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14.1 Additional Student Essay(S) 1. Evaluate the Claim That We Are Now Living in an Information Society It Has Been Claimed That

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14.1 Additional Student Essay(S) 1. Evaluate the Claim That We Are Now Living in an Information Society It Has Been Claimed That 14.1 Additional Student Essay(s) 1. Evaluate the claim that we are now living in an information society It has been claimed that the vast development of technology in recent years has changed the way we live, that we now live in an ‘information society’. We no longer rely on agriculture or manufacturing to fuel the economy; it is knowledge and information that is at the economic core. The availability of information is facilitated by new communications technologies, which some see as revolutionizing society. This essay will consider the arguments of Manuel Castells, who posits the information society as the revolutionary organizational structure of contemporary society, involving changes in the uses of time and space (Hamilton, 2002, p. 113). It will also offer an alternative argument from Peter Golding, who considers the information and communication technologies of today as continuities with the past, along with relevant historical evidence. Finally the essay will evaluate the presented debates and evidence and assess the relevance for our understanding of contemporary society. Manuel Castells identifies changes in the use of time and space – from agrarian time relying on nature to the onset of industrialization with factories and regulatory clock-time – that, he argues, are key aspects of social change. The move now is towards ‘timeless time’, which involves less rigidity and increased flexibility, a veritable annihilation and de-sequencing of time. Instantaneous communication and global transactions are possible; life-cycle timings are becoming indistinctive, for example reproduction and life expectancy (Lury, 2002, p. 151). Castells suggests that this is made possible by the development of information and communication technologies (ICTs), indeed he claims these technologies are as revolutionary as those of the industrial era. This information age, according to Castells, is organized by a ‘network society’ (cited in Hamilton, 2002, p. 123). For Castells the information/network society is a new and revolutionary social form. Whilst he sees this as dominated by ICTs he does recognize other contributing factors, such as the restructuring of capitalism, the collapse of communism and the increase of social movements, such as feminism and environmentalism (Hamilton, 2002, p. 113). This is in line with the notion that social changes co-exist and are multiple (Jordan and Pile, 2002, p. xiv). One significant area of social change is the increasing influence of globalization, which links closely with the information society and networks theory. Castells sees networks as interconnecting nodes across geographical locations, used to an immediate advantage but disposed of when no longer beneficial. This is opposed to former, centralized, hierarchical forms of organization (Bashforth et al., 2004, p. 72). According to Castells these networks and ICTs have had such a significant impact on the reordering of time and space that a new societal form has emerged. Castells argues that ICTs enable simultaneous and instant actions without physical contiguity. Purchases made by telephone, or global transactions, occur in what he terms the ‘space of flows’. The space of flows has contributed to the emergence of ‘timeless time’, which according to Castells is a ‘… relentless effort to annihilate time’ (quoted in Hamilton, 2002, p. 126). Time is compressed and de-sequenced, for example, shopping via the internet at anytime. This aspect of societal change is acknowledged positively by some. Negroponte sees that the availability of ICTs and access to knowledge can have an equalling effect on society (cited in Hamilton, 2002, p. 111). However, Castells also notes negative consequences on societal inequalities, in particular, the power of the knowledge providers and those excluded through lack of access to the technologies, leading to a polarized society (Mackay, 2002, p. 143). Castells also observes the impact of technology on a cultural level. The technology available within the home no longer flows one-way. Communication technologies facilitate interactivity and a wide range of information is streamed into the home, creating diversity and agency. These seemingly extensive changes are shown to impact society on a micro-level within the private sphere of the home. This, according to Castells and Thompson, is a characteristic of modernity (Mackay, 2002, p. 144). Whilst Castells claims this new society is revolutionary, Peter Golding argues that these technologies are just a progression of what has passed before, allowing increased speed and efficiency: he classes these as ‘technology one’. What Golding sees as revolutionary are the bio and nanotechnologies, classed as ‘technology two’ (Hamilton, 2002, p. 129). Golding cites the significance of the telegraph in Victorian society. The telegraph challenged boundaries of time and space in ways never experienced before. Technology journalist, Tom Standage (1998) comments that, ‘… it was the Victorians, not today’s internet generation that experienced most fully the shrinking of time and space’ (quoted in Mackay, 2002, p. 152). Golding therefore refutes the claim that contemporary ICTs are revolutionary. Golding also questions the claim of the information society’s theory of the compression of time and space. He draws attention to the increase of traffic congestion and air travel. He notes that the majority of travel is functional rather than leisure orientated (Hamilton, 2002, p. 132–133). Golding perceives the reordering of time and space as a feature of modernity, identified by Giddens as ‘time-space distanciation’. This refers to the stretching of relations over distances of time and space, for example, the long distance telephone call. Golding considers this an aspect of modernity, rather than a revolutionary effect of ICTs. In questioning the claim that we live in an information society, Golding refutes the notion that ICTs will be available and beneficial to all. Negroponte claims that inequalities will be generational rather than class based. However, Golding cites evidence confirming the social division of internet access, with higher income groups being the high users. Golding points out that ICTs need constant updating, thus incurring continuing costs and inhibiting availability to lower income groups, and thus distinguishing social groups. This reinforces societal structures of inequalities (Hamilton, 2002, p. 130). This is also a key aspect of Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital (Savage, 2002, p. 77). Golding also observes inequalities within the employment sector. He disputes claims that work has been revolutionized by noting the increase of working hours. Alongside this, and despite the growth of the ICT sector, unemployment rates are higher now than in previous generations. Low paid sectors of IT work exist, with mainly female employees, thus reinforcing gender inequalities (Hamilton, 2002, p. 130). Golding sees this as continuities persisting. As Keohane and Nye (1998) remark with regards to theories of new societies, ‘… overlook how much the new world rests on the traditional world…’ (quoted in Hamilton, 2002, p.130). This raises the question of just how new is the structure of the acclaimed information society? Having presented the competing theories from Castells and Golding on the information society this essay will evaluate their claims and account for their relevance in today’s society, beginning with Castells’ revolutionary claim of a new information and network society. A revolutionary claim implies a sudden event resulting in a new social form (Hamilton, 2002, p. 119). However, Castells’ logic is flawed as he himself acknowledges that ICTs have developed gradually. His theory lacks empirical adequacy as he overlooks the significance of past history, as in the case of the telegraph. Whereas Golding, by contrast, offers a more coherent framework by acknowledging the significant impact of the telegraph on society (Mackay, 2002, p. 152). Castells’ argument also seems contradictory at points. He observes emerging societal inequalities induced by ICTs; the dominance and power of the knowledge providers – and the exclusions. Yet, the theory focuses on the transformation of society through the use of ICTs. This suggests that the theory is not comprehensive enough to cover all aspects of society (Mackay, 2002, p. 143). In contrast, Golding provides quantitative evidence of inequalities with regards to ICT usage – and demonstrates the continuity of structural inequalities. This position is supported by a Marxist and Weberian perspective. The Marxist stance views ICTs as a progression of a capitalist structure. Weberians see it as rationalization of society – or increasing regulation of the people (Hamilton, 2002, p. 104). A key feature of Castells’ theory is the reordering of time and space. Castells assumes that this change is solely due to ICTs. Although compression and de- sequencing of time is partly due to ICTs, it is also an aspect of modernity. Furthermore, Hamilton highlights the fact that society is still mostly, ‘… time-bound, place-bound worlds’ (Hamilton, 2002, p. 115). This is evident in Silva’s study of everyday routines showing daily life is organized through patterns and routines of time (Silva et al., 2002, p. 284). Even Castells notes that his networks require a material infrastructure, suggesting a further lack of coherence in his theory (Hamilton, 2002, p. 126). Perhaps a major critique of Castells’ framework is the exaggeration of the impact of ICTs in today’s society.
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