiritual principles as more robust in modern times compared to temporary and inconsistent resources, then the past (Oppong, 2013). we expect to observe diverse categories of religious acts. Religious conceptual Social Identity: Discourse of Religion frameworks demonstrate relative and, at and Society times, fundamental transformations that are Considering diverse theories on religion, indicative of corresponding transformations religiosity, and its various categorisation for in religious outlooks as a result of applying the study on individuals and communities, process-oriented conceptions of identity that there is not a universal criterion in relation emphasise the mutual impacts of structure to the form and extent of religiosity. Here, and action. we evaluate women’s religiosity with Because transformations in various emphasis on Glock and Stark’s (1966) social strata could influence the individual theory where women’s own perception and social dimensions of women’s identity, of spirituality and religiosity are taken intensity of religious and spiritual identity into account. Social actors experience could crystallise the ways in which this religious identity through beliefs, rituals, construct could transform. In other words, religious experiences and knowledge, and
198 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 197 - 214 (2018) Women’s Reflexive Identity and Spirituality its consequences (Khodayarifard et al., university is one of the factors that contribute 2012). This was prominent in our religious to the development of individuality because approach to the Iranian Muslim women and of independence (Dehghani et al., 2015). was investigated previously from another Over the past decades, scholars like Michele perspective (Rafat Jah & Rouhafza, 2012). (1968-1976) have rejected the idea of stable Various studies have explored the effect of orientations and personality characteristics. globalisation on religious identity and have They have observed behaviours as personal observed its effects on diverse dimensions expectation and explanations, with an of religiosity. Components of globalisation emphasis on cognitive and social learning challenge religious identity as a result rather than the qualities of a fixed personality of expanding people’s experiences. This Inglehart. Other studies on the relationship informs the transformation (Tajik Esmaeili of education and religious attitudes indicate & Tajik Esmaeili, 2015). that personal attitudes toward religion, Women’s view on their own religious in terms of traditional definitions, are identity is modified by social, individual, decreased with the increase in education. gender-based, and structural positions Higher educational levels, such as and situations. The structural factors and undergraduate or graduate studies, generally the multiple social roles are influential in reduce women’s religious attitudes. If we eliminating gender-based discrimination. accept social identity as an interactive In addition, education and employment process that is reconstructed in all spheres result in women’s participation in socio- of life, then religious transformation is economic realms beyond the confines of also indispensable. Every religious identity their home. All of these have contributed to frame is also subject to culture. In such a the relearning of a woman’s identity (Safiri perspective, religious identity is social and & Nematollahi, 2012, p. 29). Women’s new constructed. experiences have made them aware and Religion introduces a special form of transformed their traditional perspectives ideology, which, in turn, establishes the about the ideal woman through the gaining value frames for us. All of these religion’s of new ideals and values. The variety of cultural manifestations in the form of rituals women’s social roles and the expansion of are considered as part of religiosity. Religion, social experiences have formed a proper as a socio-cultural issue, has a significant backdrop to reflect on women’s religious relationship with social behaviours through and traditional roles and identities. the social construction. On the one hand, Higher education is one of the novel religion is the product of culture and, on the experiences that change women’s perception other hand, it is the producer of the very same of life. The experience of student life in culture (Hamilton, 2008). Weber’s view of
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 197 - 214 (2018) 199 Jabbar Rahmani and Mehri Tayebinia religion as a semiotic system is affected by ideology becomes identical with their daily individual choices (Weber, 1970, p. 122). experiences. Accordingly, the cultural phenomena that are the outcome of lived experiences are MATERIALS AND METHODS the same incentives for an individual’s acts The Ethnography of Women Who Seek and behaviours, where most people are Transformation voluntarily engaged. Hence, religion forms the main and most fundamental semiotic The current study is conducted with an resource in people’s daily lives. ethnographic approach using deep interviews Today, it is not acceptable that and participatory observations in the field. materialistic values are replaced by the Ethnography is not only a data collection traditional, spiritual ideologies of life. method, but a research approach comprised Inglehart, though, recounted three reasons of social understanding and people actions for the decrease of socio-religious and in the field. It is done through its known gender-based traditions in modern societies. approach of close relationships and actual First, there is an increase in the sense of participation in people’s lives (Duranti, security, which lowers the need to depend 1997). Applying an ethnographic approach on the absolute norms and people’s need and grounded theory, the current study to make sure of the events. Furthermore, investigates women who fulfilled multiple there is no need for security due to the social roles as spouses, mothers, employees, regulation in metaphysical perspectives, and university students simultaneously. because all kinds of dispersion essentially Deep interviews were applied as the result in kinds of insecurity and anxiety. The main data collection technique, and the second reason is the applicability of norms. interviewee was selected on the basis of Its firmness decreases in modern time theoretical sampling from the city of Tehran. because most socio-economic dimensions This article emphasises women as active of life is spent outdoors. The educational and reflective subjects and acknowledges spaces were transformed via families, their creativity. Through targeted sampling, and the functionality of the concepts were the experience of 35 women and their ways lost. Therefore, these transformations do of religious identity construction were not necessarily mean a change in values. analysed. First, data were examined and People’s opposition to these norms does not textually categorised through comparison suggest they are bad or good as it is not a to reach the frequency of concepts. Then, value decision. These norms could weaken data were codified through the process of for various reasons. The third reason is the representation. Open-ended interviews were cognitive similarity through which people’s applied to make people free in narrating
200 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 197 - 214 (2018) Women’s Reflexive Identity and Spirituality their personal life experiences. Encouraging dominated by the Iranian traditional culture. people to talk was very crucial in this study, These women also had religious parents. so the interviews were open-ended to make These women went to school and were participants feel free to articulate their own married at the age of 17. Their marriages feelings. were arranged by their families and parents. The subjects of the study were 30-year- Therefore, their main space for individual old women who have fulfilled several and social identity was indoors. Home social roles at the same time. They were was the main context for their identity randomly chosen without considering construction. After doing interview, we their university majors and school campus. used coding strategy to identify main codes Finally, we focused on understanding and make the final theoretical model. This women’s religious identity transformation model should explain the impact of reflexive after graduation and in response to the identity on women`s spiritual identity. role system, and we reached it through the grounded theory approach with the aim of Multiple roles: Motherhood, employee building a conceptual framework (Corbin & and student Strauss, 2013). To analyse the data, we used Bahareh, the 37-year-old graduate student the approach of open, central codification. of economics and university teacher, stated First, we examined the data and textually that, “My husband has never helped me in categorised them. Then, the codification the household chores because he has his own and data reduction were applied (Table 1). beliefs in this regard, and he believes that In the final stages of data analysis, the household woman should be feminine, these categories, strategies, the intervening and husbands should be masculine. I did conditions, and their consequences were not have a problem with this matter, as modelled three-dimensionally to form the from childhood, I have seen my mother theoretical model of the research (Figure 1). do all the tasks without any difficulty. I Codifications of categories were represented was raised in a religious, extended, and as “women’s reflexive identity in redefining large family. Nothing was surprising or spirituality”. The study enjoys an analytic new to me. I only had to do my housework paradigm that helps the collection and chores in the best possible way through maintenance of data to make sure the my household management, for which I structure and process go hand in hand. was empowered”. The girl’s identity after Women in this study included middle marriage, the identity of a woman, a wife, class, Iranian women living in Tehran, who and a mother is constructed for her through grew up in a traditional women identity family and the encompassing social systems. process, in homes and environments Throughout the study, the term traditional
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 197 - 214 (2018) 201 Jabbar Rahmani and Mehri Tayebinia identity refers to the traditional approach these women’s identity transformation in to identity construction in the home that various dimensions. includes female traditional roles. From these women’s perspectives, the These women personally decided to “primary identity” is constructed through continue their education based on their family, friends, schooling, and experiencing situations. Their studies were approved the institutionalised female roles as mothers and supported by their husbands originally, and wives. The hybrid identity is rooted in but later resulted in their husbands’ covert mental aspects of value, with an emphasis on discontent because the gradual engagements collective norms, and in terms of feelings, in education made these women fall behind based on family and kinship, and interaction in household chores and taking care of the between the roles of mother and wife, the children. These women were employed dominant stereotypic norms. in low-ranking jobs and could gradually “The secondary identity” is also the manage to pass graduate and PhD studies. identity constructed through women’s social These two experiences have taken them participation in educational and working out of the confinements of the home and roles. It is the continuation of the primary allowed them to experience modern new identity and a combination of the primary roles. Fariba, a 35-year-old graduate identity and women’s voluntarily roles, student employed in a magazine, believes which are mentally based on a self-governed that, “Maybe the working condition has constructed identity, values and personal tempted me not to back off, because I felt norms, and are sensationally in compliance an emptiness in the working environment with eminence and personal development. and I had to work hard for my personal In fact, “role” and “space”, in a improvement. At first, this was really concurrent combination, construct the difficult. My husband used to tell me that fundamentals of primary and secondary he would help me, but he did not ever help identities. Nonetheless, we do not accept through this. First, he told me that he would the inevitable overlap of all modern and support me but, practically, he did nothing traditional identities due to the existing to help. This was really difficult until my contradiction of women’s identity kid grew and I started my MA studies. At segregation in a stereotypic dichotomous one moment, I was on the verge of quitting division of identity into traditional and my studies because my husband did not modern. However, our justification of cooperate with me”. Such transformation such division is that it classifies women’s from indoor spaces to university and interaction with two roles of mother and employment outdoors is the main root of wife in the primary identity and a social
202 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 197 - 214 (2018) Women’s Reflexive Identity and Spirituality role in the secondary one. A role border of that women employment may harm their being wife and mother in a social process family integrity. The underlying philosophy is determined and simultaneously selective is recounted in the Council of Experts under and voluntary. This means that within the terms of preventing family decline. the traditional frame of identity, women Therefore, these transformations are to be consider marriage and childbearing as regarded as enjoying the covert function and social imperatives and the ideal form of the consequence of women’s unnecessary identity, while in the secondary identity, they employment and education. continue to experience the traditional roles This transformation not only leads to but in a whole new selective and voluntary the changes in the individual and social process. identities, but also has a significant effect on Women have turned their homes into the religious transformation and the redefinition optimal form through their institutionalised of spirituality in women’s mentality and roles of wife and mother and have started to practices. The housewife, within the confines create their own secondary identities from of the home and household interactions, within the very same space and role. In their and motherhood, as the source of optimal secondary identity, women choose a new family identity, are the female desired approach to their social identity construction symbols. The experience of religiosity in as creative, active, and reflective actors. such a context and the sacred roles as the This identity transformation, especially construct identity has its roots in religious from the home indoor space to the outdoor principles and customs where motherhood is space through employment and university, is the crucial metaphor of social identity. The not suitable politics for the Islamic Republic cherished principles of the primary identity, of Iran. In terms of legislation, all women which are rooted in religious rituals, are activities in the realm of employment exemplified in motherhood, wifehood, the and education should be in line with their hijab, observing rituals, and contribution primary objectives of motherhood, being to family peace. Although home is always wife, and being confined to the home. From the suitable stage for this kind of identity, this perspective, family is the fundamental as stated earlier, women’s ideal social element of the Islamic society and women expectations are in close proximity and a are its fundamental elements. Therefore, severe resonator of the primary identity. The the Islamic constitution has paid specific simultaneous birth of the ideal socio-cultural attention to the issue of family in the stereotypes is formed around the existing detailed negotiations of the Parliament social themes and women who have found and in the Constitution, Volume 1 (p. 440). a novel experience of modernity choose Therefore, women’s employment is not to reflect this by devising novel social appreciated by the Constitution in the sense approaches.
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 197 - 214 (2018) 203 Jabbar Rahmani and Mehri Tayebinia
Table 1 Main ideas and issues within interviews
The Selected The Main Open Categories (Second Level) Categories Categories Interested in Interested in education, continual activities, development, 1 making dreams success, and understanding the joy of development; likes come true to prove oneself, searches for a way to turn to oneself, believes in personal capabilities Self-oriented No need for others’ help, self-satisfaction, reflexive and 2 individualism re-thinking, individual strategies Liberal mentality Voluntarily chooses values and norms, non-accepting of 3 the structural imperatives, interested in innovation and deconstruction, accepting the logical affairs, critiquing the superstitions, norm violation, logical, analytical Moral-oriented Observance of citizenship rights, human-oriented, responsible, committed, respecting, loyal, uniquely intimate Faith Spiritual beliefs, respectful to others’ sacred things, 5 social respect, welcoming the collective rituals, believes in God and the human mission, thankful to God Individual religious Voluntarily participation in religious rituals, redefining 6 Experiences religious rituals, intending management of religious feeling, personally prioritizing religious duties Primary identity The primary sociability (family, school, friends and 7 institutionalised experiences), first experiences of women roles, emphasis on obeying collective norms, relying on family and kinship feelings, obeying the stereotypic norms of mothering Secondary identity Social participation in educational and occupational roles, 8 self-oriented identity, construction of individual values and norms, relying on face logic, critical understanding, following goals and individual development, knowledge- oriented Women Reflexive identity in Redefinition of Spirituality Women Primary reflection Inevitable decisions, determining paths to social 9 development, primary reflection, seeking transformation Realised reflection Self-conscious selection-solving strategies, continual 10 re-thinking, institutionalisation of reflection, realised reflection Secondary Intended acceptance of traditional aspects, synthesis of 11 reflection new and traditional approaches, identity independence, identity balance, relative adherence to value and normative aspects, intending end to the reflection in favour of family and society, committed to social and family stability
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RESULTS AND DISCUSSION women’s religious identity from the pool of multiple discourse-based identities in Iran is Women’s Religiosity and Reflexive the important objective of the study. Identity We can also examine the issue completely In this part, we examine the ways religious regarding these women, too. Popular transformation occurs and the way it is discourses reproduce women religious connected to women’s religiosity styles and identity in terms of what can naturally and identity transformation. In other words, we normally constitute a proper model of a will examine the consequences of religious religious woman. The spiritual identity and and spiritual identity through an identity its social construction that women choose transformation process and women’s in terms of the simultaneous undertaking experiences with modernity. University of four respective roles of spouse, mother, was able to direct women to the outdoor employee, and student, and a fragment of spheres through changing their position identity and the way these women construct from women confined within the framework their various layers of identity is the primary of tradition. Since popular and dominant focus of this article. To know the religious discourses in science and employment transformation and religiosity styles of often lead to contest and confusion, women women, it is crucial to understand the two are constantly confronted with numerous types of women’s identities and the ways identity challenges due to the confrontation they are distinguished from one another. of their traditional identity roles and Therefore, it is necessary to demarcate them novel identities. Mahsa, a 38-year-old within the identity boundary. university student of psychology working in municipality believes that, “When you are The Experience of Modernity and both employee and student, you naturally Reflexivity come across many obstacles, like when the timing of the class intervenes with In this study, our first priority was to find your working hours or you may have little women’s new identity stimulus and their time to study, or the works intervene with personal reflection on the traditional roles studies. Most of the time it is the lack of after fulfilling a) their primary female collaboration from your colleagues to take a identity at the beginning of the identity day off”. Sara, a 37-year-old student of law transformation, and b) their reflective who works in an insurance company says, identity as its most optimal form. Fatemeh, “There are lots of universities and there is a 27-year-old woman who pursues her an easy way to get into the university. I did graduate studies in information technology not want to be humiliated by others, despite and works as a trade expert, says: “I cannot all the hardships and difficulties I endured lock myself up at home to solely to get and am satisfied.” Therefore, understanding married and have children. I love to be in
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 197 - 214 (2018) 205 Jabbar Rahmani and Mehri Tayebinia line with society and its developments and an important role in changing women’s I like to improve and live the life I desire”. mentality and meaning structures. In fact, the If we consider this phase as the first stage social backgrounds of identity transformation of reflecting in women’s life, then the in modernity and globalisation mingle with second step starts with motivations to freely the individual life and with her (Giddens, choose their own role. These choices look 1999). What creates an identity balance minute and consciously decided on, but and integrity in its most relative terms is are, in fact, imperative. Women choose a balance between social and individual education as a way to prove themselves and affairs. This is the position where women’s to achieve social growth, but continuing individual discrimination tends to be similar their existing roles (spouse, mother, and to education and employment. housekeeper) would contradict employment and university study. The Experience of University: An Roya, a 36-year-old woman studying Introduction to Women’s Spiritual education recounts, “I feel that women Transformation find their own identities through working Moulin (2013) believes that to understand and studying”, although in the end, these the effects of education on religious identity efforts and women’s problem-solving construction, there should be a theory strategies lead to reflecting, or the “reflecting sensitive to the social background and identity”, which is constructed as part of the context, the structural factors and to power, a women’s transformed identity. In other theory that examines the way these elements words, reflection is a kind of strategy to are interpreted and enacted by individuals. solve women’s challenges by confronting In the present research, we exclusively new roles with traditional ones, a strategy examine the transformations that occur through which the combination of roles in the context of university and that have and priorities are created so that women challenged women’s primary religious are rescued from challenging situations and identity and changed their awareness identity crises. Shima, a 37-year-old student through the emphasis on individualism, of education and school principal says, the freedom of thought, equality, and “I had many problems in the beginning, humanism. Women attempt to change but I gradually took control and could their condition through establishing strong eventually manage it”. When women wills rooted in their modern feminine internalise the reflective identity as the main experiences. Brian Hastie (2007) believes component of their identity, it is the time that that the student years is the phase when transformation constructs a novel identity young people’s thoughts and beliefs are for them that is dynamic and continual. very vulnerable to change (Dehghani et al., Modernity, along with employment 2015). One of the consequences of women’s and education as its vital elements, has mental transformation is the combination of
206 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 197 - 214 (2018) Women’s Reflexive Identity and Spirituality awareness, reflective thinking, knowledge, child and not a good enough mother. He and a kind of self-centred individualism; a expects me to devote myself to our child and continuum from individualism to narcissism. then I would be an ideal mother. I believe N.A., a 37-year-old student of social work his way of thinking is ossified.” who works in a welfare organisation, says, Our research results show that we “I think everything changes with education are not faced with any motivations that and your thoughts would be logical and are based on religious imperatives in sanguine. You do not accept everything on dictating the process of realizing everything. the basis of their face value, and you would Although, some personal ethical codes seem think about it twice before you decide. to stem from religious learning, such as self- Studying makes you feel that the individual constructions and the pursuit of wisdom and has a proper inference in life, behaviour, knowledge, the author of this study believes relationships, and everything. I have the that these are all in line with non-religious same position regarding religious issues. motivations and on the basis of personal I really cannot accept every superstition. I development. In fact, there is no way a believe in things with the logic behind it, religion reference could be made. Mina, a not by my feelings. I do not wear a Hijab, 43-year-old and graduate student of MBA, because I cannot find a logical reason says, “Not at all, I do not like stagnancy, I for that, and I do not see any necessity to like to improve like anybody else and have say my daily prayers, but I say my daily something to say”. The aspiration to the prayers and try to follow morality. All these “realisation of goals and interests” is our issues are not directly related to studying primary theme on the basis of Table 1 and and education. These are the same related reveals the non-religious motivations behind to personal experiences. But, I generally these women’s motivations. believe that the behaviour of an educated person is not comparable to an illiterate.” Consequences of Social Identity The effect of such transformation on Construction for Modern Identity women’s religious identity is analysable The research findings revealed women’s from the same perspective. Religious identity dimensions in four areas of identity on the basis of traditional or mentality, feelings, actions, and interactions. personal religion and secularism can be Presuming the hypothesis that identity categorised. People are exposed to new structures in these four aspects are dynamic thought and behaviour patterns as they enter and constantly subject to change, the identity the university. Achieving a higher education transformation will also occur within these can change the individual’s outlook toward dimensions. her surroundings. Sh. A., a 35-year-old Glock and Strak have enumerated many studying fashion designing, says, “My different specifications for religiosity and husband told me that I am unkind to our have introduced an operational definition
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 197 - 214 (2018) 207 Jabbar Rahmani and Mehri Tayebinia of religiosity. On the basis of their study, way”. Some women determine the social the five dimensions of religious identity behaviour in their relations with emphasis are religious practices (rituals, prayer), on logic and their own attitudes and respect religious experiences, religious knowledge, their own independence and personal and consequences (Khodayarifard et al., goals (Safiri & Nemaollahi, 2012). Women 2012). As mentioned, the components often expand their presence in religious of social identity is in accordance with rituals voluntarily towards their traditional religious identity, just as every social religious identity or in compliance with the identity construction might cut through novel religious approaches in an innovative religious identity in some point of its path. way. “Individual religious experience”, in Therefore, women’s religious identity the current study, reveals the redefinition in the mental dimension leads to the of rituals and inventing methods among transformation in the “religious knowledge women. Women usually reveal their feelings and beliefs” dimension, and women’s in innovative and personal ways during perceptions of knowledge and spiritual religious ceremonies and rituals and their attitudes are prone to change as a result. prioritisation of the rituals and presence One of the main categories of the current in religious spaces is defined more on the research is the “faith” rooted in women’s basis of their personal rather than collective found beliefs. Sima, a 32-year-old of priorities. management working in Telecommunication Fariba, a 32-year-orld student of Company, says, “I see God as an observer of computer, says, “I prefer the religious our deeds and I do not do anything against rituals where I feel at peace and I can relate His will. I have God to rely on and I am to God more in this way”. Here, the religious satisfied with his will.” Although women practice is decided on by women and is have experienced more transformations in not dependent on the religious society. For other aspects of religiosity, they purport instance, the way women relate to spiritual strong faiths, respecting others’ beliefs, and resources are categorised as prayer and value other’s collective rituals, spaces, and religious worship and is not in compliance situations. with women’s spiritual relations. At times, The other women’s transformation it can take innovative and creative forms. In is in terms of “religious practices” and “religious experience” as one of the main could be in line with the transformation dimension, the individual regards herself in practices but is typically experienced to have a higher understanding compared in rituals. Maryam, a 39-year-old student to others (Khodayarifard, Faghihi, Ghobari of sociology, says, “I do not participate Banab, Shokoohi, & Rahiminezhad, 2012). much in the religious rituals and I believe Women understand this experience in a the way to worship God is not similar proper model of womanhood, which is for all. I love to talk to God in my own well defined for other people and in a social
208 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 197 - 214 (2018) Women’s Reflexive Identity and Spirituality perspective. These women still believe in definition of myself. Although you might religious ethical principles (commitment, say this is really arrogant, I consider myself loyalty, and virtue), while they might as a capable and successful woman. I experience personal development, and any could manage to perform several roles religious experience could also change their successfully and this is what makes me religious behaviours. Elham, a 35-year-old feel satisfied.” “Being ethical” represents graduate student of management, says, “I a consequential dimension of redefining define a good woman as one who is aware spirituality in women’s mind. Through and chooses the best ways for solving abiding to human rights and citizenship problems. A good woman should be a good rights, women show respect to others in mother, be committed to her husband, social realms and remain committed to follow the path of development while their responsibilities as the standards of presuming chastity, and always follow humanity and spiritual prophecy to human development, just like society follows rights through their interactions in social the very same factors. Society requires and individual realms. Mina, a 36-year-old women who rear good children and use all student of English literature, says, “I think their power to protect family”. Women’s that everyone should be free and choose his/ religious identity ideals approximate to her own religion freely just like respecting “personal development and the interest in others’ privacy and rights”. Likewise, realisation of goals and interests” and the Zahra, a 37-year-old student of sociology, construction of social participation in the believes that, “We have to abide by and ethical framework accepted by society respect values, unless society looks at us in replaces sheer religious experiences. These another way. Therefore, I think that every elements are comparable to social ethics society should be abiding to these values. within the dimension of religious ethics. Therefore, when I do not wear a hijab, while In the “religious consequence”, as this may be a personal decision, I think it another religious dimension that means the should be abided to because it is a social transformation of interaction where daily value and is respected. But, in personal non-religious behaviour is supervised, spheres, I could not obey that. But it should interactions often sound like a religious not be in a way that harms the society and identity, but sometimes are non-religious. leads to a series of problems”. Therefore, a Meanwhile, shared aspects of religion combination of scientific understanding due and society are not yet observable and to academic studies, logic resulting from this is exactly the moment when women higher education, and social understanding choose personal strategies for their own through data analysis in women’s daily objectives. Leila, a 36-year-old student problems gives the new constructed identity of psychology, says, “I have a very good in our study.
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 197 - 214 (2018) 209 Jabbar Rahmani and Mehri Tayebinia
Tendency to The primary realise interests reflection Backgrounds: and goals Primary identity • Women’s entrance to labor market
• The experience of modernity and the Using the educational transformation of value
Relying on formal opportunity and systems of women rationality and critical experiencing the • Development of university conditions
wisdom and following Secondary educational spaces
the realisation of dreams • Socio-cultural capitals and personal objectives, science-oriented
Realised reflection Intervening factors: (Reflective identity) • The religious faiths
• Religious rituals and ceremonies
Secondary interaction Primary interaction Individual religious Self-oriented experiences individualism
Traditional religious Free-thinking mentality experiences Morality Secondary reflection
FigureFigure1. 1. The The model model for for the the process process of redefinition of redefinition of identity of identity in women’sin women’s reflexive reflexive identity identity
As stated, the elements of mental women. Throughout time, women trust these transformation among women affects strategies through a positive self-evaluation. individual and social motivations and can The trust in change and improvement of alter women’s awareness of their rights and mental analysis on the traditional aspects duties. This, in turn, leads to self-oriented of their duties and responsibilities make strategies that are developing among them re-think the situation. In this way,
210 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 197 - 214 (2018) Women’s Reflexive Identity and Spirituality women make self-reliant decisions without CONCLUSION considering others’ judgements (social Various Forms of Transformation in indifference) and construct a novel identity Women’s Religiosity Patterns for themselves. Leila, a 34-year-old student of Spirituality transformation has positioned architecture, says, “Others define me as women of religious and mass-oriented a determined and a very strong person. identity within a mutual dialectic relationship Although I do not care about other people’s and changed them to self-centred religious opinions, it is important that I feel satisfied women with observable changes in their with myself. When I am satisfied with behaviour. my deeds, other people will have a good The consequence of women’s religious impression of me”. As mentioned earlier in identity transformation is categorised into the section on religious identity, women’s three dimensions of “traditional, combined religious dimensions change relatively. This and new”. The key point is that one’s identity transformation of the women under inspiration toward any of these discourses investigation is called “reflexive identity”, is a personal choice. Even the back and a kind of identity which is self-informative, forth of traditional religiosity and discourse and where it is necessary to be aware of of traditional religion is the result of their one’s surrounding social structures. choices and the great challenge between the Therefore, through creativity, women traditional and the modern. They sometimes change their traditional religious identity. increase their religious activities within The main theme of “free mentality” of and beyond these frameworks. In a “hybrid women includes the voluntary selection of dimension”, which includes the majority of norms and values, rejection of the structural Iranian cases, women consciously accept determination, the tendency to innovate some of traditional aspects of religion and destruct the stereotypic structures, the and intend not to abide by some of the logical acceptance of issues, the critique of new approaches to religiosity. In fact, a popular beliefs about women in the name of combination of traditional religion and new “superstition”, and finally, logical mentality. approaches are the product of their religious Somayeh, a 39-year-old student of cultural identity transformations. This stage happens affairs and a teacher, says, “What I believe to during “secondary reflection”, where be my personal right is being free as a person women reflect on their practices in order to who lives securely, freely, and without any protect their religious morality and reach the preoccupation. It is my right to have a good thought independently of religious matters. life, live freely, be peaceful and secure, think In this way, women reduce the challenges freely, and face no limitation in my beliefs and harms of transformation to some extent. and speeches”. It seems that the identity damage is lower due to women’s adherence to religious
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 197 - 214 (2018) 211 Jabbar Rahmani and Mehri Tayebinia principles and beliefs. Meanwhile, these where, at times, children constitute their women have tried to balance their individual sole connection to the family. Women’s and social identity through the experience of minds are engaged in a kind of justice of individual religious independence. the past and treatment of the dominances The third dimension is the new form in (social and religious) outdoor spaces. of religious identity transformation where Although, considering these individual women reflect on their previous decisions identity crises in society are a necessity, and approach a “new personal religion”. In truth is that these crises are almost due fact, when the traditional values dominating to individual difficulties in achieving a the home are the consequence of their problem-solving strategy and reaching the experience of modernity through university main objectives and fundamental values. In and employment, it leads to the commitment fact, these are a potential for survival and to individual values. These groups of women independence that pinpoint value and norm believe in the knowledge of religion and crises. Therefore, the priority of personal sometimes introduce it as the reason behind benefits is not suppressed; rather, it is a gender-based inequality, assuming that it safety regulator to avoid social destruction. prevents them from their personal rights as We are not facing the social abnormality, a free person. but customary compatibility (Moeidfar, The meaning of humanity is not 2011). The solution these women innovate necessarily defined through the logic of is an individualistic choice that, at times, religion. It seems that being a good citizen, turns to a traditional religious identity, in their perspective, is not necessarily in which is a combination of religious identity line with being religious, and religiosity or a completely new one. The shared does not solely have a religious definition spaces for all these various identities are and logic and is not actualised through the the centrality of individual choices in performance of shared practices. They also the religious ideology construction and believe that being secular does not mean women’s religious world. a total devoid of religious thought. This is not synonymous with irreligiousness. REFERENCES It worth mentioning that women of these Corbin, J., & Strauss, A. (2013). The principles of ideas experience more harm and identity qualitative research: Principles and procedures crises than other women due to the pressures of the grounded theory (E. Afshar, Trans.). that used to be bearable for them in their Tehran: Ney Publications. traditional religiosity but is unjustifiable Dehghani, H., Hashemianfar, S. A., & Farasatkhah, now. M. (2015). University students’ modernist Family disruption, emotional separation, sociocultural attitude and the effect of family and university. The Journal of Applied Sociology, and the decision to change the individual life 26(59) 39-56. has put these women in a contradictory path
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Duranti, A. (1997). Linquistic anthropology. Retrieved Moulin, D. (2013). Negotiating and constructing from www.cmbirige.org/us/academic religious identities. In Religious Education Association Annual Meeting in Boston, Giddens, A. (1999). The consequences of modernity Massachusetts. (M. Salasi, Trans). Tehran: Markaz. Oppong, S. H. (2013). Religion and identity. American Glock, C. Y., & Stark, R. (1966). Christian beliefs International Journal of Contemporary and anti-Semitism (Vol. 1). New York: Harper Research, 3(6),121-143. & Row. Rafat Jah, M., & Roohafza, F. (2012). Study of Hamilton, M. (2008). The sociology of religion (M. scio-cultural factors on attitude toward female Salasi, Trans., 1st ed.). Tehran: Nashr-e- Sales. religious identity. Journal of Social Issues of Hastie, B. (2007). Higher education and sociopolitical Iran, 2, 61-92. orientation: The role of social influence in the Safiri, Kh., & Nematollahi, Z. (2012). Globalization liberalization of students. European Journal of and religious identity with emphasis on gender- Psychology of Education, 3, 259-274. based differences. Journal of Psychological Khodayarifard, M., Faghihi, A., Ghobari Banab, B., Studies, 10(3), 39-66. Shokoohi Yekta, M., & Rahiminezhad, A. (2012). Tajik Esmaeili, A., & Tajik Esmaeili, S. (2015). Theoretical and methodological principles of Attitudes towards globalization and university religiosity scales (1st ed.). Tehran: Ava-ye-Nour students’ religious identity. Tehrn: Institute for Publication. Social and Cultural Studies. Moeidfar, S. (2011). The sociology of social issues of Weber, M. (1970). Religion, power and society (A. Iran. Tehran: Noor-e-Elm. Tadayyon, Trans.). Tehran: Hermes.
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Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 215 - 234 (2018)
SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES
Journal homepage: http://www.pertanika.upm.edu.my/
A Study of the Effects of Drug Addicted Fathers on Families in Tehran, Iran
Zahra Farzizadeh Department of Social Planning, University of Tehran, Faculty of Social Sciences, Jalal Al-e Ahmad Highway, Tehran, Iran
ABSTRACT Drug addiction is a social problem that destroys families and communities. It has disastrous social effects, not only on the addicted individual, but also on their families. The present study is a sociological analysis of people’s experiences living in households with a drug addicted member. This research is based on qualitative investigation of these types of families with the focus on wives and daughters of the addicted member. It was conducted in Tehran, the capital city of Iran. To better understand these experiences, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 15 participants. The interviews were analysed using a qualitative framework. Our results show that these families have endured agonizing periods. The problems they encountered can be divided into two groups: (1) Problems related to their primary needs (i.e. shelter, food, health and treatment, education, security, and peace), and (2) The rest of their problems related to their relationships and interactions with the rest of the community. The experiences of families with a member who is suffering from substance abuse include tension, uncertainty, anxiety, indifference from the individual addict, threat to their livelihood, shame, damaged dignity, isolation, loneliness, deprivation of support from others, and feelings of pain and misery. Furthermore, these issues in addition to a lack of adequate social support (emotional, consultation, and financial) provide the ground for further social harms and other pitfalls for these families.
Keywords: Addiction, drug, family, the sociological effects of an addict father
INTRODUCTION
ARTICLE INFO Reports indicate there is a rise in drug Article history: abuse worldwide. In Iran, drug addiction Received: 18 October 2017 Accepted: 01 February 2018 was an increasing trend over the past few E-mail address: years. Addiction does not only harm the [email protected] (Zahra Farzizadeh)
ISSN: 0128-7702 © Universiti Putra Malaysia Press Zahra Farzizadeh individual addict, but also has an impact on clothes, etc.), the number of these NGOs is their family. In this type of situation, family not adequate, and few people are covered members are usually neglected and not seen by these philanthropic services. by society and, thus, they suffer from variety In our research, the effects of addiction of problems. Despite the high level of harm on family members were studied. In the past, experienced by these family members, they the damage of addiction on narcotic users receive very little attention. Social services were analysed in numerous studies (Boyd, are primarily focused on the individual drug 1993; Brick, 2004; Newcomb & Bentler, addict. In addition, these types of services 1988; Shedler & Block, 1990). However, in only try to get the addict off drug use, and some countries, the effects of drug addiction does not deal with the root of the problems on family members were well documented that lead to addiction. (Arria, Mericle, Meyers, & Winters, Generally, people do not consider 2012; Copell & Orford, 2002; Copello, addicts as citizens and, in fact, they are Velleman, & Templeton, 2005; Orford, viewed as harmful and detrimental to Velleman, Natera, Templeton, & Copello, society. Even drug addicts themselves do 2013; Orford, Templeton, Velleman, & not believe that they are citizens and part of Copello, 2005; Orford, Velleman, Copello, the society. People blame them for violating Templeton, & Ibanga, 2010b; Ray, Mertens, laws and undermining social norms. In these & Weisner, 2007; Schäfer, 2011, Velleman situations, families of addicts may become & Templeton, 2007). In Orford et al. (2013) subject to exclusion too. Often, the potential study, they developed the ‘stress-strain- effects of addiction on immediate relatives coping-support (SSCS) model’. According are overlooked. to Velleman et al. (2011), unlike other It is important to remember that, to this models in the addiction field, the SSCS date, no solution was offered to effectively model focuses on the experiences of affected root out the addiction problem from our family members and the consequences societies. In addition, substance abusers of drug use on them. It treats the affected are not perceived as patients in need of family member as a person exposed to medical and/or psychological care. If they seriously stressful circumstances: were viewed this way, paths to treatment and “…The SSCS model states that prevention would open up. On the contrary, the behaviour of the substance some violent policies were executed against misuser causes stress for the them. In Iran, there is no official support family member, that stress leads from any government agency for the to strain (for example, physical families of addicts and, as such, families and psychological symptoms) and are overlooked. Although there are some that amount of strain any family NGOs in Iran that help these types of member experiences from a given families with their basic needs (e.g. food, level of stress (caused as a result of
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living with a relative with a serious and embarrassment. There may also be alcohol or drug problem) will be possible neurodevelopment consequences mediated by two key factors: how of substance misuse in pregnancy that they cope with this problem, and may contribute to developmental delays the amount and quality of social or intellectual disabilities. In Schafer’s support that they can access...” study (2011, p. 1), it was found that family (Velleman et al. 2011, p. 363). members experienced various forms of family disruption, such as loss of custody of Orford, Copello, Velleman, & Templeton their children, loss of employment, marital (2010a) mentioned that previous models breakdown, physical and psychological about substance misuse and the family abuse, depression, and poor health. attributed the issues of dysfunction or Most studies in Iran, such as Behravan deficiency to families or family members. and Miranvari (2010); Feizy, Alibabayi Copello et al. (2009) cited that the SSCS and Rahmati (2010); Gholami Kotnayi and model rejects the idea that families or Ghorbannejad Shahrodi (2014); Kianipoor individual family members are pathological and Pozad (2012); Moeidfar and Zamani or dysfunctional. In the studies that were Sabzi (2013); Motiee Langrudi, Farhadi done in a number of countries during and Zare (2013); Norozi, Khoshknab and the last twenty-six years, Orford et al. Farhodian (2013), Rasekh and Panahzadeh (2010b, p. 44) found that, in these families, (2012); Shamsalinia, Safari and Mosavizade the relationship with a relative becomes (2014) have solely focused on the drug disagreeable and sometimes aggressive. In abuser’s problems rather than the problems these situations, conflicts over money and faced by their family members. In reviewing possessions grow. As a result, the experience the literature, few data were found on the of uncertainty becomes bothersome, worry difficulties of such families in Iran. Also, about the relative increases, and home and research conducted by Aghakhani, Mosavi, family life is threatened. Another research Eftekhari, Eghtedar, Zareei, Rahbar, done by Velleman and Templeton, (2007, p. Mesgarzade and Nikoonejad (2013); 80) demonstrates the negative experiences Mahdizade, Ghodosi, and Naji (2012); children and adolescents living with an addict Manchery, Sharifi Nistanak, Seyedfatemi, parent may undergo, including high levels Heidari and Ghodosi (2013) and have of violence, suffering from or witnessing primarily considered certain psychological neglect or abuse (physical, verbal or issues, such as depression, anxiety, and sexual), inconsistent, poor, and/or neglectful aggression. In Fereidouni, Joolaee, Fatemi, parenting by one or both parents, and having Mirlashari, Meshkibaf and Orford (2015, p. to adopt responsibility or parenting roles at 99) a few physicians studied the spouses of an early age, along with feeling negative addicted men in Iran and four main themes emotions, such as shame, guilt, fear, anger, were identified: (1) Heart-breaking news of
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 215 - 234 (2018) 217 Zahra Farzizadeh the husband’s addiction, (2) Coping alone, on the interactions among family members, (3) Progressive deterioration and suffering, the quality of the interactions between the and (4) Disruption of family relationships addict and his/her family with the rest of and finances. Reactions after learning about the community, and the children’s future the husband’s addiction involved shock family life, occupation, and education. and collapse, and/or fear, disbelief, and For example, in these families, due to the confusion. Spouses tried to hide the problem negative attitude of the society toward and to solve it alone, making them feel as their addicted father, children may not if they were “walking in the dark” without choose to model their behaviour after their any social support and exposed to stigma. father’s. Furthermore, it may harm the As time went by, the spouses experienced inter-generational relationships in a way distress and turmoil, and mixed feelings, that, later in life, children may act very including loss of trust and confidence in, possessively in their own marriages, and try towards their husbands, whose behaviour to support and control their own children so progressively became less reliable. This led obsessively that it could lead to restricting to impairment in the relationship, financial their autonomy. Also, people with substance stress, and a general degradation and abuse issues may feel alienated from their disruption of normal family life, leading to families and, as a result, prefer to socialise strain for spouses, akin to a state of burnout. with other drug users, and engage in other Still, much of the suffering experienced antisocial activities. This sort of association by these families remain undisclosed in Iran. gives them a false sense of support and Very few sociological studies (Fereidouni et strengthens them in their misbehaviour. al., 2015) have focused on the circumstances Due to the scarcity of sociological of these families. Social dimensions, such studies on such families in Iran, these as the impact of the relative’s addiction on problems remain hidden. Therefore, this the social interactions of family members, study’s aim is to gain a better understanding the community’s view of such families, about the issues these families face in Iran. and its impact on social norms remain to be For this purpose, we used a qualitative investigated. method to observe the members of such Drug abuse affects not only the addict, families (wives and daughters) who live but also the whole social system. Not only in the capital city of Iran, Tehran. We have does it have financial and administrative raised two questions in our investigation: (1) costs, but also, more importantly, it has What problems do family members (spouses heavy social costs. In a sociological study, and adult daughters) of an addict deal with, the social dimensions of addiction in a and (2) Do they receive any support when family were analysed, including its effects encountering these problems?
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Findings from this study will increase used to help identify a few families with a public awareness about the type of problems drug addict head of household. such families have and, therefore, direct Participants described the problems public attention towards them. It will they encountered. The sample included 15 provide the background necessary for individuals, all of them females between further research in identifying their needs. the ages of 22 and 50 years. Since each Additionally, it can gradually help to form participant could be interviewed more intervention efforts that will decrease the than once, this study used data from 24 suffering experienced by these family interviews. Each interview lasted for members, improve their situation, and approximately 2 hours and was conducted prevent exacerbation of their problems. Our in each participant’s home when the father findings can also draw more attention to was not there or was in a place that was substance abuse issues, and lead to actions safe for family members. Interviewing such that would prevent drug addiction. families can involve certain difficulties. Due to the hideousness of addiction and the METHODS way it is generally viewed in the society, This study used a set of qualitative, semi- addicts and sometimes their relatives are structured interviews with family members unwilling to give out any information and living with a drug-abusing father in Tehran, find it necessary to hide it from others. Iran, to investigate the challenges they face. Sometimes, family members are even The sample was selected purposively and forbidden by the addict to say anything was not intended to be representative of about their situation to any stranger and will the wider population in Tehran. Snowball be punished if they did so. All of these issues sampling technique was used. In 2014 and contributed to the difficulties of conducting 2015, the author selected participants who these interviews. Thus, it was necessary were living in families with a drug addicted to anticipate these problems in advance member. Wives and adult daughters were and take preventative measures. So, the family members that were the focus in the settings of these interviews were carefully study. A woman who frequently participated selected, as we wished the interviewees to in ladies’ religious events and had a diverse feel comfortable and be at ease. social relationship with women from her An overview of the participants’ own and surrounding neighbourhoods were characteristics is presented in Table 1.
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Table 1 Overview of participants
Number Age Gender Marital Literacy Employment Relation The number status status with the of interview drug abuser sessions 1 34 F Single MA Employed Children 3 2 32 F Married BA Housewife Children 2 3 29 F Single High School Housewife Children 1 Diploma 4 43 F Married Illiterate Housewife Spouse 1 5 32 F Married Junior High Hairdresser work Spouse 1 School from home) 6 33 F Married Elementary Janitor Spouse 2 School 7 42 F Married High School Employed Spouse 3 Diploma 8 43 F Married Elementary Tailor (work from Spouse 1 School home) 9 22 F Single High School Student Children 1 Diploma 10 46 F Married Elementary Housewife Spouse 1 School 11 38 F Single Elementary Tailor (clothes Children 2 School production) 12 30 F Single High School Employed Children 2 Diploma 13 35 F Married High School Employed Children 1 Diploma 14 30 F Married High School Housewife Children 1 Diploma 15 50 F Married Illiterate Housewife Spouse 2
The interviews were tape recorded and relationships among them. The objective transcribed verbatim for coding and was to offer a comprehensive summary of analysis. Transcripts were analysed after the challenges the interviewees face. each interview was completed. The author conducted all interviews. After each RESULTS interview, the author listened to the tapes In this study, three participants previously while writing the transcripts in detail. experienced homelessness. None of them Transcripts were reduced to codes by received any support from governmental or line-by-line reading of the text. The audio non-governmental organisations. During the taped interviews and notes were reviewed interviews, they described their experiences repeatedly to identify emerging themes and of living in a family with an addicted
220 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 215 - 234 (2018) The Effects of Drug Addicted Fathers on Families in Tehran member. A few main themes were identified I had nothing to feed my children in the research data. Of course, some themes and I was afraid to go out on my were overlapping. The effects of drug use own.” (15) were so intertwined that it is sometimes impossible to draw clear boundaries between “When he is at home, he breaks them. This is especially obvious in quotes, things and I have to go buy them where some quotes touched on multiple again. He has broken the windows, issues. In the following sections, some of mirrors, and things in the closets the most important experiences of family many times. If he comes back from members, who were affected by the drug jail, I will suffer more; I prefer addiction of their father, are expressed. his absence. For example, after drinking tea, he’d throw away the Tension cup or the sugar bowl, and this When family, which is regarded as a haven meant that he wants more tea. He for peace, is affected by the behaviour of wouldn’t say ‘Go get me another an individual member, who is under the tea.’ He’d throw the cup.” (6) influence of drug abuse, then it becomes the epicentre of tension, restlessness, and Feelings of Insecurity and Uncertainty disturbance. The inability of an addicted Family members of an addict do not feel father to satisfy the mental, emotional, and security (in terms of livelihood, shelter, natural needs of his wife and children, his emotional relationship, employment, indifference, family disputes, verbal and marriage, etc.). Life for these families physical violence, and related financial is always full of conflict and tension. problems all cause tension in these types of Their health, livelihood, family, and social families. It is difficult to talk about peace relations are threatened by this sense of and calmness in these types of settings. insecurity. When one does not have a sense In the following paragraphs, some of of security, it is easier for other individuals the statements made by three research or a group in the society (like gangs, or other participants are presented: illegal groups, etc.) who offers them a sense “He was always angry with me. of belonging to convince the individual to When the children were small, he join them. beat me a lot. He broke my teeth. ... The drug addiction of a father has an At that time, we had just arrived in influence on the personality of his wife. Tehran and the kids were small. But Addicted fathers have devastating impacts he would leave us by ourselves and on their children’s future, education, career, be gone for days at a time. I didn’t marriage, and family life. In these families, know my way around. Sometimes, sometimes children drop out of school
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 215 - 234 (2018) 221 Zahra Farzizadeh as teenagers (due to poverty and lack where the father is also involved in narcotics of resources to pay for school fees, the smuggling and distribution, there are demands of child labour, or lack of mental additional worries for the family, including focus and intellectual discipline caused by the possibility of the father’s arrest or further the ongoing tension and conflict in their damage to the family’s reputation. These family environment). Lack of education are additional reasons to be more uncertain has a long and short-term consequence for about the future. them, including the intensification of their “We weren’t sure if my father could sense of insecurity. In fact, in such families pay the rent for our home and the where there is always a high level of tension, store this month… or make any risk, disorder, and conflict, it is impossible payments on his old debt… or if to think of a long-term investment in areas he’d have to borrow money again like education. Deprived of education, it to pay for this month’s rent. The is difficult to be hopeful for the mental landlord had threatened to throw development of these individuals and expect out our belongings. We weren’t them to learn informal social subtleties, sure if we would be in this house while obeying the laws of society. Of for another month or not. He comes course, sometimes in these families, with the home late at nights. Sometimes, he relentless efforts of the mother, children do gets home at dawn. When he was stay in school and continue their education. using methamphetamine, he was As far as the prospects of marriage for awake till the morning. We couldn’t these children is concerned, it is highly sleep well. He was making a lot of probable that they will remain single, noise. Actually, there was no order especially the girls. Due to their father’s in our lives. I couldn’t get much addiction and the stigma in the society for sleep at nights, so I couldn’t study these types of individuals, people have very well the next day.” (1) little desire to marry these girls. Even if the father has stopped using drugs for several years, people are still reluctant to marry the Anxiety daughters. Family members worry about what is Instability, uncertainty, disorder, and happening to their addicted relative, the obscurity are the distinctive features of rest of the family, and themselves. The these types of families. The possibility to anxiety that the wife and children experience set certain goals for the future and reduce puts a lot of pressure on them. Anxiety uncertainty is non-existent. The addicted can be created by an uncertain future, the father does not have much control over the breadwinner’s loss of job, threat to their affairs and is unable to make appropriate livelihood, financial debt, the possibility of decisions on different issues. In families becoming homeless, mental and physical
222 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 215 - 234 (2018) The Effects of Drug Addicted Fathers on Families in Tehran effects of addiction on children, their as soon as I finished high school, health, education, future marriage and its I went and got a job so that we related expenses, worries about the family’s wouldn’t ever run out of money reputation being tainted in the eyes of and be stranded penniless on the relatives, friends, and neighbours, and fear streets.” (12) of being excluded from society. In cases where there is a separation in the family, “My father was a drug abuser. I the wife may worry about her and her have two brothers who became children’s fate in the period after the divorce, addicted too. When I was in fifth their sustenance, and provisions, further grade, my mother died. I wasn’t increasing family anxiety. Issues related able to continue studying because I to the addicted individual also may cause was worried about my brothers and additional concerns and worries, such as: sisters. I did all the house chores. anxiety about the addicted member changing I took a job in a production unit. I the type of drug they use to synthetic drugs tried so hard to help my brothers (causing more harm), return to addiction quit drugs, but it was in vain. Once, by the husband (or father) after quitting, I took pills to kill myself and then changes in the appearance of the addicted they promised to quit. I took them member, their behavioural disorders, to NA [Narcotics Anonymous]. sleeping disorders, mental and physical Now they acknowledge my toil and illnesses, the possibility of acquiring certain say that you went through so much infections such as HIV and Hepatitis (when trouble and hard work for us. You drug use gets done by injections), and the dedicated your life to us.” (11) possibility of death. Problems, anxieties, and worries increase more dramatically if family “My father got two marriage loans members are involved in other harmful with our marriage certificate. He situations, such as children escapade (which let us keep one for ourselves which is another source of social harm), the mother we’ve paid it off already. He took becoming addicted too, pregnancy, children the other one for himself but didn’t becoming addicted, children’s delinquency, pay his payments. Three years and illegitimate sexual relationships of the passed, and the bank was calling spouse with other people. once in a while, telling him to make the payments. I told my dad “When I was younger, whenever to please go make these payments, my dad was having a fight with my our reputation has become tainted mom, he’d always say ‘I’m leaving’. in front of my husband. He says I thought he’d leave us and we he’d do it. There were two people would have no money. That’s why
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who had signed off as guarantors fate are other issues that these types of on our loans; they were calling families face. A drug addict is not able to us repeatedly as well. Their pay play the proper role of a father or a husband checks were being cut and taken as and tends to neglect his responsibilities. payments. The bank manager was Thus, the suffering and anger increase a relative of one of the co-workers for family members. In such families, at the place where my husband the wife has heavy responsibilities and and I were working. So we were carries out her husband’s duties as well. very embarrassed. At last, my Sometimes, children take on their father’s husband felt bad for me and started responsibilities and behave in a manner making payments instead of my that does not suit their age. For example, dad. Another time, he took a check they drop out of school and try to cover the from my husband and did not have family’s livelihood needs. enough money in due time to cover “We were experiencing a hard life. it. So the check was dishonoured My father’s indifference to our and returned. My husband became life was at 90 percent. He didn’t very angry about it, because I pay rent several months in a row. was pregnant and any money we He’d sleep in until noon, while his made was being spent on visiting shop was closed. He used to have doctors, sonographs, and medicine, many customers, some from out and there was little money left for of town and faraway cities. But, anything else and now we had to he gradually lost his customers. pay for that check as well. I became I knew he couldn’t afford to pay very nervous. One night my heart the rent for another house after was pounding so hard. Two days this one, because the deposit rates later, my baby died prematurely in for rentals had gone up and he my womb. My doctor told me that couldn’t afford it anymore. Then, it was due to fear and stress.” (14) the landlord gave us an eviction notice since we had not paid rent for The Indifference of the Individual months. Ever since then, I lost my Addict peace. We were in a state of crisis, Family members witness an extreme expecting the landlord to evict us indifference and lethargy from addicted any day now. Nevertheless, due to members. Lack of adequate control over Methamphetamine consumption, the family’s resources, weak or no sense my father was carefree. I had never of responsibility towards family members, seen him so carefree. He had no their profession, the future, and children’s worries even if the house collapsed
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on him. So, eventually the landlord, provide the basic needs of the family (food, with the help of a police officer, health, hygiene, etc.), not being able to threw our stuff out on the street. pay the rent for the house, selling house My father put all our things in items and wife’s jewellery, vagabondism, his friend’s back yard, and then demanding (sometimes forcefully) wife’s rented the second floor of a small little income (low wages from the work old house. A year later, the new she does to help meet the primary needs landlord evicted us again.” (1) of the family), and homelessness are some of the other problems such families deal with. In some of the mentioned cases “On my wedding, he gave us in our interview sections, the wife (and 500000 Rials in an envelope as a sometimes the grown up children) is in gift. That night, as we were going charge of providing income to pay for the home, he asked me to give him back family’s expenses. If they are unemployed the money since he was short on too, the family’s livelihood is in danger. cash. Without letting my husband If the addicted member gets imprisoned notice, I stealthily gave him the for smuggling or some other crime, the money. He didn’t come home till family’s economic insecurity and worries the next morning, as he was out will intensify even further. In this situation, indulging himself. He had bought the wife’s and children’s employment is of me two carpets as my dowry. The vital importance. So, if the wife does not sales person from the carpet store have the minimum necessary capabilities was calling me for a year to collect (literacy, skill, and the ability to be present the payments for it. So, I told my in the society) for work and children are father that you only bought me a too young to work, then the family’s living carpet, but you haven’t paid for conditions fall into a critical situation. it, and because of that I want you to return it since I don’t feel right “He was jailed for five years. A about it.” (13) week after his release, he committed another crime and got arrested Livelihood in Danger again and is in jail for another three years. Since then, seven months Loss of job, reduction or complete loss of have passed. He was out for one income (as a result of an addict’s lethargy, week between his prison terms. and irresponsibility), spending money on I’ve been doing housework for drugs which further reduces the family’s people, washing carpet, working resources (while the spouse’s and children’s for neighbours, cleaning glasses, needs get neglected), debt, the inability to and doing New Year’s cleaning.
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Because my husband is in jail, self-worth and self-confidence can become I receive some aid from Emdad damaged. This affects their interpersonal Committee. Also, I get the monthly and social interactions. Family members subsidy from the government. I may try to disguise his addiction from always give him his. He calls so everybody. They may become concerned much for it that it gets on my nerves. about how other people view them. The day before yesterday I told him “As I’d get older, I was feeling “Shame on you! Instead of greetings more pain. I’d notice the difference and asking about your children you between my own family and my call and ask for money”. When he friends’ families. I was embarrassed is not in jail, I can do nothing. He for having such a father in front of doesn’t work and doesn’t let me our neighbours. Wherever we lived, work either. It’s better for me when after a while, people would find he is in jail. Whenever he is home, out that my father’s a drug addict. he gives me a hard time, a lot. He Maybe some of my classmates knew was both a user and a supplier. too. I was living in a miserable, That’s why he is in jail. If he comes tearful environment full of tension. back, he’d do it again. He was Every night, I couldn’t fall sleep arrested many times, but he’d do it because of the grief I was feeling. I again. But no matter where he is, was in tears every night.” (3) all household chores and our son’s responsibilities have always been mine. It’s all on my shoulders.” (6) “Once my parents-in-law were visiting us from out of town. My father came over to see them. Then “He earns money from drugs but he asked me for a nail file. I gave can’t pay his wife’s and children’s him one. Then, for the whole one expenses, because he is spending it hour that he stayed with us, he on his own drug use.” (10) was filing his nails, and not even looked at our guests while he was Shame and Damage to Self-Esteem talking to them. This behaviour Due to the presence of an addicted individual from him is due to his drug usage, in the family and his unusual behaviours, the especially methamphetamine. I felt wife and children may be embarrassed when so embarrassed. I’m glad my in they visit relatives, friends, acquaintances, laws don’t live in Tehran, otherwise and neighbours, or when they would go to they’d find out about his addiction.” public places. As a result, their sense of (2)
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Isolation and Loneliness Deprived of Support and Help from The amount of interaction between these Others families and the rest of the people in society Often, the issues of drug abuse remain is negligible. They don’t have much contact hidden within the family. Due to the fear of with others. They want the addiction issue feeling shame and embarrassment, family to remain disguised. This worry may last members try to cover up. This situation forever, even after the addict member quits causes them to keep the heavy burden of the habit. When others discover the drug their issues and sufferings to themselves. addiction of a head of a household, two This attitude leads to self-deprivation of all situations may emerge. Some people may the help and social support they can receive feel reluctant to interact with the addict’s from friends and relatives. It is worth noting family, and in some cases, it was observed that the relatives of our research participants that they are no longer invited to events, were mostly in other faraway towns. In fact, such as weddings or other ceremonies. these subjects migrated to Tehran years ago The second scenario is the avoidance of for job-hunting, and currently, they are far people by the addict’s family in order not away from their relatives and hometowns. to feel more shamed and disrespected, or Sometimes, friends and relatives find out to avoid encountering other’s sarcasm and about the addicted individual, but shun the put-downs. Broadly speaking, it is highly addict and his family. Either for the sake probable that the addict and his/her family of keeping their self-perceived dignity get excluded and isolated in their society intact, or their unwillingness to provide any (at school, in their neighbourhood circles, financial help, they try to avoid the family relative network, or workplace). of their addicted relative and make as little contact as possible. “As a child, we were always alone, Social service organisations pay didn’t have many guests, and didn’t very little attention to such families too. go to many social gatherings. We These organisations mainly pay attention had very little interaction with (restricted and inadequate) to the addicted relatives. Now, I understand the individual rather than their families. Drug reason. My father was an addict. rehab centres are very costly and usually Even now that I’m a grown up and addicts cannot afford them. Therefore, their don’t live with my dad anymore, I’m rehabilitation gets delayed. Although drug still worried. Worried that one-day rehab is necessary, it cannot solely function my colleagues and friends discover as a successful policy. First of all, the causes the fact that my dad used to be an of addiction must be prevented to reduce the addict. If that happens, I’d lose my number of addicts and their at risk families dignity.” (3) in society.
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Murder of Family Members suffer much more than before from their A very important issue currently is the fact family’s state of disarray. They notice the that, with the widespread use of synthetic differences when they compare themselves drugs, the lives of family members are in to others, including friends, neighbours, and danger too. One of the consequences of using relatives. This awareness adds to their grief. new synthetic drugs is the development of When in this type of situation, children may hallucinations in the individual addict, and get separated because of getting married or in that state of mind, the murder of the running away from home, but they still do addicted individual’s wife and children has not feel happy because they remember their occurred on several occasions. tragic past and the calamitous situation of their drug-addict relative and that saddens “I had a sister whose husband was them. They rarely can be happy and have a addicted to meth. Last summer, her good time again. They dream about a good husband killed her. Since then, I feel family situation. But, some of them can nothing anymore. My sister used never form a family and will keep yearning to work so hard, her husband was for it. useless, always sitting in a room. He used to lean back while she worked “After that year, my father divorced to be able to get him his drug. He his second wife. Then, he was with hit her too, but not a lot. My sister us all the time and I was happy was afraid of him so she tried not to about it, about our life becoming make him angry. The last days, he a bit normal again. But, after six had the hallucination that my sister months I noticed some changes in was going to kill him. My niece says his behaviour; it wasn’t normal. whenever her mother served food, Till I found out he was using a new he exchanged our plates saying we substance (meth). He’d stay up all might’ve poisoned his food to kill night. Sometimes, he spent several him.” (5) hours doing something, such as cleaning the kitchen. I remember his yelling and screaming angrily. Feeling Pain and Misery At nights, I stayed up because he Considering the mentioned issues in these wasn’t coming home and I was types of families, it is obvious that family worried. I was embarrassed in members would feel constant pain and front of the neighbours for this misery. Families in these situations are no situation. He had become a total longer a haven for peace and happiness. careless person. I was tired of his Members of such families rarely experience ways and did most of my crying in joy. When their children grow up, they that period.” (3)
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“I have everything now, education, and the children (if they are old enough) try a job, a house, and money. But, I to earn money. don’t feel happy because I don’t The studied women in our research do have a family. Nobody likes to not think about divorce. That is due to the marry me. If someone would ask for fact that divorce is considered to be vile marriage and then find out that my and there is a great deal of social pressure father used to be an addict, surely on individuals after becoming a widow. they’d change their mind. And, The belief that a wife marries in a white sometimes I think about my dad. dress and leaves after death in white is a He quit drugs. But he is by himself traditional norm in Iranian society. So, there and alone. He is ill. I’m sure he is is a great deal of emphasis on the importance suffering from his loneliness. And of maintaining the family and the marriage. sometimes I remember my mother’s Fear of being away from your own children pains and cry for her.” (1) and their future and the issues of becoming homeless and jobless after divorce also These mentioned family members feel a lot function as deterrents to divorce. Women, of sorrow. Sadness, crying, patience, and who do not have an adequate education and tolerance are some of their tactics to deal lack sufficient skills to support themselves with their situation. Attempts to get the and their children after divorce, don’t even addict member rehabilitated are their other think about it. But women with proper tactic. They really want this badly. To get education and skill and a job to support the addicted member to go for rehabilitation, their lives are likely to get divorced if their they use encouraging talks, arguments, and situation becomes really intolerable. admonishment. If the family’s breadwinner is the addict member and they have no “In our family, women are docile savings or any other source of income, and content. Although my sister’s the addicted member’s rehabilitation is husband was a Heroin addict and postponed because if he doesn’t work for she was miserable, she didn’t think a while, then the family’s livelihood is about divorce. She used to work threatened. Also, addicts have to pay some while her husband used to sleep fees to these types of rehab centres. Drug carefree. Because of his addiction, rehabilitation centres have high costs and the they had so much debt too.” (7) addicted person is usually unable to pay for it. The effort made by the rest of the family members (i.e. wife and children) to cover “My first son got addicted too. He the living costs is another strategy in these got married too. His wife was very families. Both the wife (if she has any skills) young. After she learned about
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his addiction, she left him. She there are certain differences between Iran was really young. The girl was in and some other countries, similar studies junior high when they met and got from other countries show that these types married. After she found out about of families suffer from all the problems cited his drug addiction, she left. They above (Orford et al., 2010b; Vellman et al., have a child too…” (8) 2011; Vellman & Templeton, 2007). Unlike some countries, the participants DISCUSSION in this study do not receive any particular Due to a complex and intertwined social support. They were not members of relationship between narcotic addiction any NGOs to receive their services. The and the outbreak of certain social issues, obstacle in being referred to places like drug addiction appears to be a major threat active NGOs is usually the unawareness to society. “Women and other family of the existence of such centres, or it is the members witnessing addiction of the head fear of incurring damage to their dignity of their family tend to live in a situation and self-esteem. Overall, there are still that makes them really vulnerable” (Orford not enough actions in Iran to improve the et al., 2013, p. 71). Findings of the present situation for these types of families. Unlike study confirm the results of similar studies the subjects in other studies, none of the in other countries. The addiction of the women in our study was divorced. The head of a family has counter-productive reason for it is the importance put on family effects on other family members. The maintenance in Iranian culture. The wives problems such families face can be divided of addicted individuals, despite their many into several groups. Certain problems are problems, do not abandon their families associated with their essential and basic easily. Patience, tolerance, and attempts to needs (i.e. shelter, food, security, health, send their addicted husbands to rehab are education), while some are related to their special characteristics of Iranian women. interactions and relationships with other One of the other factors that prevent women society members. Members of these families from leaving their families is the negative experience tension, lack of security, lack view of divorce in society. Homelessness, of certainty, anxiety, the indifference of as well as being unable to provide for their the addicted individual, threat to their livelihood after divorce, deters some women livelihood (shelter, food, etc.), shame and (especially the poor and those without any low self-esteem, isolation and loneliness, support) from leaving their marriage. At deprivation of help and support from others, the moment, Iran’s social security system murder of family members, and the feelings does not offer much support for women of pain and misery. Also, sometimes certain after divorce. conditions develop that lead to substance Additionally, addiction prevention abuse by other family members. Although measures are very limited in Iran. In
230 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 215 - 234 (2018) The Effects of Drug Addicted Fathers on Families in Tehran organisations responsible for tackling cooperation from others, and the feelings of addiction, treatment is more important than pain and misery. prevention. They don’t use very efficient Creating awareness in the community methods in treatment practices either. In about the dangers of drug addiction, fact, they consider treatment only when especially related to mental disorders and the situation has turned into a crisis and their devastating consequences on the family undesirable effects have become quite members of the addicted individual, plays apparent. Inattention to prevention confirms an essential role in addiction prevention. the principal of human life being dominated Informing the public through lectures, by events rather than humans dominating educational textbooks and academic events. While prevention of social problems materials, mass media, and various prints is very important, and without a doubt the can make a difference as well. The Iranian first actions taken must be concentrated state-run television, radio, and other media on prevention measures, the next step we play a pivotal role in producing programs must think of is treatment. To be successful that reflect the repercussions for addicts and in prevention efforts, we need to use new their family members. It is obvious that it sciences and employ successful experiences is highly important to use the findings of of others in this area. It is vital to study new sociologists, psychologists and cognitive theories in the field, empirical research, and science, and neuroscience experts in the successful experiences and achievements of production of such programs. organisations and institutions that work on Overall, paying attention to the the prevention of addiction worldwide and empowerment of people is more important adopt measures to prevent the expansion of than any other issue. Attempts to empower drug addiction in Iran. people from their childhood are considered as an important step in addiction prevention. CONCLUSION Formation of any kind of belief system In this study, by using semi-structured (true or false) in humans is made possible deep interviews, we have come upon by learning. Using some well-known some findings about the experiences scientific theories about learning and of family members encountering their mental empowerment is fundamental father’s addiction issues. This study’s to immunisation against addiction. findings improve our understanding of Undoubtedly the education system plays a these families’ problems and show that critical role in this area. they experience and suffer from tension, Children in these families are subject to uncertainty, anxiety, indifference from the various harms due to the carelessness of the addicted member, threat to their livelihood, head of the family. It is necessary to consider shame and damaged self-esteem, isolation measures to support the families of addicted and loneliness, deprivation of support and individuals. Their needs are not only
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 215 - 234 (2018) 231 Zahra Farzizadeh limited to material ones, but their emotional on how to support the family members of a and spiritual needs may be more acute. drug addict so that their exposure to harm Emotional and intellectual support systems and suffering is minimised. for women and children in these families can prevent further harm. They need counselling REFERENCES to face the tensions arising from living with Aghakhani, N., Mosavi, E., Eftekhari, A., Eghtedar, S., an addicted member and to find solutions. Zareei, A., Rahbar, N., … Nikoonejad, A. (2013). Knowing how to cope with emotional and A study on the domestic violence in women with mental pressures and finding some solutions addicted and non-addicted husbands referred to forensic center of Urmia, Iran in 2012. Journal to improve self-confidence and self-esteem of Urmia Nursing and Midwifery Faculty, 11(11), can prevent depression. So, it is essential to 907-917. develop and provide accessible inexpensive Arria, A. M., Mericle, A. A., Meyers, K., & Winters, and high-quality counselling services in K. C. (2012). Parental substance use impairment, every neighbourhood, in order to reduce parenting and substance use disorder risk. the side effects of living with an addicted Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment, 43, member. Providing counselling services can 114-122. definitely prevent certain harms among the Behravan, H., & MirAnvari, S. A. (2010). A family members, especially teenagers. sociological analysis of drug addict’s relapse in Financial support is necessary, and it the Therapeutic Community (TC) of Mashhad in paves the way for the rehabilitation process 2009, Iran. Iranian Journal of Social Problems, of the addicted individual. Financial support (1), 45-78. is important in several ways. Money can Boyd, C. J. (1993). The antecedents of women’s crack be used for treatment and rehab costs, cocaine abuse: Family substance abuse, sexual providing family’s living costs during the abuse, depression and illicit drug use. Journal of rehabilitation process of the addict (some Substance Abuse Treatment, 10, 433-438. fail to go to rehab centres due to their Brick, J. (2004). Handbook of the medical concerns about the livelihood of their consequences of alcohol and drug abuse. US: family during rehabilitation), and initial The Haworth Press. seed money for those who seek to restart Copello, A. G., & Orford, J. (2002). Addiction and their old profession or those who set out to the family: Is it time for services to take notice start a new business. Of course, as it was of the evidence? Addiction, 97(11), 1361-1363. mentioned before, eliminating the causes of Copello, A. G., Templeton, L. J., Orford, J., Velleman, addiction in the society should be the focus R. D. B., Patel, A., Moore, L., … Godfrey, C. of all efforts. (2009). The relative efficacy of two levels of a primary care interventions for family members Further studies about how to prevent affected by the addiction problem of a close and eliminate the root causes of addiction relative: A randomized trial. Addiction, 104, in Iran are needed. Also, studies are needed 49-58.
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SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES
Journal homepage: http://www.pertanika.upm.edu.my/
Afghan Refugees and Iran’s Open Door Policy in the 1980s
Arash Nasr Esfahani* and Sayed Hasan Hosseini University of Tehran, Faculty of Social Sciences, Jalal Al-e Ahmad Highway, Tehran, Iran. P.O. Box: 14395-773
ABSTRACT Iran is one of the top refugee-hosting countries in the world. After the beginning of war in Afghanistan in the late 1970s and 1980s, Iran opened its borders to Afghan refugees. Unlike Pakistan, Iran allowed Afghans to enter the country and reside in the mainland, in cities, and villages, instead of accommodating them in border camps. That was an unusual decision that was not effectuated by Iran’s government during the 1990s ongoing wave of immigrations. This paper explores the main causes for the open door policy adopted by Iran in the mentioned period and investigates the consequences that resulted from this policy. Unlike many scholars who claim the immigration policy of the time to be the result of either ideological or calculated decisions, this paper argues that there was no other alternative for the new government in the peculiar circumstances of a post-revolutionary country.
Keywords: Afghan refugees, border camps, economic competition, immigration policy, Islamic revolution, refugee accommodation, split market, UNHCR
INTRODUCTION “isolated and less known” country, “it is one A report, published by UNHCR Refugees of the most generous countries worldwide Magazine in 1997, introduced Afghan in hosting refugees because, unlike many refuge in Iran as an “Iranian surprise.” other countries, Afghans are allowed in The author stated that although Iran is an to settle throughout the country instead of being settled in border camps” (Wilkinson, 1997). In fact, the source of this refugee crisis in the region was the political turmoil
ARTICLE INFO in Afghanistan. After the 1978 coup, the Article history: People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan Received: 18 October 2017 Accepted: 01 February 2018 (PDPA) came to power which resulted in E-mail addresses: a set of drastic changes known as the Thor [email protected] (Arash Nasr Esfahani) [email protected] (Sayed Hasan Hosseini) Revolution. * Corresponding author
ISSN: 0128-7702 © Universiti Putra Malaysia Press Arash Nasr Esfahani and Sayed Hasan Hosseini
The temporary and seasonal migration for marriage at 16. For many, these were of Afghans to Iran was prevalent prior to signs of the Soviet agenda to eliminate 1979, mainly due to poverty and drought at Islam. home and economic opportunities abroad. With the establishment of the communist Most of these immigrants were from the government, internal conflicts between western and central parts of Afghanistan, PDPA and Islamic groups rivalling to and it is estimated that nearly 600,000 overthrow the government began. In 1979, Afghans were in Iran before the 1979 coup with the intensification of war between the (Rubin, 1996, p. 3). As a result, Afghan Mujahedeen and the central government, workers were familiar faces especially in the Soviet Union, fearful of the anticipated eastern parts of Iran. However, after the loss of a major ally in the South, started a communist surge in Afghanistan and USSR military intervention in Afghanistan. One of military intervention, an unprecedented the outcomes of the invasion was the flow migration of Afghans in terms of nature and of Afghan refugees toward the borders to magnitude took place. evade war, because of which about 600,000 As PDPA took power, the new Afghans arrived in Iran and Pakistan within government put socialist reforms on agenda: a week. As Kakar (1995) puts it, targeting the national flag of Afghanistan changed Mujahedeen and ordinary people through from the traditional green to something rocket attacks on civilians, the destruction resembling the flag of Soviet Union, land of the infrastructure under the shared control reforms began, women were granted the of the Mujahedeen and people, retaliatory right to vote, and similar reforms began attacks of Soviet forces, targeting farmers to take hold nationwide. Reforms were at the harvest time, confiscation of farmers’ not welcomed by traditional religious crops and livestock, and forced evacuation factions of the Afghan community, giving of villages, made life so insecure that many way to a mass exodus of angry Afghans to Afghans decided to leave. two neighbouring Islamic countries: Iran The rate of refugee departure from and Pakistan. Many traditional families Afghanistan in 1980-81 was about 180,000 considered reforms to be contradictory to migrants per month; in 1982-85, the rate Islamic teachings and preferred to leave decreased to 15,000-20,000, and in 1987 it Afghanistan. As Hoodfar (2004) points was further reduced to five to six thousand out, most of those who migrated to Iran (Goodson, 2001, p. 149). As the population were illiterate villagers irritated by the arrived at Iranian borders, they were government mandatory education programs transferred to Iran’s cities and villages after that forced families to enrol their daughters simple and short administrative procedures. in public schools. Another reason for the Unlike Pakistan, Iran permitted the anxiety was marriage laws, which required refugees to reside in different cities and the bride’s consent and set the consent age villages without any restrictions. Refugees
236 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 235 - 252 (2018) Afghan Refugees and Iran’s Open Door Policy had access to the labour market and allowed local communities (British Refugee Council, to stay in Iran until the end of war in 1987; Pahlavan, 1988). In the long term, the Afghanistan. Most of the refugees with presence of refugees in various regions a rural background entered the market as of Iran and the following non-integration low-skilled workers in urban and rural areas, policies aimed at persuading the refugees occupying the location at the lowest layer of to return to Afghanistan caused Afghan Iran`s working class. refugees to lose hope for access to Iranian In November 1981, an Iranian Interior citizenship rights. The open door policy and Ministry official told media that the number settlement of refugees in cities and villages of Afghan refugees was about 1.5 million; had such severe implications for the Iranian most of whom were settling in two main government that in 1990s under similar provinces in eastern Iran (Sorouroddin, situations, Iran refused to let Iraqi and Azeri 1981). With the arrival of new Afghan refugees to cross its borders. refugees, the figure increased annually, The main question here is why such an reaching an unprecedented number of uncommon refugee policy was implemented four million people in 1991. Not all these by Iran in the 1980s. Several answers have refugees were Afghan, however, since been given to the question. Some believe by that time, Iran had hosted around 2.2 that it was a calculated decision by Iran to million Iraqi refugees from western borders replace labour force shortage agriculture (Hosseini, 1993, p. 277). Although most and the construction industry in a time when Iraqis returned to their country, Afghans many young Iranians were sent to the war remained in Iran and, today, there are front in western borders beside using afghans nearly three million Afghan refugees and as political tools to influence the situation immigrants living across the country. in Afghanistan (Milani, 2006). Others After the flow of Afghan displaced emphasise on the ideological character of the population toward its borders, Iran welcomed new revolutionary government in Iran and them with an open door policy; a policy attribute the reason behind the policy to the that provided Afghans with access to its Islamic principles of the new government labour market while the government had to (Yarbakhsh, 2018). This paper argues provide the immigrant population with basic that Iran’s generous policy toward Afghan education, medical services and subsidized refugees should be understood, considering food like Iranian nationals. The open door the specific features of a post-revolutionary policy had many short-term and long-term era after the 1979 Islamic Revolution and consequences. The sudden settlement of the newly established government. Locating millions of refugees in the eastern provinces the policy at the social and political context, of Iran led to some domestic problems at this article shows that the decision to open the time and sparked dissatisfaction among borders was the result of the impossibility
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 235 - 252 (2018) 237 Arash Nasr Esfahani and Sayed Hasan Hosseini of other practical alternatives rather than a University and Iran`s National Library. Each rational calculation of the perceived benefits document that seemed to be relevant for the or any other revolutionary agenda. purpose of the study were photographed by Moreover, the consequences of this authors and coded following the procedures policy at that time are investigated to show of the National Library (documents in this why the government did not implement paper are cited with their document number same policy in similar situations a decade in the National Library). Moreover, all the later. A close look at Iran’s conditions in official comments and interviews published the early years after the Islamic Revolution, in newspapers about Afghan refugees and including the engagement in an imposed war immigration policies at the time, were with Iraq, and the internal political power gathered and analysed as supplementary struggles, shows what factors shaped the sources of information; the newspapers open door policy and what implications kept in the National Library of Iran Archive, it had for the Iranian government, native and Etelaat Newspaper Archive, have population of Iran, and Afghan refugees in been the main sources of this data. In next decades. addition, reports released by international organisations (including UNHRC, the MATERIALS AND METHODS Refugee and Immigrant Committee of This article uses a qualitative approach in the the United States, and British Refugee study of its subject matter. So far, any study Council) on the status of Afghan refugees of Afghan refugee presence in Iran has been and immigrants or the policies of the made possible only by second-hand sources. Iranian government have also been gathered This study, however, takes advantage of through their official websites. All the the access to the recently declassified Data gathered from different sources, were official documents, tries to clarify the new analysed by qualitative content analysis dimensions of the situation at the time under approach. First, all data were categorized discussion. The main source of information in a chronological order. For each year, in this research are the official documents all data were classified under six main and letters related to Afghan refugees during categories: 1) number of refuges (legal and 1980s. A total of 2,175 documents, official illegal) and official statistics, 2) refugee’s letters, and reports issued to Zanjan, Qazvin, access to healthcare, education, and so on, and Markazi Provincial Governments 3) refugee’s accommodation and travel, 4) during the 1980s were accessed at the refugee entrance policy and deportation, Documentation Centre of Iran`s National 5) job market policies and regulation, Library. The documents were declassified and 6) tensions with local Iranians. Some as limited access since 2014 and the authors documents were simultaneously located gained authorization to view them following in two or more categories based on their an official agreement between Tehran contents. Every piece of information was
238 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 235 - 252 (2018) Afghan Refugees and Iran’s Open Door Policy labelled with a code showing the date (year First is the collapse of bureaucratic and month) and the main theme. Second, structures and decision-making procedures based on the available data for each year, a after the Islamic Revolution. Following narrative was formed covering the important the Revolution, the government structure aspects of the refugee presence focusing underwent a fundamental change and the on 1) official policies, and 2) the condition entire system of decision-making and of refugees. The final report was written administration was radically transformed. by combining different segments into an At that time, it was not possible to address integrated text. The first part of the report all national issues with structured and explores the causes of open door policy calculated decision-making processes. The and the second on the consequences of this newly established administration, which was policy for Iran. Three main themes were involved in internal political conflicts and, extracted from the data for the second part, a year later, imposed war with Iraq, all of a including identification of refugees and sudden faced the flood of Afghan refugees security issues, refugees and Iran labour into the country. In such circumstances, the market, and the problem of repatriation new government chose the easiest solution: which is discussed in the following section. to admit and settle Afghans in cities and villages without any restriction. In fact, the RESULTS AND DISCUSSION new and somehow inexperienced young bureaucrats wasn’t prepared to decide on Settlement of refugees in Iran the matter based on the rational calculation As stated before, during late 1970s and of predictable outcomes of the open door 1980s, Iran opened its borders to afghan policy. refugees and permitted them to reside in Second, the new government was the mainland country instead of border busy with more serious problems than camps. The reasons for accepting millions Afghan refugee arrival; the main focus was of Afghan refugees should be analysed on consolidating power and fighting the according to the circumstances of the imposed war with Iraq. In a situation where newly established government and social the country was involved in internal conflicts atmosphere of a post-revolutionary country. during the period of power construction As explained further in this section, after the 1979 Revolution, the onset of the unconditional admission of refugees was war and its consequences did not actually the only option that could be implemented leave room for attention to the issue of at that time, due to the complicated situation Afghan refugees. The war resulted in the of the country and the newly established displacement of a large part of the Iranian revolutionary government. All in all, it can population residing in western areas (near be argued that three major factors resulted the border with Iraq). In this context, the in the adoption of an open door policy by management and settlement of internally the Iran government of the time.
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 235 - 252 (2018) 239 Arash Nasr Esfahani and Sayed Hasan Hosseini displaced people became the top priority war with Iraq, and there was practically of the government. As a result, the country no possibility for building and equipping was so involved with internal and external camps and accommodating more than problems that there was no opportunity to one million refugee population in a brief consider the issue of the arrival of foreign period. Relations between Iran and Western war refugees. The Minister of Interior, countries became hostile after the occupation during his visit to Sistan and Baluchistan of the US embassy in Tehran in November province in April 1981, explicitly stated to 1979, exactly a month before the Soviet reporters “Unfortunately, due to government invasion of Afghanistan. engagement with the imposed war, we have Political tensions with the West denied not yet been able to decide on the issue Iran international assistance in the problem of refugee settlement”1. He assured local of refugee settlement. Iran’s reluctance to residents that the issue of Afghan refugees trust international institutions due to the in eastern provinces would be properly fear of intelligence operations under the addressed soon by the central government. cover of assistance (Halliday, 2001, p. 5) Therefore, at that time, the situation was was another obstacle to receiving assistance such that, on one hand, the state’s energy from the UNHCR. Between 1979 and 1990, was spent on the war with its costs and Pakistan received about $850 million in consequences, and on the other hand, after international assistance, while Iran’s share each Soviet bombardment, thousands of of international aids was slightly over $100 Afghans fled to the Iran border. million (Eisenberg, 2013, p. 15). Moreover, Third, the lack of sufficient funds UNHCR donations were handed based on to build border camps in the absence the population residing in the camps, not of international assistance was a major those active in the labour market. factor in implementing open door policy. In addition to these three main In contrast, Pakistan’s success in settling causal factors, there are two facilitators refugees in the camps was largely due to that made open door policy work and the Western aids, considering Pakistan’s created a favourable social and political role in equipping Mujahideen in the fight climate for refugees in the country. First against the Soviets. Unlike Pakistan, Iran is the ideological approach of the newly did not have the necessary facilities for established revolutionary state in Iran at building refugee camps; therefore, allowing the time: a revolution that defined itself as them in the country was inevitable. The an advocate of the oppressed people in all country faced with enormous costs of the parts of the world with the announcement of its mission defying the Eastern and Western imperialism. The Islamic Republic, 1Afghan refugees will be accommodated in Iran, right from its establishment, considered its said interior minister (1981, April 10), Keyhan newspaper. duty to protect the oppressed and back all
240 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 235 - 252 (2018) Afghan Refugees and Iran’s Open Door Policy liberation movements in the world. Based on society in the early years after the revolution, this attitude, the phrase “Islam does not have which provided the social context for the borders” quoted from Ayatollah Khomeini acceptance of Afghans. After the revolution, was the legitimating basis for the open door the social mood created a sense of fraternity policy. It was for this reason that for many and solidarity in the society, which facilitated years the term “Afghan brothers” were used the acceptance of foreign refugees in Iran. in Iran to address Afghan refugees. The importance of the revolutionary social In fact, for the government, sheltering atmosphere of the early 1980s on the Afghan Afghan refugees was more of a religious refugee’s situation in Iran is undeniable duty and an emphasis on the commitment since in the following decade, distancing of the Islamic Republic to play a leading from the early revolutionary atmosphere, the Islamic revolutionary role in the region living conditions of Afghans worsened as and worldwide. Recently, a former Afghan the public acceptance of refugees declined. government official in Iran claimed that at In addition to the factors discussed the beginning of the arrival of Afghans in above, some researchers pointed out two Iran, the incumbent Prime Minister was in other issues in explaining the open door favour of settling refugees in border camps; policy and accommodation of refugees the idea was rejected by the “scholars inside the country. One claim is that the of the Islamic Republic and especially beginning of the war with Iraq, and Iran’s Ayatollah Khomeini” (Afzali, 2014). He desperate need for human workforce, means quoted Mohammad Montazeri, a high- that Iran’s refugee policy was a pragmatic rank revolutionary cleric, to have said, decision rather than an ideological approach. “There is no difference between Iranians To be more precise, the cheap labour force and Afghans. Here in Iran, Islam rules. Let of Afghans workers would compensate them come, work, and learn. Why stopping the workforce shortage in a time when them?” It is not easy to verify the quotation, part of Iran’s manpower was deployed on since there is no evidence to confirm; but the battlefields. According to the claim, based on the revolutionary rhetoric of the the presence of Afghans in Iran when the time, however, it could be said that the country was involved in the heavy war had “revolutionary” section of the government great benefits for the country. had a welcoming approach toward Afghan The second claim is that the presence of refugees. Meanwhile, it should be noted Afghans in Iran has enabled the government that even if the pragmatic section of the to form multiple organisations of Afghan government had a different view on the fighters who could later be used in the issue, practical options to do otherwise political and domestic power struggles of were feeble. Afghanistan. Milani (2006) believes that The second facilitator was the Iran used the “Afghan Card” as a means revolutionary atmosphere of the Iranian to put pressure on the Soviet Union and
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 235 - 252 (2018) 241 Arash Nasr Esfahani and Sayed Hasan Hosseini halt the transfer of Soviet weapons to Iraq is whether these factors can be considered during the eight-year war. In his opinion, explanatory factors behind Iran’s open door Iran supported marginalised Shi’a groups, policy; the two arguments seem to be rather like the Hazaras and Qizilbash, to create a a function of open door policy rather than sphere of influence in Afghanistan and tried the reason behind it. As argued before, the to organise them in the form of unified forces open door policy was not adopted based (p. 237). During the Soviet occupation of on the precise calculation of economic Afghanistan, Iran was a base for armed and political benefits of Afghan refugees’ resistance in Afghanistan, but still different presence in Iran, but was largely due to from Pakistan in some respects. In Pakistan, unique social, political, and bureaucratic the government openly supported resistance situations in a revolutionary condition. In to the Soviet axis and worked closely with fact, basic requirements for a rational and local and international groups to provide calculated approach toward the issue of political and military support to the Islamic Afghans entering the country were absent. fighters (Bhatia and Sedra, 2008, p. 45). In the context of the socio-political contexts However, Iran could not take an apparent of post-revolutionary Iran, it is evident position toward Afghanistan because it was that at the time, there was no other way fighting at home and its relationship with the for decision-makers but to adopt refugees Soviet Union was strategically important. without restrictions. However, many Afghan resistance Rajaee (2000), in examining Iranian groups were operating in Iran who enjoyed refugee policies, shows that after the less freedom of action and received less stabilisation period, Iran managed to create support compared to their peers in Pakistan a balance between its constraints and the (Wannell, 1991). The presence of Afghan urgent need for a response to the refugee refugees in Iran made it possible for Iran to crisis; for example, during the Nagorno- train militias for a right moment to deploy Karabakh conflict in 1991, the war between in Afghanistan (Milani, 2006, p. 237). the Azerbaijan and Armenia, hundreds According to Harpviken (2009), the role of thousands of people were displaced, of these organisations became particularly causing the Azeri refugees to rush to the apparent after the end of the Iran-Iraq war, Iranian border in 1993. However, Iran’s when Iran tried to influence theMujahedeen policy towards this group of refugees government and later used them in the war was not opening the country’s doors but against the Taliban (p. 84). creating camps inside Azerbaijan that To what extent have the two above- worked under the supervision of the Red mentioned arguments been a decisive Crescent. For this purpose, several camps factor in the adoption of Iran’s Open Door were constructed by the collaboration of two Policy? The importance of these arguments sides. In 1995, one of the interior ministry cannot be ignored but what matters here officials explicitly stated that Iran did not
242 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 235 - 252 (2018) Afghan Refugees and Iran’s Open Door Policy allow Azeri refugees to enter Iran because government dealing with domestic issues of what the government learned from the and a war with a neighbouring country. experience of Afghan refugees. He explicitly Acceptance of millions of refugees helped stated that if they could enter, their return to many Afghans survive fatal violence their country would be difficult (pp. 52-55). and gave them the opportunity to escape Once again, in 1994, during the clashes poverty and drought in their country. But between the two Kurdish Iraqi parties, KDP for government in Iran, enormous issues and PUK, many leaders and supporters of started to appear over time as the proportion PUK fled to Iran. The result was the flooding of refugees in local communities grew. The of more than 200 thousand people to Iranian cheap Afghan labour force helped the Iranian borders. Iran, whose new policy was to economy in different sectors of agriculture, deny refugees entrance, declared that it was construction and manufacturing in a hard ready to accept refugees, with the condition economic period. But these economic of receiving international help. Eventually, benefits costed dearly for the government Iran allowed 75,000 people to enter the and led to dramatic policy changes in later country but settled them in border camps. decades. The main negative consequences of This time, Iran asked for major international open door policy for the Iranian government institutions aid and, as a result, was able to were as follows: receive a great deal of assistance (ibid, pp. 53-55). 1-Identification of refugees and security Consequently, Iran’s policy of accepting issues refugees in later decades was different The identification of refugees in Iran was one from the 1980s. In fact, all the factors that of the issues faced by the government from previously led to the open door policy were the beginning of the crisis. Afghan refugees either absent or had diminished drastically. crossed the borders into Iran without passing The bureaucratic apparatus was stabilised, any special legal procedures. They were only and the policy environment and decision- registered at the border and were deployed making procedures were different from to any area they wanted to reside. As a the period of the revolutionary excitement result, there were no definite figures and of the early years. The social environment information about the individuals entering also did not support refugee admission due or how they scattered in the country. to economic issues, especially at a tough According to official documents reviewed, economic setting of the late 1980s. in August 1979, a letter (Interior Ministry, 1980) was sent from the Ministry of the Predictors of Change from Open Door Interior to the governorates of all provinces, to Closed Door Policy in which the need to identify Afghans was indicated and the issuance of identity cards The open door policy was the easiest was emphasised. The directive calls for the solution for a newly formed revolutionary
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 235 - 252 (2018) 243 Arash Nasr Esfahani and Sayed Hasan Hosseini establishment of a “Coordinating Council at the request of the applicant, and there for Afghan Refugees Affairs” in each was no database to control all the recorded province to identify Afghan refugees and information, it was possible for refugees encourage them to register and receive ID to obtain several identity documents for cards. These ID cards were supposed to be each household in various parts of the issued to every household and the names country. This attempt to identify Afghan of other household members were to be nationals somewhat reduced the problems of mentioned in the profile of the family head. identification and improved public services According to one official letter for refugees but was not much of a success (Mazandaran Provincial Government, due to poor documentation. 1980), in October 1980, the Ministry of The complexities of identity issues added Interior ordered that the issued ID cards to the government’s problems in meeting the be printed with the phrase “no specific basic needs of refugee population. During rights for the cardholder” at the bottom. the Iran-Iraq war, because of financial This action shows that the government constraints and the difficulties in importing considered refugees’ temporary guests and goods caused by the siege of Khorramshahr made it clear to Afghans that the ID card and insecurity of other ports, the government did not indicate a permanent residence monopolised the distribution of primary permit. The first identification attempts by goods. For this reason, an organisation the government having failed, the issuance called Basij-e Eghtesadi (Economic of the first identification documents began Mobilisation) was established with many the following year; in 1981, ID documents headquarters throughout the country. The were issued for each head of household in duty of this organisation was to ration and the form of large white folders containing distribute basic goods through the coupon information of all household members. mechanism. With the increase in the number These documents were prepared by of Afghan refugees, the general needs of this the Interior Ministry and were filled by population were also placed on the agenda officials at mosques in different cities. This of the headquarters and the legal refugees plan was the first government action to were registered. The major problem in identify and regulate the Afghan refugee providing Afghan refugee supplies was a population in Iran, which distinguished poor identification system and a lack of legal refugees from unauthorised Afghans reliable statistics. entering the country. These documents With problems that gradually became were not issued for every individual, and its evident in governing a large population size made it difficult for refugees to carry, of refugees, the first national refugee made it difficult for Iranian security forces identification plan was implemented in to control IDs. Moreover, given the fact 1984. Under this plan, an ID card, known as that these documents were completed only the White Card, was issued to each person.
244 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 235 - 252 (2018) Afghan Refugees and Iran’s Open Door Policy
Contrary to the previous plan, this time, by of the time were exaggerated by media. filling out a special questionnaire by each Abdi (1988) has shown that during 1980s, person, a file was issued for every individual the homicide rate among Afghans was that was archived in the governorate of the higher than the national average. But the area. To enjoy public services, including point he made was that firstly, killers and receiving coupons, enrolling in schools, victims were usually both Afghans, and using healthcare services, and obtaining secondly, failure of judicial courts in Iran work permits, one ought to have an ID to resolve disputes among Afghan refugees card. Cards would expire in one year, but resulted in higher homicide rates among it took almost two years to replace it with them. Therefore, the negative stereotyping the new Blue Card. In 1988, a program of Afghan refugees in Iran, still prevalent was implemented entitled the “Electronic today, is mostly the remnant of the chaotic Identification of Afghan Refugees” (Interior situation in the 1980s where the power of Ministry, 1988), which failed in the government to control the situation was development of electronic database due to very limited. the shortage of funds, but the registered data in this plan remained the main source of 2- Refugees and Iran labour market information of Afghan refugees until 2000. The settlement of refugees in cities and One of the consequences of the lack of villages, rather than border camps, gave precise identification of Afghan nationals Afghan refugees access to Iran’s labour was a security problem in the country. It market right from the beginning. The issue is not surprising for the security forces to that gradually grew from the presence face a variety of social disorders, security of many Afghan workers in Iran was the threats, and high levels of crime in a society economic competition between Afghan where over two million people have no workers and local labourers, leading to identity documents. In official documents dissatisfaction among the local population. and media reports, there have been many From the beginning, there was competition reports of security problems in the eastern between immigrants and locals for primary parts of the country. Limited control over goods and housing, especially in the two the borders would increase the possibility of eastern provinces where most immigrants smuggling guns and narcotics to the country resided, but the labour market competition which caused social discontent among the was the main source of local tensions. local population. In fact, it was the failure A sizable portion of the Afghan of the government to identify and regulate immigrants who generally were low skilled the refugee population that resulted in was employed as simple workers in various some social disorders. However, for many rural and urban sectors and was welcomed local people, Afghans were responsible for by employers due to their hard work and the crimes and wrong-doings which most low wages. The preferences by Iranian
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 235 - 252 (2018) 245 Arash Nasr Esfahani and Sayed Hasan Hosseini employers for Afghan workers enabled regulating the presence of Afghan refugees them to gradually gain a greater share in Iran. The “Implementation Procedures of the local labour market and made the for Temporary Employment of Afghan competition intense. With the intensification Refugees” enlisted Afghan workers in of this conflict, the government was forced most simple and generally hard jobs and to intervene and in 1984, a directive was emphasised the need for a work permit from issued by Iran’s Ministry of Labour titled the the Ministry of Labour. These occupations “Implementation Procedures for Temporary were generally labour-intensive and low- Employment of Afghan Refugees” (Labour paid jobs that replaced Afghan labourers and Welfare Ministry, 1985). The directive for Iranian workers from the start of their only allowed for specific occupations to arrival. In many cases, the entry of this be delivered to Afghan workers, including workforce has led to the withdrawal of twelve job categories like brick laying, Iranian labour from these professions, and urban construction, loading cargos in vacancies in many areas have become a ports, tannery, agriculture, mining, glazing, monopoly of Afghan workers. In fact, the poultry, small industries and plastic melting, directive officially recognised the split road construction and canalisation, and labour market (Bonacich, 1972) that had leather manufacturing. Later, in 1986, been developed over time. According to the four other job categories were added to split labour market theory, immigrants enter this list, including work in stone cutting, labour market at a cheaper rate since “they mosaics, discharging and loading in silos, have fewer economic and political resources and concrete masonry unit manufacturing. and less information and because they In addition, the new directive banned the are willing to put up with worse working employment of Afghan workers in bakeries, conditions and they avoid labour disputes referring to the “importance of public in the short term” (Kunovich, 2017, 1965). health” and the “poor health” of refugee A large differential in price creates racial/ workers (Zanjan Office of Labour and ethnic “antagonism” between local workers Welfare, 1985). According to the directive, and immigrants which in some cases results the employers should receive a work permit into “caste” system. from the government by filling out specific According to the directive, for each questionnaires along with showing identity region, a maximum threshold of 40 percent documents issued for the Afghan workers of the labour force was allocated to Afghan to officials. workers, and it was only possible to issue After the government’s efforts to a work permit for local governments if it identify Afghan nationals and providing follows the limit. But in practice, many identity cards for refugees, efforts to draft employers did not limit themselves to laws and regulations on the employment this quota, causing the increasing share of Afghan citizens became a top priority in of Afghan labour force and therefore
246 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 235 - 252 (2018) Afghan Refugees and Iran’s Open Door Policy the intensification of job competition preferred to declare its assistance to Afghan among locals and refugees. The directive refugees as humanitarian and Islamic action, aimed at regulating the employment of instead of a legal obligation (Safri, 2011, p. Afghan workers in the labour market and 591). Moreover, Afghan refugees in Iran did supporting domestic labour; but in practice, not enjoy the rights of the refugees obligated the employers did not accord the law. In fact, by the Convention, and the principle of a significant part of the temptation of the “return” from the outset was complementary refugee workforce was the fact that it was to the open door policy. outside of the formal labour regulations, As mentioned in the previous sections, which greatly reduced the direct and indirect Iran opened the country’s doors to refugees cost of manpower for employers. in the 1980s, but from the outset considered During the 1980s, the Ministry of it an emergent, temporary residence. This Labour and local authorities spent much insistence on the necessity of a return of of their efforts regulating Afghan workers refugees to Afghanistan was clear both and preventing them from engaging in from public comments made by the Iranian unauthorised or unlicensed jobs. There authorities and the rules and regulations set are numerous documents of the time that for Afghan population in Iran. indicate the correspondence between For example, in the early years after the administrative departments and the the arrival of refugees, the government units of production employing Afghan insistently blocked the purchase of land by workers. Manufacturing units were seeking Afghans. According to Iran’s civil code, permission to use more Afghan workers, trading by foreign nationals is subject to while the government agencies pushed strict rules, and the legal possibility of manufacture units to keep the Afghan labour land ownership is very limited. In a media force below the 40 percent. interview with Etela`at Newspaper an official in the Interior Ministry announced 3- The problem of Repatriation that “Iranian people will be soon be warned Iran and Pakistan refused to recognise to refrain from selling homes, farms, the status of “refugees” accorded in the workshops, etc. to the refugees” (Bashir, 1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol 1983). This warning suggests that from the for Afghans. Although Iran signed both very beginning, concern about the return of documents, it only agreed to recognise the Afghan refugees back to Afghanistan was Afghans as “immigrants”, because refugee very serious. admission required the granting of rights and In fact, the difference in welfare access to services and, more importantly, the condition in Iran and Afghanistan led many requirement for the government not to return refugees to be reluctant to return home. For refugees to their country of origin without this reason, the government tried to control a legitimate legal basis. Therefore, Iran the privileges of this population in Iran to
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 235 - 252 (2018) 247 Arash Nasr Esfahani and Sayed Hasan Hosseini a degree that it would not eradicate their the front and flee to other Islamic motivation to return. But the dispersion of countries. Although we accept that this population in every part of the country Afghans are now in the house of and its powerful links with the labour their brothers, but you acknowledge market had undermined the government’s that brother’s house is not one’s own chances of deporting them. The issue of house, so they should not forget that return was not the main problem of the they must return to their homes one Iranian government during the 1980s, since day and they should constantly try the internal situation in Afghanistan did not to clear their homeland of unwanted allow the refugees to return. But, a decade enemies. We hope that one day all later in 1990s, the issue became the top Afghans return to their country priority in Iran’s immigration policy. From (Sorouroddin, 1981). the beginning, however, it was clear that the permission to live in the urban and rural In many official comments in that period, areas would make it almost impossible to get the phrase “the house of one’s brother is not the refugees back to their country. one’s own home” is repeatedly mentioned As mentioned before, there is a well- and the necessity of eliminating “material known statement from Ayatollah Khomeini attractiveness” of Iran for refugees was that emphasises on the idea of Islam without emphasised. All of that indicates the two- borders. This sentence has been the main sided approach of the Iranian government idea legitimising the presence of refugees exercising the principle of brotherhood and in Iran so far. According to that, the national the necessity of returning simultaneously. geographical and national boundaries do What matters most here is the not matter in the unification and solidarity interpretation of the phrase “Islam doesn’t of Muslims. The basic question is how have borders”, which was presented by this religious approach has been aligned Iranian officials in the quotation above. If with official policies and insistence on the foundation of the immigration policy the return of refugees to their country. An had been based solely on this fundamental official in the Interior Ministry explained religious principle, then speaking of Iranians this apparently paradoxical situation in a and Afghans as different nationals or newspaper interview way: insisting on the return of Afghans would have been meaningless. It is clear that at Our general policy is … while the executive level, this slogan could not in Islam, the borders do not have be the only criterion for deciding on the the conventional meaning, and all future of refugees in Iran. What made this Muslims are considered a unitary principle moderated and, of course, largely nation, but this does not mean that ineffective, was the importance of “not when Muslims were invaded in one leaving the Muslim front” mentioned in the part of the planet they have to leave
248 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 235 - 252 (2018) Afghan Refugees and Iran’s Open Door Policy quotation above. In fact, with the argument for Iran during 1980s when many young that whenever Muslims were attacked and Iranians were fighting in western borders forced to leave their land, they should with Iraq (UNHCR, 2004). Others argue that return and retrieve the lost land, there afghan refugees gave Iran the opportunity will be a complementary principle to the to train and mobilize afghan fighters to principle of “Islam has no borders”. The influence power balance in Afghanistan practical result of this combination was (Milani, 2006). The third explanation that Afghan refugees are temporary guests focuses on Iran’s revolutionary attitudes at their brother’s home. Therefore, it can of the time and its openly stated support be concluded that the introduction of the for all oppressed people (Abbasi-Shavazi principle of Islam with no borders was to et al., 2005; Yarbakhsh, 2018). Although provide legitimacy for a policy for which all these parameters worth noting but this there wasn’t any alternative at the time. paper argues that with close examination of the situation it is evident that the open door CONCLUSIONS policy was not the result of any calculated During the 1980s, Iran witnessed a unique decision or a solely ideological one. experience of hosting millions of refugees It is emphasized that open door policy from the neighbouring country. The should be analysed in the light of socio- specific policies and actions of government political contexts of the post-revolutionary within this period could only happen in a Iran. The fundamental transformation revolutionary society that defines itself as of the bureaucratic system after the the representative of all oppressed people Islamic Revolution and the dismantling in the world. This article tried to answer of the previous regime’s decision-making two main questions: 1) why did Iran’s apparatus left the revolutionary government government in the early 1980s apply the few options in evaluating its immigration open-door policy in the Afghan refugee policy. Moreover, being engaged in domestic crisis and settle them in cities and villages political affairs and the imposed war with instead of border camps? and 2) what Iraq, it was not possible to decide other were the consequences of this policy for than to open the borders to Afghan refugees Iran that led to closed door policy in later and let them settle throughout the country. decades? These two questions are important Funds were limited for the construction because Iran did not repeat this policy in the of camps and the international institutions following years, but the results of this policy did not contribute much due to hostile are still evident in the country. relations between Iran and the West. The Three possible explanations have been revolutionary atmosphere of the Iranian offered by scholars for the implementation of society at that time, and the importance open door policy. Some authors emphasized of defending the oppressed population of on the importance of afghan labour force the world as a universal strategy of the
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 235 - 252 (2018) 249 Arash Nasr Esfahani and Sayed Hasan Hosseini revolutionary government, was also two (Scheepers et al., 2002; Schneider, 2008). facilitating factors in opening the borders Phizacklea and Miles (1980) showed that and legitimising the acceptance of the the working class can play a central role in Afghan population. In the years to come, the problematisation of immigrants through all these conditions changed, and as a result, projecting their misfortunes to the migrant’s the open door policy gave it`s place to a presence. Limited evidences available from closed door policy in similar circumstances 1980s and presented in this paper indicate in 1990s. social pressure on the authorities to handle The consequences of this refugee policy the refugee situation and control the size should also be analysed considering the of afghan population in local communities. economic conditions of the Iranian society Toward the end of this decade, despite the in the 1980s. Economic pressure resulting ongoing insistence of political leaders on from engaging in war with Iraq and hostile their support for the earlier refugee policy, relationships with Western powers made opposition grew stronger especially in the it difficult for the government to provide parliament. the primary needs of its population. In this Later in the 1990s, the official situation, hosting millions of refugees was immigration policy changed dramatically, a generous action by the government. In a and constraints on Afghan refugees situation where the country was suffering intensified. Refugees became problematized from a shortage of goods and acute economic by the government to the extent that problems, local dissatisfaction with the repatriation policy led to violent actions presence of Afghan citizens and their use at some points (Monsutti, 2005). Up to of the country’s resources and services was this time, Afghan refugees have remained a common phenomenon, especially in the a socially excluded population in Iran; eastern provinces. Competition over limited with the failure of the repatriation policy, resources, goods, and job opportunities had their living conditions requires much more resulted in a hostile confrontation between attention from scholars and policymakers. locals and refugees on some occasions. The lack of available data on Iran`s Wide public dissatisfaction with Afghan refugee policy during 1980s was the main immigrant’s presence in local communities limitation of this study. There are thousands especially in eastern Iran is supposed to of official documents related to afghan be a main force in restrictive immigration refugees in Iran`s National Library which policies in later decades. are still classified under limited access As ethnic competition theory suggests, documents. Access to these documents can antagonism toward immigrants among reveal more about the situation and clarifies ethnic majority members intensifies as the reason for policies and regulations of the competition over scarce resources the time. such as jobs, housing and welfare grows
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Eisenberg, J. (2013). The boatless people: The Mazandaran Provincial Government. (1980, August UNHCR and Afghan refugees, 1978-1989, 21). Letter to Noor Governorate, (Document working papers in international history. Graduate Number: 293/64738). Documentation Centre of Institute of International and Development Iran`s National Library, Tehran. Studies, 14. Milani, M. (2006). Iran’s policy towards Afghanistan. Goodson, L. P. (2001). Afghanistan’s endless war: Middle East Journal, 60(2), 235-256. State failure, regional politics and the rise of the Monsutti, A. (2005). War and migration: Social Taliban. University of Washington Press. networks and economic strategies of the Hazaras Halliday, F. (2001). Iran and the Middle East: Foreign of Afghanista. Routledge. policy and domestic change. Middle East Report, Pahlavan, C. (1988). Living condition of Afghan 220, 42-47. refugees in Iran. Adineh, 33, 18-10.
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Phizacklea, A., & Miles, R. (1980). Labour and Sorouroddin, M. H. (1981, August 7). Interview with racism. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Deputy Minister of Interior about 1 million Afghan refugees. Keyhan Newspaper. Rajaee, B. (2000). The politics of refugee policy in post-revolutionary Iran. The Middle East UNHCR. (2004). Afghanistan: Challenges to return. Journal, 1(54), 44-63. Retrieved from http://www.refworld.org/ docid/4231bc0d4.html Rubin, B. R. (1996). Afghanistan: The forgotten crisis. Refugee Survey Quarterly, 15, 1-35. Wannell, B. (1991). Report of a trip to North-West Afghanistan, 1 September1989–20 January Safri, M. (2011). Transformation of the Afghan 1990: Enjil and Zendajan Districts, Peshawar: refugee: 1979–2009. The Middle East Journal, unpublished manuscript. 65(4), 587-601. Wilkinson, R. (1997). An Iranian surprise. Refugees Scheepers, P., Gijsberts, M., & Coenders, M. (2002). Magazine Issue 108 (Afghanistan: the unending Ethnic exclusionism in European countries. crisis). UNHCR. Public opposition to civil rights for legal migrants as a response to perceived ethnic threat. Yarbakhsh, E. (2018). Reading Derrida in Tehran: European Sociological Review, 18, 17-34. Between an open door and an empty table. Humanities, 7(21). Schneider, S. L. (2008). Anti-immigrant attitudes in Europe: Outgroup size and perceived ethnic Zanjan Ofice of Labour and Welfare (1985, September threat. European Sociological Review, 24, 53-67. 1). Letter to Sabzdasht Company, (Document Number: 293/26496). Documentation Centre of Iran`s National Library, Tehran.
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SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES
Journal homepage: http://www.pertanika.upm.edu.my/
An Anthropological Study of the Shift from Ritual, Embedded Economy to Shapeless, Disembedded Economy
Rouhollah Nosrati Department of Anthropology, University of Tehran, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Tehran. Jalal Al-e Ahmad Highway, Tehran, Iran. P. O. Box: 14395-773
ABSTRACT Folkways and Rituals as one of the central aspects of culture in every society have entertained the minds of anthropologists and sociologists. Researchers have analysed rituals in religious and mythological frameworks, but the current article has taken a different approach toward the phenomenon by articulating it within the important sphere of economy, hence ritual economy. The analytical framework of the current research is based on the formulation of two embedded and disembedded economies as scaled on the ideal type economy. The specification of ideal type market in the present study is a combination of Karl Polanyi’s theoretical approach toward the embeddedness of economic activities within the pre-modern economy and its disembededess toward the modern one, with a glance at Weber’s ideal type of traditional and modern economies. The findings of the study show that the economic action of bazaaris has transformed from the ritual, embedded economy toward a disembedded one. The inherent changes could be analysed to have resulted from the conventional order, action orientations, conventional forms of interaction, and the logic behind action in bazaar. The findings indicate that modern economy is imposing its logic onto non-modern economies.
Keywords: Bazaar, disembedded economy, economic anthropology, economic action, embeddedness, ritual economy
INTRODUCTION One of the interests of anthropologists from early on was the understanding of material ARTICLE INFO Article history: specificities of cultures and societies. It is, Received: 18 October 2017 Accepted: 01 February 2018 however, a few decades since the interest
E-mail address: has been systematically pursued in the [email protected] (Rouhollah Nosrati)
ISSN: 0128-7702 © Universiti Putra Malaysia Press Rouhollah Nosrati economic anthropology discipline. The economic phenomenon in Iran, the grand subject of this field of inquiry is the study bazaar, that has long been one of the most of events and techniques of production, powerful and influential social fields and distribution, and consumption, various whose tradesmen used to stand as the front, models of consuming material and symbolic leading social and economic agents of commodities, the predominant economic contemporary Iran. The analysis takes place order in each society, norms of social with an economic anthropological approach exchange activity, and different models aiming to understand the economic action of economic embeddedness in society and based on a systemic backdrop. culture (Depuy, 2006, p. 8). Despite all the The central concern of this article is recent transformations in Iran’s traditional whether Iranian tradesmen action is an area economy, in the face of modernity, the independent of socio-cultural constraints. To consequential emergence of new economic answer the question based on ritual economy, forms that have their own, sometimes it tried to demonstrate that economic activity contradictory, mechanisms, the scientific is not an independent activity from the rest inquiry into the issue is even more necessary. of social life aspects, including culture; Still, the discipline has been glossed over it is, rather, an activity embedded with in Iran. The mentioned transformation in the social structure and cultural models, the Iranian traditional economy, including however unstable it seems to be nowadays. Iran’s market, increasingly challenges the As a result, the main questions of the study idea of an economic order exempt from are “what socio-cultural principles affect cultural, social, and political constraints, and the bazaaris’ action as an instance of ritual counterposes economy as interwoven with behaviour?” and “what changes have these diversifying cultural contexts and social patterns undergone within the past few structures. In this way, economy, economic decades?” activity, and its requirements are defined The significance of the present study lies and understood within social and cultural in its analysis of one of the most important constraints with all their varieties. What economic fields of Iran with a long historical is concerning in economic anthropology background and as a main importing and is the traditional institutional mobility of distributing economic pole. Resulting the society and the encounter with a series from modern transformations, bazaar is of inevitable modern elements that are detached from its original logic without yet defectively internalised to create or become adopting the requisites of modern economy. replaced by interrelated, hybrid products, The analysis of bazaar demonstrates how urging scientific studies more than ever traditional economies shift to modernity, before. The current article acknowledges discharging a series elements and replacing the demand and intends to analyse the new ones. qualitative transition of a crucial socio-
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METHODS field regularities. In the following, these The present study is methodologically methods are concisely reviewed. influenced by Bourdieu’s research program a) Observation: this technique is used for in which ontological, epistemological, and “the discovery of new lands” (Rafipoor, methodological layers are different from 2003, p. 56). The aim at this stage the usual conventions of social sciences. is gaining an initial understanding Ontologically, the approach toward social of the environment in bazaar. For reality is relational. Here, the study of constant observation, the researcher social facts requires evading the reductionist frequented bazaar for a duration of six mentality of structure/agency, subject/ consecutive months. This method of object, and objective/subjective dualities. somewhat temporary living in bazaar As such, the method of the present study could be called “encamping”. With is synthetic. In this way, statistical data this method, all events ad observations can be combined with direct observation about the stream of daily life in bazaar and through interactive, discursive, and are recorded. The technique here has documentary interpretation. The significance been a combination of participant of synthetic methodology comes from the and non-participant observations. usual holistic approach of anthropological The understanding of bazaar, and studies that necessitates the consideration that the traditional bazaar with its of bazaar as an entire social phenomenon. specific formal structure and resulting Unlike the quantitative methods, the holistic complexities and relationships, seems approach attempts to promote the process so improbable that pure observation of breaking off and diagnosis of the social becomes unavoidable. Gradually, by phenomenon, unify various and farfetched observationally confronting it, the awe aspects of phenomena, and present a holistic of bazaar disappears, and the alien panorama for enhancing observation and atmosphere becomes research friendly. diagnosis. Synthetic methodology provides Without this observational experience, the scope of rich data and information for the analysis of bazaar regularities and the researcher. activities was almost impossible. The data for the current research are b) Interview: the interviewees of this gathered by qualitative methods such as article are divided into two groups. constant observation, in-depth interviews The first group includes persons who and conversations, and documentary have stable positions in bazaar and are analysis, especially of bazaar activists’ trading there. These are inclusive of and media interviews, print material about retail bazaaris in various guilds (textile, bazaar, and the available information and carpet, blanket, gold, etc.) who are statistics about bazaar and Iran’s economic informed about everything that goes on
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in bazaar. They are selected randomly, other qualitative analytical methods, it is and it was attempted to include different well structured and always allows for the age groups. The second group consists review of categories in accordance with the of persons who are apprenticed in accumulating data. Here, the purpose of bazaar. The dialogue with this group analysis is not counting predetermined, exact who were introduced by a middleman categories, but reaching deep interpretive was so beneficial for the study and and cognitive layers of texts. Therefore, produced a knowledge that could not the authors tried to divide the text into be attained through the interviews with analytical units in a systematic and step- first group bazaaris. by-step manner, so that categories emerge The form of interview was decided based on the theoretical grounds under by the interviewer and interviewee’s consideration. The category extraction was limitations, and was, therefore, changing done based on summarisation technique, between predetermined questions, semi- where the inductive categories were reached determined questions, free chats, and by reducing, interpreting, and generalising conversations. The last item was a sort the inter-related parts of texts. The parts with of un-determined question that allowed less relativity and the phrases with similar for the untold and shadowy points to be content were ignored, and the identical revealed and new hints to be made. descriptions were grouped then summarised; lastly, the analysis was performed on the c) Document analysis: since a proportion extracted categories and according to the of questions in the current study had a theoretical concepts. Constant observation, historical outlook, document analysis extended contact with the environment, and seemed inescapable. “Document” evaluating the many aspects of the subject indicatesthe bazaaris’ interviews are the main strategies for improving the archive, surveys conducted on bazaar validity of the survey. and bazaaris, and the rulings and principles running in bazaar. Review of Literature This research relies on qualitative content Bazaar is a term with a variety of meanings analysis. “The qualitative content analysis including a physical space for the exchange is a method that applies a qualitative of goods and an abstract concept suggesting approach and uses various techniques to a whole economic system. Various systematically analyse the data gathered researchers have studied bazaar based through interviews, diaries, observational on these two dominant understandings records, and documents” (Hariri, 2012, p. without presenting a certain definition in 264). Qualitative content analysis fitted the majority of cases. Farbia Adelkhah the flexible nature of the research plan in (2000) is among such researchers. Skocpol this study best because, in comparison with (1982) defines bazaar as a socio-economic
256 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 253 - 270 (2018) Anthropology of the Shift from Embedded to Shapeless Economy world, while Keshavarzian (2007) gives exchange, where, at the same time, certain four images of bazaar including bazaar features like architecture, material skeleton, as the traditional market, bazaar as a merchants’ moral system and their relations class, bazaar as an informal network, and with the state, the condition of each guild bazaar as the product of informational like the sale rates of carpet sellers or gold dearth. Ashraf (1988) defines bazaar in the sellers, are not out of sight. The general body Islamic cities of Iran as shopping centers of studies indicate that the economics of placed in old neighbourhood, a platform traditional bazaar is an aspect of the general for social interaction outside of family, a traditional economy. In these studies, socio-cultural atmosphere in traditional bazaar is understood as a socio-cultural urban life, a quarter for Shiite religious institution in connection with tradition and conglomeration, and a front for political a manifestation of traditional economy. mobilisation. Slater and Tonkiss (2002) The association of economy with religion divides bazaar into geographic and abstract and state manifested in form of the skeletal forms, the latter of which is attached with conjunction of bazaar with the Jame’ theorizing functionality in modern social mosque and Arg square are particularly thought. Classic economists hypothesized under consideration - although it has bazaar as equivalent to the physical and changed as a result of the transformation geographical space, and in consequence, of traditional order. The outlook of bazaar with underscored productive, as against is functional and founded on integrity and the exchange aspect of bazaar, to come convergence among bazaaris. to its abstract conception (Swedberg & Granovetter, 1992, p. 257). Theory The review of literature leads us to the The rationality of market order and personal conclusion that bazaar has been grasped in action is a shared concept adopted by three main definitions: bazaar relations as economics and social sciences. Anyhow, the a practical pattern of exchange, geographic historical background of the two disciplines bazaar as a socio-cultural platform, and shows a divergence between the two in bazaar as a rather formal pattern of economic the distinction they made between rational order and the centrepiece of studies. In the and irrational behaviour, back in the early present article, by bazaar is meant a socio- twentieth century (Samuelson, 1955, p. cultural space in which exchange takes 90). Rationality was, by then, defined as place. the rational calculations that were allegedly Empirically, in Iran, the traditional to be found in the marketplace, hence market of Tehran is understood as the making the subject of economics different geography of exchange. Such studies from that of social sciences. Economics generally view bazaar in an anthropological occupied itself with the rational action, or approach and as a geographic space for the optimisation of profit in the market, and
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 253 - 270 (2018) 257 Rouhollah Nosrati left the irrational to the sociologists and interpretation that alleges the market as anthropologists. This reductionist definition a distinctive alternative of provisioning was severely challenged by those within and exchange is criticised. In this group, sociology and economic anthropology. the work of well-known anthropologist Although there is hardly a consensus Karl Polanyi is remarkable. Second, is over a unitary definition of the nature and questioning the logic by asking if the modern function of the market in economics, there is market economy is multidimensionally a single general principle therein that says the estranged from its roots more seriously market functions in a distinctive realm and than other types of economic structuring enjoys acceptable degrees of autonomy from in other societies are” (Slater & Tonkiss, other socio-political structures. Sociologists 2002, p. 157). and anthropologists, however, hesitate to Plani’s reading of economic roots inform the idea. The two define the market provides an anthropological interpretation as a social institution and its relationships as of market relationships, according to which a prolonged chain of mutual social actions. market exchanges are rooted in the grander With this perspective, economic activity social exchanges, while market behaviour is constrained in a web of non-economic is connected to the more general cultural networks, institutions, and interactions that models and norms of integration. The produce a kind of fundamental relationship social and cultural roots of the developed between social and economic processes; market economy have been noticed in later therefore, market interactions are born to works as well. Although the social roots the wider social networks and inclinations of economy are turned to the centrepiece (DiMaggio, 1994; Granovetter, 1985; of sociology and anthropology, the idea is Polanyi, 1992). In addition, interactions are being replaced by another valuable concept, formed within more durable social frames, namely the “economy as instituted process” as “economic institutions are built via the (Polanyi, 1992, p. 33). This interpretation mobilisation of resources through social of market as an instituted process presumes networks” (Swedberg & Granovetter, 1992, that market interactions should be explained p. 18). Numerous congregational bodies based oncertain social institutions and legal like financial institutions, corporations, and political strategies (Slater & Tonkiss, banks, malls, fairs, and more prepare 2002, p. 175). tools for producing and maintaining social interactions. Economic action is irreducibly Theoretical framework a social action and economic organisations The current article uses the ritual economy are similarly the same as social formations. approach to analyse the shift of the Tehran “The model that uproots the market bazaar from the ritual to the shapeless is challenged in two ways. First, the
258 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 253 - 270 (2018) Anthropology of the Shift from Embedded to Shapeless Economy economy1. Within economists’ established sociologists such as Firth (1939); Godelier approaches, economy is declared to be (1978); Malinowski (1922); Weber (1978), independent of religion, rituals, worldview, and Rappaport (1984) earlier elaborated on and social morality, just the way politics the connection of economic choice with and science are independent of these. religion and mythical behaviour under the Economic principles are not considered debates of ritual behaviour (McAnany & embedded in cultural, historical, and Wells, 2008, pp. 1-16). Christian Wells tried social structures and specificities, but are to explain three common understandings of fathomed to befixed, universal, timeless, ritual economy: and all-encompassing. Its rules areassumed 1) Provisioning, storage, and consumption to be as physical and mathematical as which Douglas (1979); Karl Polanyi natural and biological rules are. This (1944); Malinowski (1922); Marcel perception is challenged in sociology and Mauss (1925); Weber (1978) and held. anthropology, where an attempt is made to The emphasis in this approach is on invent theories to analysethe economy in the embeddedness of economy in substitutive systematic studies. One such social institutions. Here, it analyses theoretical approach is ritual economy. provisioning and consumption not Ritual economy is a theory of economic based on the common standards and anthropology according to which worldview, norms of price and income, but by economy, power, and human agency are the informal requirements of culture interconnected rather than distinct spheres, and society. These thinkers postulate independent of each other. Ritual economy that the analysis of provisioning demonstrates the process of how worldview based on feelings, meanings, habits, becomes material; therefore, according to heritage, traditions, attitudes, social, this approach, ritual activity shapes the and economic consciousness precede economic behaviour without determining it the formal and normative assumptions (McAnany & Wells, 2008, p. 1). The idea of held by economists. ritual economy is not a new one, especially 2) Materialising the worldview through when it is used for explicating economic rituals either formally or informally; motives and choices. Anthropologists and Bourdieu (2000); Rappaport (1984); Wells and Salazar (2007) and are in this 1The author has invented shapeless economy to camp. They highlight the transformation describe the current patterns and order of Tehran of habitus because ofeconomic bazaar as an unregulated market exempt from ritual and traditional economy where tradesmen activity conditions; Bourdieu created the was entirely embedded inside culture, politics and term economic habitus to explain the society, and simultaneously remain devoid of the structural role of situations, preferences, characteristics of disembeddedness. Therefore, bazaar is referred to as shapeless economy until it is and regulations in shaping the economic settled in either extreme. choice and action. Economic habitus
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 253 - 270 (2018) 259 Rouhollah Nosrati
are internalised through family, social superstitious beliefs about natural order and participation, social class, and personal human essence. This situation is brought experiences of daily life. about by changes in social structuration and 3) Constructing meaning and interpretation. the linearity of development. Polanyi’s last In Well’s opinion, ritual economy tells teaching is that earth, work, and capital are about the decisions people make and three components of societies and necessary motives that push them to do so. In other in people’s subsistence and functioning words, ritual economy problematizes of family and persistence of society and the structural causation of meaning and social order. When the three transform into interpretation construction. Althusser’s commodity (or pseudo-commodity), the structural causation (1970) and Eric whole society, including individuals and Wolf (1990), and Marshal Sahlins’ communities, and moral norms and values structural power (1981) fall under this are determined by market determinants. category. (McAnany & Wells, 2008, pp. The market-based economy transform into 1-16). the market-based society (Sedaghat, 2010, pp. 36-45). The theoretical framework of the present The analytical framework of the current study is influenced by the research program research is based on the formulation of two of Karl Polanyi (1944). His main teachings embedded and disembedded economies could be summarized as follows. In his with reference to the ideal type economy. opinion, the economic life, when it is not The specification of ideal type market in based on market, is formed around social the present study is a combination of Karl institutions, giving way to values and norms Polanyi’s theoretical approach toward other than those ruling the market economy. the embeddedness of economic activities Polanyi’s second teaching is the rejection within the pre-modern economy, and its of essentialist modern economy relying disembededess from the modern one, on the idea that the behavioural pattern of with a glance at Weber’s ideal type of avidity due to the restriction of resources traditional and modern economies. The is not human nature, but arises from the ideal type composed of the embedded and adaptation of methods that institutionalise disembedded economies are configured economic activity. From this, Polanyi’s as Table 1 shows. The table could be third teaching evolves stating that the world inclusive of further specifications but is transitionary; we are not destined to the idealisation processes of distinction, thrive in narrow avaricious and materialist unification, abstraction, and generalization, societies as it is perceived based on some restricts us to the following.
260 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 253 - 270 (2018) Anthropology of the Shift from Embedded to Shapeless Economy
Table 1 The characteristics of the embedded and disembedded economies
Categories Embedded Economy Disembedded Economy Skeletal order Identity giving and meaning Pragmatic function giving to space Institutional order Institutional ethical regulations Institutional competition-based regulations Action orientation Economic orientation Economic orientation Action quality Economic action embedded in Economic action disembedded Social structure rom social structure Social structuration of bazaar Pluralist, based on powerful Individualist, based on weak group and network group and network
FINDINGS Reportedly, there are more than 37,240 units including shops, hojreh2, workshops, Definition of Bazaar and warehouses in bazaar. These units are The historical study of the skeletal active in both wholesale and retail forms. development of Tehran city shows that In wholesale, textile and clothing claim the the growth of Tehran texture is determined highest share of bazaar exchanges with 49.5 by the skeleton of bazaar. Tehran bazaar percent, followed by home appliances (12.1 is the space-based concentration of main percent), bags and shoes (10.1 percent), economic, social, and cultural bodies. Today, foodstuffs (8.4 percent), and stationary 52 percent of wholesale units, five percent (6.9 percent). In retail, textile and clothing of retail units, seven percent of production takes the first rank with 31.2 percent of units in Tehran are located within bazaar total exchanges, followed by 27.5 percent in an area of 110 acres. The daily traffic of in carpet retail, 11.5 percent in home approximately 400 thousand people in it has appliances, and 11.5 percent in stationary. made Tehran bazaar the urban centre of the city (Yousefifar, 2011, p. 50). As a result, Tehran Bazaar Skeleton: The Skeletal even the widespread transformation in the Order Embedded in Socio-Cultural economic, social, and cultural structures Structures of Iran have not undermined the role and function of bazaar in the urban life of Tehran Tehran bazaar’s outward is built upon a citizens. thoughtful order that suggest its compliance Presently, bazaar is located in the 12th with the constraints of society, culture, municipal region of Tehran in an area of and economy. The location of rudimentary about 110 acres surrounded by 15 Khordad in the North, Khayam in the West, Molavi 2The business area of tradesmen and merchants in the South, and Mostafa Khomeini in the (Dehkhoda, 1995: 7706), a small space usually East. placed within sara, tims and timchehs.
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 253 - 270 (2018) 261 Rouhollah Nosrati urban elements of the central mosque, ups, like Lab-e Khandaq Bazaar, Chicken Arg historical complex, and bazaar, all Bazaar, and Tobacco Bazaar, disappeared beside each other, represents the interlink in this period (Yousefifar, 2011, p. 29). between three religious, political, and The other major transformation of the economic areas. The contemplation on period was the relocation of Arg as the Tehran bazaar skeletal specificities indicates heart of the political power to another part the importance of social, cultural, and of the city, thus disrupting the traditional political significance of the bazaar beyond bazaar-politics interconnectedness. The the perceptive economic import. skeleton of Tehran bazaar transmuted The evolution of the skeletal form and once again under second Pahlavi, when economic nature of Tehran bazaar from the industrial and semi-industrial workhouses date of its construction in early 13th hijri either migrated into the existing bazaar century (late 19th century) up until now, building or were annexed to it. The changes shows that it has undergone up and downs gradually gave a new character to parts of during its history, the gravest of which took the bazaar. The economic boom of 1340s place during the Pahlavi era. In this era, (1960s) entailed the demand for greater the escalation in urbanisation and the need areas inside the bazaar and demolished for new urban interactions of trade guilds the residential neighbourhood by giving separate from Tehran main area urged the them commercial functionality. Modern government and its affiliate organisation public and administrative constructions to pay attention to it. The scatteredness soon erected in the adjacent areas and space of the Tehran trade centres began from transitions for the sake of improving access the bazaar at this time. Pahlvis favoured to urban facilities and utilities--with all the modern models of urban development, emerging values accompanying them--took hence the indifference toward the Tehran precedence (Sultanzadeh, 1991, p. 444). bazaar and its skeletal development. As the The skeleton of the Tehran bazaar Pahlavi era modernisation progressed, the possesses an inward character, too. The urban communities, including that of the inward atmosphere of the Tehran traditional bazaar, witnessed structural changes; the market maintains an order that administers construction of modern streets adjacent to the the bazaaris’ action. This very skeletal bazaar transformed its general structure and order has brought the bazaar its distinction disturbed the social and cultural integrity of and individuation and created identities the bazaar and its neighbourhood. Because appropriate to each guild and profession. of these changes, the natural process of The identity might have faded during the guilds expansion and positioning of trade interactive and structural changes of the elements therewith paused, and bazaar bazaar; yet, it maintains its significance trading activities in the surrounding streets and identification repute by constituting diminished. Several crucial guild line- parts of the bazaari historical memory. The
262 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 253 - 270 (2018) Anthropology of the Shift from Embedded to Shapeless Economy architecture of the bazaar and the methods of peculiarities shows that the analysis of of locating guilds, like rasteh3, charsouq4, the bazaaris’ actions—with emphasis on tim & timche5, etc., gave it an inward economic action—based on the established environmental order and functionality that economic analytical frameworks of modern claims meaning and is vital for understanding economics is by no means viable; therefore, the bazaaris action. Enclosed, maze spaces the economics of the Tehran traditional imply complexity, ambiguity, conservatism, market could, leastways, be analysed based originality, and traditionalism of the bazaar, on its once ritual economy. The concession by which the bazaaris’ particular action is made because structurally, the Tehran system is influenced. Along with functional bazaar has not attained an independent changes in the bazaar, its texture tends to structure from the community, politics, and dispossess of meaning. This clearly signifies culture; this is informed by its performance the nature of changes in the bazaar, its and functionality throughout the years. inherent currents, the general traditional In action, bazaaris, as the main body of market of Tehran, and its actors. Even the Tehran economic actors, have not though the traditional bazaar of Tehran has been economically rational humans whilst endured in skeleton, it has lost its habitual chasing optimal profits, particularly the meaning. way the established economics purports economic action. Evidences show the shift Peculiarities of Embedded Economic from this traditional approach. Action in Tehran Bazaar This research sketches the characteristics Shift from Customary Institutional of ritual economy by referring to issues Order to Quasi-Formal Institutional of the institutional order of the bazaar, Order the bazaaris’ worldview, and the social Institutional order in the bazaar indicates structure stemming from ethnic, religious, trends that rule the bazaar through informal kinship, and local rationality. The totality conventions and formal regulations, and guide bazaar interaction norms. This
3Rasteh (direction): is a main street or pathway in institutional order is constructed in two the traditional market on two sides of which rows models. The conventional, customary of retailshops are placed. The term has several model is an order that is generated with the meanings in bazaar including, for example, guild. (Yousefifar, 2011, p. 31) bazaar by adhering to the traditions; it is 4Charsouq (intersection): is a Persian word applying constitutive of a set of indicators and aspects to parts of bazaar where two rastehs meet (ibid: 35). including trust and morality, as the ones 5Tim and timche: are two major bazaar trading elements that imply the concentration of several concentrated on in this study. A major reason trade offices and wholesale merchandise centers in for the strength of the bazaar in the past which expensive and voluminous exchanges take place (ibid, p. 35). has been the confidence and trust system
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 253 - 270 (2018) 263 Rouhollah Nosrati of bazaaris among themselves and toward An element in the endurance of the customers. This characteristic has nowadays Tehran bazaar was the protective guild disappeared among bazaaris except for relationships founded on seniority. Guild carpet sellers, who continue to observe the relationships adjusted the self-regulation of traditional professional requirements. The the bazaar and protected it against crises; if belief in informal regulations that shaped a problem emerged, it took moral grounds bazaaris’ relationships together and made resembling the seniority system to resolve up their social capital has transformed with it. This system, most of the time, prevented the passage of time. It is, thereby, included the bankruptcy of individual bazaaris. In that the Tehran bazaar is shifting from a contests and clashes, the elderly society worldview that is built on trust and moral played their unrivalled role in preventing adherence, to earning halal and taking each the escalation of problems. The exemplary other’s hand, to one that cherishes legal attention of the senior bazaaris to the sick mechanisms of credence and optimisation or troubled, taking the lead in visiting or of profit. pooling assistance, spontaneous moves in facilitating youth’s marriage ceremonies, Earning is bestowed by God and He valuing kinship in the bazaar, and celebrating considers all when He hands out. national and religious occasions prospered Formerly, bazaaris used to pass the morale for cooperation and intimacy, and customers to each other. Nowadays discouraged clashes. The traditional market it is interrupted, and things are not of Tehran was respectable to people and its like before (garment seller, 54 years dominating moral system was reproduced old, 30 years bazaari). into the whole society. Thanks to the guild societies, self-regulation was an unwritten The former bazaar was a bazaar rule of the bazaar that invited all bazaaris that concerned people and was to respect principles that countermanded trusted by them, it participated formal institutions’ intervention. Today, in social activities like building this is changing in the bazaar to take on underground cisterns or schools. formal dispositions. Contrary to the past, the If you see, most old schools were transforming bazaar of Tehran is replacing situated beside bazaar because intimate, informal, kin relationships with the founders were bazaaris. But formal strangeness. nowadays, to earn, and that at Bazaaris relationships with customers any rate, comes first. Money is were, by then, centred on informal, moral everything for today bazaaris approaches that normalised relationships by (bazaari, 79 years old, more than encouraging truthfulness in exchange and 60 years bazaari). observing mutual interest. The persistence of this system among some guilds, like
264 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 253 - 270 (2018) Anthropology of the Shift from Embedded to Shapeless Economy carpet sellers, has guaranteed them a the classification of Tehran bazaar relations stable atmosphere of healthy rivalry. The and transformations is put to analysis based principle for prominent bazaari tradesmen on this conceptual framework. A group- is mutual trust. Trust is best exemplified network analysis is a method for finding in the regulation of trade and financial out a spectrum of beliefs that are interlinked relations inside gold and carpet guilds. inside a framework of relational patterns. Here, an individual’s word supersedes any These beliefs should not be considered, per formal agreement, and many contracts, se, but they do cause action. The Tehran payments, and loans are carried out verbally. bazaar is experiencing a shift from the In the Tehran carpet bazaar, high-volume potent group-potent network condition into exchanges are accomplished only by phone an impotent group-impotent network. In contact. Such incidences, for better or conditions with the former specifications, for worse, are being substituted under individuals’ social experience is defined circumstances where formal demands of first by the social border between the group bank notes guarantee the health of the and the outside world, and second by terms exchange. Sometimes, even bank notes of the well-established behaviour norms could not guarantee the health of the among members. Individual behaviour is exchange. The emerging mechanisms are controlled in the name of group and there symptomatic of the shift from outward, are completely defined fractions inside each trust-based, moral social capital into a group that might possess expert roles and closed, restricted, and inward condition have, thereby, varying degrees of access to within the bazaar. resources. There is also a set of mechanisms to get out of problems in the event of a Shift from a Potent Group-Potent disagreement. Such a combination could Network to an Impotent Group- endure longer in the case of internal fissure. Impotent Network It also enacts restrictions upon members for optimising survival. However, there are For systematising inter-cultural analyses, occasions applying to impotent groups and Douglas (1996) has taken advantage of networks when, under no circumstance, concepts like group and network. He divided individuals’ social experience is lined up the inter-relation between the two into four by external forces, and neither does the conditions of potent group-potent network, assigned class base confine individuals. impotent group-impotent network, potent In such situations, interpersonal relations group-impotent network, and impotent become vague, their duties get implicit, group-potent network. “Group” means and individuals interact in void; as a result, the experience of a consistent social unit a demand for the supervision of some and “network” means a set of regulations personal behaviour, like the regulations for that link individuals on a self-relying basis the prohibition of the violation of contracts, (Moore, 2010, p. 333). In the current article,
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 253 - 270 (2018) 265 Rouhollah Nosrati evolves. The benchmark of the success is cities of Iran. Nonetheless, the permanence the number of its followers and customers. of traditional trading functions in Iran has Cruel rivalry and struggle for survival assisted the tradesmen in utilising lingual purported by individuals is demonstrated and local resources for fulfilling their needs in worldviews that show symptoms of and distributing commodities inside Tehran anxiety and cherish rewards and benefits as and beyond. The bazaaris’ economics and characteristics of rivalry. The Tehran bazaar interactions both together and outside of has moved away from a structure that was Tehran were obviously facilitated in a founded on ethnicity, religious identity, and socio-cultural backdrop of shared lingual, kinship networks, and is transforming to historical, and cultural grounds. shaped atomic identities and producing an The other powerful element impotent network. Ethnic, local, religious, strengthening the idea of the bazaar as a and kinship devotions are determining potent group and a potent network was the social factors that regulated bazaaris. As the social interchanges through kinship. The national hotspot of capital and commodity, importance of this factor has diminished the Tehran bazaar has always entertained during the presumable shift to the impotent guild activists, and, during the migration of group-network. In the past, trade relations regional and ethnic groups, has established in the bazaar were consolidated by strong networks of lingual, dialectical, and local kinship links. The bazaar was of a larger associations incorporated by the larger socio- kinship network than today; among bazaaris, economic body of bazaaris; the presence of endogamy was preferred to exogamy. ethnic minorities with different dialects has Endogamy turned bazaaris into the human always been substantial in the bazaar and capital of a single family. Trade relations throughout guilds. Intimate, face-to-face and economic exchanges prospered, and relations of people in the bazaar created new marriages were entailed (Karimi, 2008, social, cultural, and economic associations p. 114). The preference of bazaaris for inside guilds or among shareholders and, enriching their family’s professional skills as such, one could speak of the ethnic and in managing the chamber, accumulating local identities of the bazaar. Traditionally, wealth within the family, and improving potent group and network identity led to a social face in the marketplace were all the formation of the bazaari identity in effective in the embrace of endogamy. pursuance of shared interests, and whose Although the rich social environment of function against state and political structures the bazaar still demands endogamy and more indicated their group and network kinship, the past three decades’ multi- might. Without doubt, these identities played faceted changes have undermined the crucial roles in maintaining trade between system (Keshavarzian, 2004, p. 25). In the the Tehran bazaar and bazaars of other major passage from the potent group-network to
266 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 253 - 270 (2018) Anthropology of the Shift from Embedded to Shapeless Economy the impotent group-network situation, the provision of ultimate profit. Social structures shape and type of relations have altered. and relations have a significant share in Today’s bazaaris prefer to not supersede the economic decision-makings and, in many professional relations with guild colleagues cases, the actors’ choices cannot be explained and evade extra-guild interactions. Formerly, by the frameworks the established economy networks of social relationships in bazaar suggests; this is because action orientation took place through patterns of kinship does not concern the optimisation of profit, expansion in form of endogamy or by but the social motives of maintaining a social attendance in civil and religious occasions face and preserving social capital. Bazaaris of charities, mosques, tekiyeh, and the used to maintain an ideology, meaning that like. Not only were these networks the they were not calculating their profits all source of individual interactions with each the time; beside economic gains and by other, they also provided frameworks for adhering to traditions, they fulfilled their resolving problems, reaching consensus, social duties of assistance to peers, passing facilitating cohesion within the bazaar, customers to each other, public benefit awareness-raising, widespread coordination activities, running charities, participation in matters, bargaining with authorities, and in religious delegations, feeding the poor, exerting influence over power relations. etc. These were generally performed during Consequently, the traditional market of rituals and did not necessarily pertain to Tehran shaped its own social network economic orientations; as a result, this part of through various institutions and administered bazaaris’ actions could not be analysed with its activities therein, too. instrumental rationality tools–even though evidences indicate a turn in the bazaaris’ Shift from Social Orientations of Action action-orientation toward instrumental to Economic, Instrumental Ones rationality. The following conversation clearly points to the transformation, taking A major issue that the established economics place in the action logic among the Tehran takes with sociologists and anthropologists bazaaris: is the logic behind the action of economic actors. Ritual economy approach as an Author--how are things going regards alternative within anthropology aims to with charity in bazaar? analyse this logic in socio-cultural terms. Interviewee--it is not like before. These For this reason, it emphasises the diversity have faded away. These have polluted of the actors’ choices in different settings bazaar. to highlight specific rationalities as the Author--who do you assist and whom logics of action. Based on this approach, do you invite to assist? one can hardly expect rational (in the sense Interviewee--whenever there is the need, of calculating) behaviour from the side of we ask others to participate to help. actors by always assuming they rely on the
Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 253 - 270 (2018) 267 Rouhollah Nosrati
Look, this is a roster we made some indicate orientations other than what ruled day ago and helped a needy family. it previously are emerging as the dominant Haj Agha called me and said me about mode of action. The current article tried to a needy family and asked me to assist. analyse the transformation of the Tehran I referred to colleagues and gathered bazaar by using the ritual economy approach 430 thousand Tomans. Two persons and the theory of embedded economy. from this guild and the rest from other Accordingly, the traditional specificities guilds. These are all youthful and fresh. of the Tehran bazaar, presumably under They don’t care. the influence of elemental ritual economy factors, were conceptualised. The main idea Contemporary bazaaris’ action-orientation among such specificities are the bazaar’s in Tehran is egoistic and individualistic. wholehearted embeddedness in social, Under these circumstances, personal profit political, cultural realities, and currents. The and the optimisation thereof is the goal. observed currents, however, are indicative The following quotation shows the shift in of the incomplete disembeddedness from orientations among bazaaris: non-economic realms of society, politics, and culture. The new situation could not be “Earning is bestowed by God and understood as a fixed condition. What goes He considers all when He hands on in the Tehran bazaar and how it conducts out. Formerly, bazaaris used to pass its orientation is a question that remains to be customers to each other. Nowadays answered in future studies. The traditional it is interrupted, and things are not bazaar with its powerful history embedded like before” (garment seller, 54 in kinship, ethnicity, religion, and the like years old, 30 years bazaari). is a unique instance that needs adaptation methods for modern requisites in a way that CONCLUSION entails the least economic damage. The Tehran traditional market has not been merely an economic institution but has REFERENCES maintained social, cultural, and political Adelkhah, F. (2000). Being modern in Iran ( J, missions, besides economic functions; that is Derriek, Trans). New York: Columbia University why it is called “the institution of the bazaar”. Press.
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270 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 26 (T): 253 - 270 (2018) REFEREES FOR THE PERTANIKA JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND HUMANITIES VOL. 26 (T) FEB. 2018 Thematic Edition
Current Issues and Challenges Facing Iran Through the Lens of the Social Sciences
The Editorial Board of the Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities wishes to thank the following:
Abdollah Bicharanlou Mehri Bahar Rouhollah Nosrati (UT, Iran) (UT, Iran) (UT, Iran)
Abdul Rashid Abdullah Mehrnoosh Akhtari- Saeed Pahlevansharif (UPM, Malaysia) Zavare (TAYLOR’S UNIVERSITY, Malaysia) (UPM, Malaysia) Ahmad Naderi Saeedeh Amini (UT, Iran) (UNIVERSITY OF ALLAME Mohammad Reza TABATABA’I, Iran) Javadi Yeganeh Hooshang Nayebi (UT, Iran) (UT, Iran) Taghi Azadarmaki (UT, Iran) Mohd Nizam Osman Jayum Anak Jawan (UPM, Malaysia) (UPM, Malaysia) Zahra Farzizadeh (UT, Iran) Nobaya Ahmad Mahmoud Danaee (UPM, Malaysia) (UM, Malaysia) Zatul Himmah Adnan (UPM, Malaysia)
UM : University of Malaya UPM : University Putra Malaysia UT : University of Tehran
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Manuscript Types Pertanika accepts submission of mainly four types of manuscripts for peer-review.
1. Regular article Regular articles are full-length original empirical investigations, consisting of introduction, materials and methods, results and discussion, conclusions. Original work must provide references and an explanation on research findings that contain new and significant findings. Size: Generally, these are expected to be between 6 and 12 journal pages (excluding the abstract, references, tables and/or figures), a maximum of 80 references, and an abstract of 100–200 words.
2. Review article These report critical evaluation of materials about current research that has already been published by organizing, integrating, and evaluating previously published materials. It summarizes the status of knowledge and outline future directions of research within the journal scope. Review articles should aim to provide systemic overviews, evaluations and interpretations of research in a given field. Re-analyses as meta-analysis and systemic reviews are encouraged. The manuscript title must start with “Review Article:”.
Size: These articles do not have an expected page limit or maximum number of references, should include appropriate figures and/or tables, and an abstract of 100–200 words. Ideally, a review article should be of 7 to 8 printed pages.
3. Short communications They are timely, peer-reviewed and brief. These are suitable for the publication of significant technical advances and may be used to:
(a) report new developments, significant advances and novel aspects of experimental and theoretical methods and techniques which are relevant for scientific investigations within the journal scope; (b) report/discuss on significant matters of policy and perspective related to the science ofthe journal, including ‘personal’ commentary; (c) disseminate information and data on topical events of significant scientific and/or social interest within the scope of the journal. The manuscript title must start with “Brief Communication:”.
Size: These are usually between 2 and 4 journal pages and have a maximum of three figures and/or tables, from 8 to 20 references, and an abstract length not exceeding 100 words. Information must be in short but complete form and it is not intended to publish preliminary results or to be a reduced version of Regular or Rapid Papers. 4. Others Brief reports, case studies, comments, concept papers, Letters to the Editor, and replies on previously published articles may be considered.
PLEASE NOTE: NO EXCEPTIONS WILL BE MADE FOR PAGE LENGTH.
Language Accuracy Pertanika emphasizes on the linguistic accuracy of every manuscript published. Articles must be in English and they must be competently written and argued in clear and concise grammatical English. Contributors are strongly advised to have the manuscript checked by a colleague with ample experience in writing English manuscripts or a competent English language editor.
Author(s) must provide a certificate confirming that their manuscripts have been adequately edited. A proof from a recognised editing service should be submitted together with the cover letter at the time of submitting a manuscript to Pertanika. All editing costs must be borne by the author(s). This step, taken by authors before submission, will greatly facilitate reviewing, and thus publication if the content is acceptable.
Linguistically hopeless manuscripts will be rejected straightaway (e.g., when the language is so poor that one cannot be sure of what the authors really mean). This process, taken by authors before submission, will greatly facilitate reviewing, and thus publication if the content is acceptable.
MANUSCRIPT FORMAT The paper should be submitted in one column format with at least 4cm margins and 1.5 line spacing throughout. Authors are advised to use Times New Roman 12-point font and MS Word format.
1. Manuscript Structure Manuscripts in general should be organised in the following order:
Page 1: Running title This page should only contain the running title of your paper. The running title is an abbreviated title used as the running head on every page of the manuscript. The running title should not exceed 60 characters, counting letters and spaces.
Page 2: Author(s) and Corresponding author information. This page should contain the full title of your paper not exceeding 25 words, with name(s) of all the authors, institutions and corresponding author’s name, institution and full address (Street address, telephone number (including extension), hand phone number, and e-mail address) for editorial correspondence. First and corresponding authors must be clearly indicated.
The names of the authors may be abbreviated following the international naming convention. e.g. Salleh, A.B.1, Tan, S.G2*., and Sapuan, S.M3.
Authors’ addresses. Multiple authors with different addresses must indicate their respective addresses separately by superscript numbers: George Swan1 and Nayan Kanwal2 1Department of Biology, Faculty of Science, Duke University, Durham, North Carolina, USA., 2Office of the Deputy Vice Chancellor (R&I), Universiti Putra Malaysia, Serdang, Malaysia.
A list of number of black and white / colour figures and tables should also be indicated on this page. Figures submitted in color will be printed in colour. See “5. Figures & Photographs” for details.
Page 3: Abstract This page should repeat the full title of your paper with only the Abstract (the abstract should be less than 250 words for a Regular Paper and up to 100 words for a Short Communication), and Keywords.
Keywords: Not more than eight keywords in alphabetical order must be provided to describe the contents of the manuscript. Page 4: Introduction This page should begin with the Introduction of your article and followed by the rest of your paper.
2. Text Regular Papers should be prepared with the headings Introduction, Materials and Methods, Results and Discussion, Conclusions, Acknowledgements, References, and Supplementary data (if avavailble) in this order.
3. Equations and Formulae These must be set up clearly and should be typed double spaced. Numbers identifying equations should be in square brackets and placed on the right margin of the text.
4. Tables All tables should be prepared in a form consistent with recent issues of Pertanika and should be numbered consecutively with Roman numerals. Explanatory material should be given in the table legends and footnotes. Each table should be prepared on a new page, embedded in the manuscript.
When a manuscript is submitted for publication, tables must also be submitted separately as data - .doc, .rtf, Excel or PowerPoint files- because tables submitted as image data cannot be edited for publication and are usually in low-resolution.
5. Figures & Photographs Submit an original figure or photograph. Line drawings must be clear, with high black and white contrast. Each figure or photograph should be prepared on a new page, embedded in the manuscript for reviewing to keep the file of the manuscript under 5 MB. These should be numbered consecutively with Roman numerals.
Figures or photographs must also be submitted separately as TIFF, JPEG, or Excel files- because figures or photographs submitted in low-resolution embedded in the manuscript cannot be accepted for publication. For electronic figures, create your figures using applications that are capable of preparing high resolution TIFF files. In general, we require300 dpi or higher resolution for coloured and half-tone artwork, and 1200 dpi or higher for line drawings are required.
Failure to comply with these specifications will require new figures and delay in publication. NOTE: Illustrations may be produced in colour at no extra cost at the discretion of the Publisher; the author could be charged Malaysian Ringgit 50 for each colour page.
6. References References begin on their own page and are listed in alphabetical order by the first author’s last name. Only references cited within the text should be included. All references should be in 12-point font and double-spaced.
NOTE: When formatting your references, please follow the APA reference style (6th Edition). Ensure that the references are strictly in the journal’s prescribed style, failing which your article will not be accepted for peer-review. You may refer to the Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association for further details (http://www.apastyle.org/). 7. General Guidelines Abbreviations: Define alphabetically, other than abbreviations that can be used without definition. Words or phrases that are abbreviated in the introduction and following text should be written out in full the first time that they appear in the text, with each abbreviated form in parenthesis. Include the common name or scientific name, or both, of animal and plant materials.
Acknowledgements: Individuals and entities that have provided essential support such as research grants and fellowships and other sources of funding should be acknowledged. Contributions that do not involve researching (clerical assistance or personal acknowledgements) should not appear in acknowledgements.
Authors’ Affiliation: The primary affiliation for each author should be the institution where the majority of their work was done. If an author has subsequently moved to another institution, the current address may also be stated in the footer.
Co-Authors: The commonly accepted guideline for authorship is that one must have substantially contributed to the development of the paper and share accountability for the results. Researchers should decide who will be an author and what order they will be listed depending upon their order of importance to the study. Other contributions should be cited in the manuscript’s Acknowledgements.
Copyright Permissions: Authors should seek necessary permissions for quotations, artwork, boxes or tables taken from other publications or from other freely available sources on the Internet before submission to Pertanika. Acknowledgement must be given to the original source in the illustration legend, in a table footnote, or at the end of the quotation.
Footnotes: Current addresses of authors if different from heading may be inserted here.
Page Numbering: Every page of the manuscript, including the title page, references, tables, etc. should be numbered.
Spelling: The journal uses American or British spelling and authors may follow the latest edition of the Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary for British spellings.
SUBMISSION OF MANUSCRIPTS Owing to the volume of manuscripts we receive, we must insist that all submissions be made electronically using the online submission system ScholarOne™, a web-based portal by Thomson Reuters. For more information, go to our web page and click “Online Submission”. Submission Checklist 1. MANUSCRIPT: Ensure your MS has followed the Pertanika style particularly the first four pages as explained earlier. The article should be written in a good academic style and provide an accurate and succinct description of the contents ensuring that grammar and spelling errors have been corrected before submission. It should also not exceed the suggested length.
COVER LETTER: All submissions must be accompanied by a cover letter detailing what you are submitting. Papers are accepted for publication in the journal on the understanding that the article is original and the content has not been published either in English or any other language(s) or submitted for publication elsewhere. The letter should also briefly describe the research you are reporting, why it is important, and why you think the readers of the journal would be interested in it. The cover letter must also contain an acknowledgement that all authors have contributed significantly, and that all authors have approved the paper for release and are in agreement with its content.
The cover letter of the paper should contain (i) the title; (ii) the full names of the authors; (iii) the addresses of the institutions at which the work was carried out together with (iv) the full postal and email address, plus telephone numbers and emails of all the authors. The current address of any author, if different from that where the work was carried out, should be supplied in a footnote.
The above must be stated in the cover letter. Submission of your manuscript will not be accepted until a cover letter has been received. 2. COPYRIGHT: Authors publishing the Journal will be asked to sign a copyright form. In signing the form, it is assumed that authors have obtained permission to use any copyrighted or previously published material. All authors must read and agree to the conditions outlined in the form, and must sign the form or agree that the corresponding author can sign on their behalf. Articles cannot be published until a signed form (original pen-to-paper signature) has been received.
Please do not submit manuscripts to the editor-in-chief or to any other office directly. Any queries must be directed to the Chief Executive Editor’s office via email [email protected] .
Visit our Journal’s website for more details at http://www.pertanika.upm.edu.my/home.php.
HARDCOPIES OF THE JOURNALS AND OFF PRINTS Under the Journal’s open access initiative, authors can choose to download free material (via PDF link) from any of the journal issues from Pertanika’s website. Under “Browse Journals” you will see a link, “Current Issues” or “Archives”. Here you will get access to all current and back-issues from 1978 onwards.
The corresponding author for all articles will receive one complimentary hardcopy of the journal in which his/her articles is published. In addition, 20 off prints of the full text of their article will also be provided. Additional copies of the journals may be purchased by writing to the Chief Executive Editor.
Altruism among Iranian Families a Trend Study in Tehran 179 Saeedeh Amini
Women’s Reflexive Identity and Spirituality Case Study: Iranian 197 Employed, Degree-holder Women Jabbar Rahmani and Mehri Tayebinia
A Study of the Effects of Drug Addicted Fathers on Families in 215 Tehran, Iran Zahra Farzizadeh
Afghan Refugees and Iran’s Open Door Policy in the 1980s 235 Arash Nasr Esfahani and Sayed Hasan Hosseini
An Anthropological Study of the Shift from Ritual, Embedded 253 Economy to Shapeless, Disembedded Economy Rouhollah Nosrati Pertanika Journal of Social Sciences & Humanities Vol. 26 (T) Feb. 2018
Contents
Current Issues and Challenges Facing Iran Through the Lens of the Social Sciences Iranians Attitudes a out the Ideal S ouse re eren es or S ouse 1 Sele ting and Trans ormations in e ent e ades Seyed Mahdi Etemadifard
An loration into the elationshi et een So ial a ital and 21 ental ealth o Inha itants o arginalised Areas o ermanshah ity Abdolhossein alantari No zar hanbari and Habil Heidar hani
A issing ialogue among Ad o ates and onents o 19th entury 3 Short Term e orms in Iran Mohammad Reza Ja adi e aneh and Reyhaneh Ja adi
The elationshi et een eisure Time and So ial a ital among 7 Iranian outh holamreza haffary Vol. 26 (T) JFeb. 2018
An Anthro ologi al Study on Female eddlers ingual and 3 aralingual Ad ertising in the Su ay in Tehran Ahmad Naderi and Maryam Hossein azdi
The is ursi e oliti s o omen s lothing in Iran at e olutionary 1 3 Transition ra 1979 19 1 Seyedeh Razieh asini Mahdi Montazer haem and Abdollah i haranlou
The ethodology or rioritising Iran s So ial ro lems 125 Mahdi Hoseinzadeh azdi Ahmad Mehrshad and Mohsen Mollabashi omen s A ess to Family usti e in Iran loring the ain 1 7 VOL. 26 (T) FEB. 2018 arriers Themati dition Mehri ahar Fatemeh Hamedanian Mohammad Fara iha and Tooba Sha eri ol ay ani Current Issues and Challenges Facing Iran eligiousness and the Im a t o du ation on It in Iran 1 5 Through the Lens of the Social Sciences Hooshan Nayebi and Ta hi Azadarma i uest ditors Aini Ideris, Abbas Ghanbari Baghestan & Zaid Ahmad
Pertanika Editorial O ce, Journal Division O ce of the Deputy Vice Chancellor (R&I) 1st Floor, IDEA Tower II UPM-MTDC Technology Centre Universiti Putra Malaysia 43400 UPM Serdang Selangor Darul Ehsan Malaysia http://www.pertanika.upm.edu.my/ E-mail: e e uti e editor ertani a u m my Tel: +603 8947 1622