Civil War Unionists and Their Legacy in the Arkansas Ozarks Rebecca Ann Howard University of Arkansas, Fayetteville
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University of Arkansas, Fayetteville ScholarWorks@UARK Theses and Dissertations 12-2015 Civil War Unionists and Their Legacy in the Arkansas Ozarks Rebecca Ann Howard University of Arkansas, Fayetteville Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.uark.edu/etd Part of the Military History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Howard, Rebecca Ann, "Civil War Unionists and Their Legacy in the Arkansas Ozarks" (2015). Theses and Dissertations. 1426. http://scholarworks.uark.edu/etd/1426 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UARK. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UARK. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Civil War Unionists and Their Legacy in the Arkansas Ozarks A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History by Rebecca Ann Howard Texas A&M University Bachelor of Arts in History, 2000 Texas A&M University Master of Education in Education Administration, 2002 December 2015 University of Arkansas This dissertation is approved for recommendation to the Graduate Council. ____________________________________ Dr. Jeannie M. Whayne Dissertation Director ____________________________________ Dr. Daniel E. Sutherland Committee Member ____________________________________ Dr. Patrick G. Williams Committee Member Abstract More than a thousand men from northwest Arkansas served in the Union Army during the American Civil War. The conflict devastated a region that had previously enjoyed impressive economic growth. The years of suffering during the war eventually left the region largely depopulated. As people returned to the region after the war was over, unionists and their families fought not only to rebuild, but to secure the benefits they felt their loyalty to the federal government deserved. As unionists became Republicans in the decades after the war, Arkansas became a securely Democratic state. But Arkansas’s native Republicans leveraged their wartime loyalty into a unique relationship with the federal government that secured for them restitution for wartime losses, pensions for wartime service, and political appointments through the patronage system. ©2015 by Rebecca Ann Howard All Rights Reserved Acknowledgements High school teachers are the often-unsung heroes of education, so my first thanks must go to Sarah Redfield and Cheryl Gregory. It takes a very special educator to willingly bait the arrogance and obsession of the “smart kids” by challenging them to do better. It is only as I am in the classroom myself that I can truly appreciate the amount of work that went into every carefully graded and reviewed assignment I received back from them. They made me a scholar and a writer. Thank you to Dr. Jeannie Whayne who agreed to meet with an administrator from Student Affairs about jumping ship to the “academic side.” It has been the best decision I ever made. Her guidance and support have been unwavering. She sets the standard for what it means to be scholar and an Arkansan. Thank you to Dr. Daniel Sutherland and Dr. Patrick Williams for their service on my committee and especially their patience the many times I came into their offices with half-baked ideas or obscure finds of questionable interest from the archives. Dr. Sutherland’s class was my first in seven years and I had no intention of becoming a scholar of the Civil War. It has turned out well. My year as assistant editor for Dr. Williams and the Arkansas Historical Quarterly had an immeasurable effect on my writing. Everybody needs an editor, but not everyone is lucky enough to get him. And he endures my Texas jokes. I deeply appreciate the many fine scholars of the Department of History and Special Collections at the University of Arkansas, the community of historians in the Arkansas Historical Association, and the historians and archivists of the Shiloh Museum, the Arkansas Statehouse Museum, the Butler Center for Arkansas History and Culture for the welcome, support, and aid they have given me. Without the funding provided by the University of Arkansas, the Department of History, the Mary Hudgens Research fund, Bobby Roberts, the Diane D. Blair Center of Southern Politics and Society, and the Colonial Dames of America, I would never have been able to travel to find the scattered records of Arkansas’s Unionists. Thank you for your commitment to scholarship, and especially Arkansas and military scholarship. Thank you to all my friends and family who have supported me in ways both large and small. Special thanks to Deb and Roger Patrick for their shared enthusiasm for history and willingness to open their home on my pilgrimages to the National Archives. Kelly Houston Jones endured so many ridiculous questions from this APA-trained College of Education graduate; I do not know what I would have done without her wise counsel. Finally, thank you to Amanda Allbritton and Maria Wiggins for their years of friendship and support, no matter the time and distance. Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to the memory of Dr. Robert Calvert. A fine activist and scholar, I aspire to always see students and colleagues as he did. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: The Lay of the Land: Northwest Arkansas to 1860 9 Chapter Two: Northwest Arkansas Faces War 45 Chapter Three: Wartime Ruin and Survival: The Civilian Experience of Northwest Arkansas 78 Chapter Four: Peace Returns: Battles on Other Fronts 115 Chapter Five: Southern Republicans in a Hostile State 150 Afterword 191 Bibliography 196 Introduction One of the most reviled Civil War bushwhackers in the Arkansas Ozarks, Tuck Smith, led a notorious band that harassed the federal army and local unionists relentlessly, and in 1863, he captured John Rutherford and Richard Dye. The “old men,” as they called themselves, had been among the first settlers in Washington county. They each had three sons in the Union army, and both had a son die during their service. Through extensive and for the old men, quite humiliating, negotiations involving women as go-betweens and men much their junior, they were eventually released. Smith was no doubt motivated by a threat from the Rutherford and Dye sons to put Smith’s own elders “under the sod” should their fathers come to any harm. For the rest of the war, Rutherford and Dye abandoned their homes and sought refuge behind Union lines. In May of 1865, Smith rode into Fort Smith, surrendered to Union forces there, and was paroled the next day. For the rest of their lives, the three men lived within fifteen miles of one other. Though the Arkansas Ozarks experienced violence and upheaval after the war, Smith resumed his work as a blacksmith and Rutherford and Dye went back to farming. Rutherford’s son, who died in service, was honored as namesake for the local Grand Army of the Republic post; Smith was a hero to local failed Confederates. This study examines the impact of war and the process of reconciliation and Reconstruction in the Arkansas Ozarks, an area that witnessed the brutality of guerrilla warfare. No one has examined the impact of guerrilla war in northwest Arkansas in terms of how it affected Unionism and civilians, particularly in the postwar period. It challenges the widespread belief that Reconstruction was relatively easy in the upcountry of Arkansas, with large numbers of native unionists and few freed people. It utilizes records of the Southern Claims Commission 1 and the pension files of Arkansas’s Federal soldiers, as well as newspapers, wartime and postwar correspondence, and organizational records to retrieve the experience of local unionists. The key to the continued existence and solidarity of this group was not negotiations internal to northwest Arkansas, but the new relationship that developed between them and the federal government as they evolved from unionists to Republicans. After the war, Republicans and Democrats began sniping at each other more from newspaper pages than hilltops, but covert political violence continued. Careful distinctions were made between noble, if unconventional, warriors and the true brigands. Some old soldiers embraced the pagentry of joint Confederate and Union encampments, but others carried their differences to the grave. The guerrilla war in the Ozarks left a complex legacy of reconciliation and resentment, political processes of questionable honor, and left a small group of Union veterans and their households as outposts of Republicanism in a Democratic state. Northwest Arkansas, here defined as the counties of Benton, Carroll, Madison, and Washington Counties, is not the only region of the upland South to experience a complex aftermath of Civil War. In the final chapter of Contested Borderland, Brian McKnight’s excellent exploration of the Civil War in eastern Kentucky and western Virginia, he makes two seemingly contradictory statements. First, he argues “violence that the Civil War legitimized within the mountain society…usher[ed] in a period of social strife and citizen-led violence [in the postwar period] that still remains a part of the American concept of Appalachian life.”1 Yet McKnight notes a few pages later how interesting it is “that a population so divided by war became so strongly committed to postwar reconciliation,” and that these mountaineers “found the security offered by the U.S. government to be the force that would salve the wounds of war 1 Brian Dallas