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"SOUTHERN AFRICA IN TRANSITIONt MH INTERNATIONAL CONFEMECE AprilnU- 13, 1963 University, Washington, D.C# s-red by ?TY OF AFRICAN 40th Street kJN. Y. CULTURE 4 / 'Ni- I

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"SOUTHERN AFRICA IN TRANSITION" Sponsored by rth International Conference The American Society of African Culture April 11 7 13, 1963 Howard University, Washington, D.C. SOUTH WEST AFRICA: Political Parties and Nationalist Demands by MICHAEL SCOTT I shall try to be objective in introducing this subject of political organisations in South West Africa, although anything I can say from first hand experience dates from a period before there were any political parties in South West Africa. I was declared a prohibited immigrant thirteen years ago after my return from reporting to the Chiefs who had asked me to convey their petition at the 1947 session of the United Nations General Assembly. Clearly those most qualified to give an account of the political situation in South West Africa and the history of the parties that have grown up there are the representatives of those parties themselves, and those who have themselves been a part of the struggle of the people of South West Africa to liberate themselves. But there are some important considerations which an impartial student of politics and anyone wishing to arrive at a true evaluation of current movements ought to bear in mind. Criticism, especially from those who are on the side of the liberation of South West Africa, will not be unwelcome to those leaders who genuinely have the cause of their people at heart. But equally those who are outside the internal conflicts have a responsibility to make sure that their Judgments are not arrived at without taking into account all the factors/-

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- 2 - factors many of which may be outside the personal appreciation of those who have not lived under that particular yoke of oppression nor experienced all the weight and practical difficulties which have to be borne by those trying to organise any effective resistance at all from within. As Tshekedi Khama often used to remind one "Only the toad under the harrow knows where each tooth pike goes". Foremost among these difficulties are those of communication, both of language and distance. South West Africa is a territory the size of France or the State of Texas with a total population of less than half a million - less than that of a medium sized town in Europe or America - divided into at least five African groups (Herero, Nama, Berg Damara, Bushmen and Ovambo), three European groups (German, Afrikaans and British) and a group of mixed race known as the "Basters". The Africans are again subdivided into smaller language groups and the policy of segregation and apartheid followed by successive South African Governments under the Mandate'has reinforced these divisions. Under -the reservation and pass laws system the Hereros for example have been confined to eight different and widely separated localities, to move from which it is necessary to. obtain a pass even in the event of urgent sickness. In addition there is the unusual circumstance that politics in South West Africa have tended to become centred (too much many would say) in the United Nations, and have been influenced by the ways in which South West African questions have been dealt with by the U.N. South West Africa Committees that have been set up and by the International Court of Justice, which was seized of this question for two years before it decided that it had the competence to adjudicate on it. And this, after other proceedings at the U.N. which included three advisory opinions from the Court, has taken in all seventeen years. Only when these conditions have been experienced will the difficulty of building an organisation to withstand and overcome these physcl, political and cultural barriers be appreciated. It/-

- 3 - It can be seen therefore that the conditions out of which political organisations in South West Africa have grown were determined much more than in South Africa itself by firstly, the indigenous social system of tribal organisation, secondly, by the strict segregation system imposed by the Administering Power much more rigidly than in its own territory, and thirdly, by the deprivation of any opportunity of political expression for Africans within the framework of the constitnttion and its consequent orientation around the United Nations. The U.N. has become the centre of gravity of South West African politics and politicians to the neglect, some now say, of the tasks of political organisation and action within the territory itself. At the time prior to the appeal to the United Nations against the claim to the incorporation of the Territory into South Africa there were no political organisations in being other than the tribal councils which were advisory to the Chiefs. The Hereros and the Namas, who had borne the brunt of the German colonial policy of expropriation and oppression were the most politically conscious people in the territory and the Chiefs Hosea Kutako and Nucanor Hoveka of the Hereros had very able councillors. For example, Festus Kandjo who had in his mind a complete map of the Herero lands as they had existed before the Germans came and could list the villages and even locate the wells and landmarks and holy places which had originally belonged to them. The political consciousness of the Herero and Nama people was born out of the hard school of suffering and deprivation which forms one of the worst chapters in the whole history of Colonialism in Africa, that has yet to be begun to be reversed. The undoubted fact that this political consciousness and the first attempts at organised opposition and resistance were tribal in character and method should not be dismissed contemptuously because the requirements of today make it necessary to find forms of political organisation which will overcome the barriers and limitations of tribalism. In fact, in the present day situation the multiplication of "national" organisations has become an obstacle to unity and progress and hence to the liberation of South West Africa from the most ancient as well as most modern form of racial oppression thqt exists anywhere in the world. The early tentative socio-political organisations of fifteen years ago begun by teachers like Berthold Himumuine and his African Improvement Society only came to fruition in the late 1950's as far as political action in South West Africa was concerned. And it was not until 1959 that the first foundation was laid of a nation-wide political organisation, the South West Africa National Union. Tribal barriers and the physical and cultural differences that separated early leaders, as well as the conditions of oppression, difficulties of communication, raising funds and operating efficiently and secretly as the conditions required, must all be taken into consideration before judgments are reached on these early attempts to build an effective national organisation. This first attempt has been described by the President of the Soutk West Africa National Union, Mr. J. Kozonguizi, as well as the violent opposition which met its first political action in resistance to the enforced removal of the inhabitants of the location in 1959. Since I have not succeeded in obtaining other organisations' accounts of their origins and appraisal of events and policies pursued, I cannot do other than reproduce the first hand account given me by Mr. Kozonguizi whose competence, honesty and dedication to the cause of his people's liberation has always greatly impressed me ever since I was first told about him when I went to Bechuanaland to meet representatives of Chief Hosea Kutako to urge that their representation t the United Nations should be supplemented. At that time Chief Tshekedi Khama was still alive and he joined me addressing the representatives of the Chief and emphasising the iportance of their being adequately represented at the United Nations. This/-

- 5 - Tis to him was a matter of importance not only to the people of South West Africa but to all Africa qnd particularly to the liberation of Southern Africa in which his own Bamangwato people's destiny was inevitably bound up. At this point, before reproducing the account given me by Mr. Kozonguizi, it will not be out of place to refer to the important part played by Bechuanaland through Tshekedi Khama, the Regent and the other five chiefs of that territory who made representations to the United Nations, took up the question vigorously with the United Kingdom Government and who made possible my journeys to and from South West Africa and to and from the United Nations. The political competence and high degree of statesmanship revealed in the documents exchanged with the United Kingdom High Commissioner and the Minutes of the discussions between these Chiefs, including Frederick Mahareru of the Hereros, are an essential part of this history and must be woven into its texture if a full appraisal is to be had of the interplay of politics on personalities and personalities on politics in South West Africa. Nor should the young politicians who today are inheriting the heavy responsibilities of leadership of this struggle for African liberation be deprived of the inspiration of knowing how their forbears dealt with these problems at that early and formative period of the history of organised resistance. The record of these can be found in the official printed record of the Fourth Committee of the United Nations General Assembly for 1947 on pp. 139 - 193, with the South African Government's reply on pp. 193- 197 of the same document. I quote some extracts: "Their enlightened chief, Tshekedi, and five other Bechuanaland chiefs set forth their views on the incorporation of South West Africa in a memorandum addressed to the Government of the United Kingdom, to be placed before the Trusteeship Committee of the United Nations. " 'It may seem presumtuous,t they say, 'that we, Chiefs of the Protectorate, should urge that South West Africa be not transferred to the Union of South Africa, but we, as African peoples, are not uninterested. There are presently living in our country displaced persons, Hereros and others, who were persecuted/-

- 6 persecuted and driven out of their country by the Germans. n addition to those mentioned, a number of South West African natives have since taken refuge in the Bechuanaland Protectorate during the Union's Mandate through fear of the Union's native policy, and all of these would return to V their native-lands in South West Africa if the purposes of the Mandate were being duly fulfilled.' / "Perhaps at this stage it would be well to outline some of the features of the Union's native policy which most arouse resentment. This policy, it must be recognised, is based on the assumption that advance in civilization and Westernization of the Natives is a threat to the standard of living and even to the survival of the white race, and this supposed threat is met and countered by stringent legislation often passing as being in the natives' best interests. The so- called "ColourBar" Act prevents the native from handling machinery or becoming a skilled artisan; the Native Land Act prevents him from buying, renting or occupying land except in certain restricted areas (this, in the interests of segregation, also applies to Europeans, but their choice is much wider); 'there are restrictions on the number of squatters on farms; the Urban Areas Act and the hated Pass Laws limit the movements of the Native and prevent him from selling his labour in the best market; and the Native Franchise Act deprives him of the right as a citizen to appear on the Common Voters' Roll, with the result that his representation in the House of Assembly is confined to three European members in a House of 153. These are put forward as some of the reasons why the natives of South West Africa regard with such apprehension the possibility of incorporation. "Chief Tshekedi and his colleagues go on to give examples of breaches of faith and repressive measures within the borders of South West Africa under the Union Mandate. The Herero tribe, one of the most powerful and well organised of all the South West African tribes, came as a roud and independent race into severest conflict with the germans. The Germans decimated the tribe and threatened that 'within the German frontiers every Herero with or without arms, with or without cattle will be shot down (signed Trotha)', and many of the survivors fled with the Paramount Chief, Frederick Maherero, on whose head a price of 5,000 marks was placed, into Bechuanaland. In the 1914 war he and some thirty of his fellows were called on the return to South West Africa to lead their people against the Germans, and were promised that when the Germans were defeated their land would be restored to them. These promises-were not fulfilled, and the Hereros voluntarily resumed their exile in Bechuanaland, 'where', to use the words of Frederick Maherero, 'we found a Government which is different indeed in its attitude towards, and its treatment of, the native races'." "The compilers of the memorandum question the methods by which the referendum result was obtained. They quote the van Zyl Commission as follows: 'If, then, one considers the backwardness of the ihdigenous population (i.e. South West African natives) it becomes clear that there is no reasonable expectation of their acquiring those mental, moral and civic qualities, which would justify their being seriously taken into consultation, before a point of time so remote as hardly to merit present consideration,' and then go on to say: ta consultation which is circumscribed and conducted by officials of the Government proposing the matter under consideration cannot be impartial'. "They recall that the offer of the Institute of Race Relations to conduct an impartial inquiry into the wishes of the indigenous/-

- 7 indigenous population was refused by Gen. Smuts on the grounds that it was 'confusing to the native mind to find non-official inquiries also being made.' General Smuts in the same letter states that he refused permission to Lord Hailey for a similar visit on the same grounds, * - considering that the visit 'should be postponed until the Z Administrator thinks it can take place without harm being done.' (A"The memorandum proceeds to a plea on behalf of the Bechuana people themselves, urging the economic necessity of a free outlet to the west coast, supporting the contention by recalling Bechuanaland's gift of territory for the building of the railway to Rhodesia to the British South Africa Company and quoting Rhodesia's similar claims in support. The absence of a free outlet to the sea would in the event of the incorporation of South West Africa put Bechuanaland economically at the mercy of the Union Government which could close the port of Walvis Bay to Bechuana traffic as it has closed the Union markets to Bechuana cattle. 3 "'Bearing in mind,' in concludes, 'the declared and active S policy of the Union where the native inhabitants of South Africa are concerned, and that the basis of this policy is economic servitude of these people, a parallel economic development having as its purpose complete equality of opportunities ... is a serious threat to the Union policy The Union must fight this progress in Bechuanaland; hence their insistent demand to incorporate both South West Africa and the Bechuanaland Protectorate.' "Chief Tshekedi, struggling to launch against the heavy odds of race prejudice a comprehensive scheme for the economic development of his country, felt that here was evidence of supreme importance to be put before the United Nations, and he felt it essential to go himself to London (as his father had gone to see Joseph Chamberlain), and if necessary to New York, to give expression to the fears and hopes, not only of his own people, but of all the coloured peoples of Africa. He wished above all to press for an impartial g investigation into the whole question of Union administration in South West Africa and into the conduct of the referendum. In his possession are letters from individuals in South West Africa containing most disquieting comments on the referendum. .... we are being asked that our land be joined to the Union, but we have refused ... The Hereros, the Namas, the Ovamboes and the Berg Damaras have all refused ... We have been informed that there will be a meeting again oft 3 September and that we should be stopped from going to that meeting and they will have their own man to speak for them and we will be stopped ...' '... The Government ... continue in their efforts to prevail over us.' "The United Kingdom Government's reply to this request to go overseas is recorded by Chief Tshekedi as follows: "'I gather the position to be that Your Excellency has been instructed to tell me that the British Cabinet met to consider the position which has recently been presented by the Chiefs of Bechuanaland collectively, and that as a result of such deliberations I was to be told that my visit to England ... was not approved of by the British Cabinet, and that/-

- a - that should I go to England despite its disapproval I should come there fully knowing that I could not be given an interview by the Secretary of State, and it was most unlikely that I could interview any of the Cabinet Ministers ... It seems to us that we have no alternative but to apply, as we now formally do, for 'priority' permits to proceed to England as delegates on behalf of the Bechuanaland Chiefs and Peoples to consult our numerous friends and advisors there "Priority travel was also refused him and the deliberations of the United Nations have been conducted without the voice of a single representative of the people most concerned." POLITICAL AND TRIBAL GROUPINGS IN SWA: BASIS FOR DIVISION (Written by Mr. J. Kozonguizi of SWANU in August 1962) see page 4 para. iii Much has been sai4 ghd written about the political groupings in SWA. In some cases false impressions-have been created based on wishful thinking rather than on actual facts. For example a lot has been written about the thousands of followers SWAPO has and that the Herero-SWAPO group is the most representative of all the groups; sometimes it has been stated that the political organisations in SWA do not represent anyone but their "so-called leaders". The only way to get nearer the truth is to analyse the facts of the situation, to examine the groupings, their loyalties and positions. Until 1959 African politics in South West Africa had been mainly on a tribal basis and even today tribal forces have very strong influence amongst some sections of political groupings. / The South West Africa National Union was founded to achieve two main objectives: to destroy this tribal basis in politics, and to spearhead the liberation movement on a much more militant and progressive basis. My own impression of the prevailing political situation in SWA is that whilst the present rumblings can be dangerous, I believe that the efforts of SWANU are beginning to be rewarded for as long as tribal alegiance remains strong the creation of a national character will be delayed; as long as the present crisis in African politics is not inter-tribal but intra-tribal the road to unity on a national basis is being cleared. What are these groupings and what divides them? TRIBAL/-

- 9 - TRIBAL AND OTHER GROUPINGS OVAMBOS The Ovambo people are divided into 7 sub-tribes, each under either a Chief and/or several headmen. The following is a table indicating the position of these chiefs and headmen vis-a-vis the Administration of South West Africa or Government of South Africa: Ondonga Ongandjera Late Chief Kambonde supported the Government and helped to keep Toivo under restriction. His successor, the present Headman, Angula Shilongo, is not as bad as Kamdonde was. He had actually freed Toivo from restriction. But he is not a freedom fighter at all, and does not support SWAPO. Chief Ushona Shimi Supporter of the Government. Ukualuzi The Chief is a Government supporter. Ukuanjama 8 Headmen with Nehimiah Shev- All S support the aleka as Senior Headman Government. Ukuambi Onkolongazi 3 Headmen with Silas Ipumbu as Senior Headman 1 Headman (isolated) Ombalantu Headman Kaimbi elected by the tribe after driving out the Government stooge All are Government supporters. Has not been articulate politically. Against the Government and for freedom. OKAVANGO The following is a table giving the names and status of the various Chiefs and Headmen of the 6 sub-tribes of the Okavango people: Status Chieftainess Chief, Vice-chieftainess Headmen Headman Headman Headman Tribe Sambiu Mbunza Kuangari Kuangari Diriku Mbukushe Composite tribe All have expressed satisfaction with the South African Government. PRIVI In the Caprivi Ziphel there are several Chiefs and there is also political organisation that is strong in the area near the border of -thern Rhodesia. The Chiefs have not been articulate though the Iitical organisation is fighting for freedom. CONTRACT WORKERS!- Name Muengere Kasiki Kanune Kandjimi) Mbandu ) Shashipape Makushe Mpase

- 10 - CONTRACT WORKERS This is the group that is recruited in the Northern Reserves Ovamboland, Okavango and Kaokeveld - through the South West African Native Labour Association. They are divided into several categories: a) those who work on the mines, in building construction and other heavy industries, or who are capable of doing heavy work - classed as "A" b) those in domestic service in Hotels or for individual whites - classed as "B" or-capable of doing work which requires ordinary strength, and c) those on farms as shepherds and domestics - classed as "C" for light work. Amongst the latter group you can find labourers who are actually under sixteen though their age is often recorded as eighteen or above. This is the group amongst whom the Ovamboland Peoples Organisation was founded and, if given proper organisation, could still be the one that supports SWAPO. URBAN GROUP OR SO-CALLED DETRIBALISED This group of which members are either born and/or have lived in urban areas in the "Police Zone" throughout their lives, is completely established in the "Police Zone" and though members of this group may have relations in Ovamboland and Okavango they have'their homes in the urban areas. This group is treated by the Administration in exactly the same way as the other tribal groups who live in the "Police Zone". SWANU has considerable following amongst this group and some of the SWAPO leaders are also from it. HEREROS The Herero group, unlike the Ovambo, is a homogeneous one at least linguistically speaking. Division amongst them is found on a residential basis. After the Germans had destroyed the tribal and to some extent the social organisation the South African Government placed the Hereros in varous Reserves. It is significant that the present split amongst the Hereros is to some extent based on this residential division. The tribal group: The main Herero Reserves and their Chiefs or Headmen are as follows: Aminius Reserve Chief Hosea Kutako Waterberg Reserve Headman Tjatjitua Okotjituuo Reserve Headman Maekopo Otjohorongo Reserve/-

- 11 - OtJohorongo Reserve Headman Kapia Kaokoveld William Hatoje & Munanuhoro Kapika (Otjinene ? Epukiro (Epukiro proper (Chief Munjuku II (Ovambanderus) (Headman Gerson Hoveka The South West African Administration ranks all the Herero chiefs as Headmen and Chief Hosea Kutako as Senior Headman. The Hereros themselves rank Kutako as Chief and he acts as Paramount Chif of the Hereros whilst MAHERERO remains in Bechuanaland. The Munjuku group ranks Munjuku as Chief and that is the only reason he has been called Chief here. Mr. Clement Kapuuo has been elected as deputy and successor to Chief Hosea Kutako. None amongst these support the Government though they are divided amongst themselves. This division will be dealt with later. The Urban group: a) The "Katutura Group" - employees or former employees of the Government or Municipality in Windhoek. This is the group that has moved to Katutura and supports the South African Government actively. Their leaders are Messrs. John Mungunda and Joshua Kamberipa who are violently opposed to Chief Kutako's anti-Government activities. They refer to SWANU leaders as "ambitious young men who represent themselves." b) The Intellectuals - mainly teachers and other Government employed non-supporters of the Government. Many of these remain active in their professional and other cultural organisations such as the South West Africa African Teachers Association and the South West African Progressive Association, as well as the "Jeugbond" (Youth League) which is a semi religious-cultural organisation. The split amongst the Hereros: There are two main issues which seem to have precipitated the split. These are the appointment of a deputy chief (successor) to Chief Hosea Kutako and the succession to the Headmanship in the Epukiro Reserve. a) Chief Kutako's successor - Apparently a section of the Hereros were not satisfied with the election of Clement Kapuuo as successor. Amongst thoe who seemed not to favour this were the headmen in Okotjituuo and Waterberg Reserves together with a section of the people in the Epukiro Reserve (the Munjuku group). The split, in my view, will be aggravated by the death of Chief Kutako and a solution (if any) of the South West African question at the United Nations. This might lead to the disintegration of the tribe as an entity and open the way for a new political basis to develop. This may happen, of course, only if some rapprochement or modus operandi is not reached between the warring factions in the meantime. b) The succession in the Epukiro Reserve - The quarrels aver the succession to the headmanship of the Epukiro Reserve originated/-

- 12 - originated with the death of Headman Nicanor Hoveka. Since that time two groups have emerged in the politics of the Reserve. On the one hand was the group in favour of Stephanus Hoveka and on the other was the group opposed to him. Various other issues got mixed up with this question later after Stephanus Hoveka had taken over as Headman. One of these was the so-called "tribal lorry" which was bought with money contributed by the residents of the Reserve. The Hoveka group at some point felt that the other group (that is now the Munjuku group) was monopolising the use of the truck. These issues caused the Otjinene (Northern part of Epukiro) group to press for the secession of their area and for the establishment of an independent Reserve. (Under Headman Nicanor Hoveka Otjinene was part of the Epukiro Reserve.) Matters came to a head and the split flared into the open when the Munjuku group decided to withdraw their support from Headman Stephanus Hoveka. Because of illness Stephanus Hoveka then decided to retire and the question of succession tame up again. The Hoveka group nominated Gerson Hoveka, son of the old Chief Nicanor Hoveka, and the Munjuku group would not accept that. At one point the issue was put to a vote and the Hoveka group got the vote. But the SWA Administration would not approve the appointment of Gerson Hoveka as Headman either. It was at that point that the Munjuku group decided to invite Munjuku to return to South West Africa and they presented him as their candidate for the headmanship. At this stqge there was no co-operation between the two groups at all and the Munjuku group somehow managed to have Munjuku approved as Headman by the SWA Administration. I understand there was also an arrangement whereby Gerson Hoveka would become Headman of another part of Epukiro Reserve. The position today is that Chief Kutako works with the Hoveka group and it appears that the Hoveka group sees the Ovambanderus as part of the Herero group under the Paramountcy of Chief Kutako, whilst the Munjuku group seems to regard the Ovambanderus as an independent group with Munjuku as Chief in his own right with equal status to Kutako. The Munjuku group seems to ally itself to Headman Tjatjitua and the other Headmen who are opposed to Chief Kutako for their own reasons. Denominational affiliation: Another issue which to some, though small, extent may be regarded as a basis for division amonst the Hereros is the Church question. In 1955 the bulk of the Hereros withdrew from the Rhenish Mission Church (German Lutheran Church) and established their own Church, the "Ongerki Joruuano" (Protestant Unity Church) under Reverend Teinhard Ruzo. Some Hereros remained in the Rhenish Mission Church. For instance, the Herero Church (as the Protestant Unity Church is commonly known) did not have much support in the OtJohorongo Reserve and in part of the Epukiro Reserve. In the latter Reserve thf' seems to have absolutely nothing to do with the present split, i.e. both the Munjuku and Kutako groups, as well as the Tjatjitua group, are staunch supporters of the Herero Church. Chief Kutako and SWANU: When the South West Africa National Union was launched in September/-

- 13 - September 1959 it had the support of Chief Hosea Kutako. Clement Kapuuo the deputy of Kutako was a member. Several members of Kutako's Council were on the National Executive Committee, e.g. Isaskar Kambatuku, Aaron Kapere and Frans Tjueza. Since about April 1960 SWANU and Kutako parted ways when the above- mentioned Councillors withdrew from the SWANU Executive. Kutako's position. This was often expressed through the Council and not by Chief Kutako personally. The Council wanted control of SWANU in the same way as they control SWAPO, i.e. for the National Executive Committee of SWANU to act under Kutako's Council. Kutako was to issue all Statements and SWANU was to co-sign. When SWANU leaders made it clear that SWANU could not be attached to a single tribe the Kutako Council members who were on the Executive of SWANU withdrew and made the following accusations against SWANU: a) that SWANU was opposed to the appointment of Kapuuo as deputy Chief, b) that SWANU leaders were extremists and stood for violence and that if people were to follow SWANU they would be shot as happened in December 1959. The Hereros were urged not to contribute to the Defence Fund for the 15 people who were charged with Public Violence, c) that SWANU was backing Chief Munjuku in his fight against Chief Kutako, d) that SWANU had exposed Chief Kutako's secrets, i.e. when SWANU leaders sought information about the visit of the American Lowenstein and others to South West Africa. I had given the names of SWANU leaders to the Americans but for some reason the Americans did not look them up. e) that SWANU was against the United Nations and was misleading the people in South West Africa. All Hereros were asked to resign from SWANU. The only members who formally resigned were the 3 Council members mentioned above. The Council wrote to me asking that I should resign as Chief Kutako for "some reasons" did not support SWANU any longer. SWANU wqs also accused of wanting to "steal" the Chief's money which was being sent from the United States. SWANU's position. SWANU found it difficult to work with Kutako's Council after Kapuuo, the Cahirman of Kutako's Council, had publicly disowned SWANU of which he was a member. This was at the enquiry into the 1959 massacre. SWANU was opposed to the practice on the part of the Council of writing a petition or issueing a statement signed by Kutako and appending the name of SWANU without the acting President of SWANU knowing/-

- 14 - knowing anything about it. SWANU preferred that the people be told the true nature of the United Nations, i.e. the extent to which it could go and its shortcomings and difficulties inasfar as action was concerned. The members of the Chief's Council were not in favour of telling the people this for the following expressed reasons: a) the people would lose faith in both the United Nations and the Council, and b) the people had no other ways of fighting the South African Government. As far as the appointment of Kapuuo is concerned SWANU had no part in it as it was a tribal matter. Some members of SWANU who are Hereros, at the invitation of the Herero Council, did take part in the deliberations. This was in their personal capacity and not as members of SWANU. SWANU had no link with Munjuku at all. SWANU has members from the Munjuku group just as it has from the Kutako and Hoveka groups. I should explain here that it is not possible for SWANU to back Munjuka in his quarrel with Hoveka. The position is that I, as leader of SWANU, could not allow such a thing to happen. If SWANU was to take sides under my influence it would have taken sides against Munjuku. Gerson Hoveka is my cousin, the son of my mother's own brother, and with whom I live when I visit the Epukiro Reserve. But I prefer not to get involved with intra or inter tribal quarrels: as long as I continue to have influence in SWANU I shall not allow it to be used by any one group against another. As far as the "secrets of Kutako" are concerned, ANU leaders merely told the people about the impotence of the United Nations and warned against the Americans who were asked to see them but for some reaso d not. SWANU made it clear that it was never and could not be a Herero Party, that it stood for national unity and not a single tribe could be allowed to dominate its activities as a tribe. As for the money SWANU wanted to "steal" from Kutako this is the position. An organisation in the United States had sent a letter addressed to SWANU, OPO and Chief Kutako in which financial assistance was promised. SWANU then wrote to the organisation concerned requesting that its share be sent to SWANU direct. Someone in the United States then wrote to Chief Kutako stating that SWANU had written such a letter. And the Chief's Council decided to twist the story in their campaign against SWANU. I have since spoken to the director of the United States organisation concerned and he has confirmed that the money was promised to the three addresses and that as far as they were concerned there was nothing wrong in SWANU writing to them and for its share to be sent/-

- 15 - be sent to it directly. When I told him of the Photostat copy of the letter from SWANU to the organisation which had been sent to Kutako he stated that the letter was never handed to anyone outside the organisation. We then discussed the possible ways in which this letter might have been copied. This is the background to the non-cooperation between Chief Kutako of the Hereros and SWANU. It should be stressed, however, that SWANU does have members amongst the Hereros. The bulk of the so-called "detribalised or urban" Hereros support SWANU. The Hereros in Okotjituuo and Waterberg Reserves also support SWANU. The Munjuku group supports the political stand of SWANU. SWANU is a membership organisation and has 10,000 members who belong to SWANU not as tribesmen but as African nationalists. NAMAS Like the Hereros the Namas are also divided in several Reserves. Like the Ovambos they are also divided into several groups or sub-tribes. None of the Nama Chiefs or Headmen support the Government. Reserves Name of Group Chief or Headman +Krantzplatz Witboois Samuel Witbooi +Neuhoff Witboois Samuel Witbooi + Rooinasie Matheus Kooper and (Tses) Khaua Namas or Chief Dederik Isaak + Goliath Namas Soromas Aman or Bethanie Namas Chief Fredrik Bondelswartz Bondelswartz or Chief Chief Christiaan Christiaan Namas Fransfontein ) and Zesfontein) Swartboois Itsawisis (where Reverend Marcus Kooper was forcefully removed to) These four Reserves were to be abolished as they were considered Blackspots by the Government, and the inhabitants were to be moved to Itsawisis. The removal was attempted in Hoachanas in January 1959 when the police removed Rev. Marcus Kooper by force to Itsawisis. The Government convinced itself that Rev. Marcus Kooper was the ringleader of the resistance to being moved and that if he was removed by force the people would follow. But the people refused to move and so far no attempt has been made to move them. Chief Samuel Witbooi resides in Krantzplatz and is the son of the late Chief David Witbooi's son. David Witbooi was the son of the old Chief Hendrik Witbooi. A cousin of Chief Samuel Witbooi is the Rev. Marcus Kooper. The Nama tribe in South West Africa are distinguished by their high sense of solidarity and capacity to maintain unity. Whatever intratribal quarrels there are amongst the Namas are known only to themselves. Not even the division between the majority who belong to the AME/-

- 16 - the AME Church under the leadership of Rev. M. Thomas and the minority who are still in the Rhenish Mission Church would interfere with their political unity. Chief Samuel Witbooi supports SWANU and thousands of his followers are members. At the same time Chief Witbooi would not allow his support for SWANU to interfere with his long relationship with Chief Kutako and though he would prefer, and has already asked Kutako to find a basis of cooperation with SWANU, he does not want to interfere with Kutako's independence in his choice of allies. SOUTH WEST AFRICA UNITED NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE ORGANISATION This is a small group of Namas whose foundation-President, Gertze, is a former Chairman of the SWANU branch in . Though on paper their aims and objects are identical to those of SWANU, in actual fact this group is essentially a Nama one with no members from other tribal groups. Gertze's attitude in establishing the group was that he wanted a platform for the Namas as is the case with the other tribes, e.g. Chief Kutako for the Hereros, SWAPO for the Ovambos, etc. DAMARAS The Damaras can be divided into two main groups, the tribal and the urban groups, both of which come under Chief David Goraseb. The tribal group: The Aukeigas Reserve in the district of Windhoek was abolished in 1953, divided into two farms which were given to two whites. The inhabitants were removed to Soris-Soris near Okambahe. Apart from Soris-Soris, Okambahe Reserve is the only reserve for Damaras. Chief David Goraseb lives there. He supports SWANU without reservation. The urban group: As is the case amongst the Hereros and Namas, the teachers and other civil servants are active in their professional and cultural organisations. Those who are politically active strongly support SWANU, except for Fritz Gariseb who left SWANU with the members of Chief Kutako's Council. COLOUREDS Politically speaking the Coloured community in South West Africa may be divided into two main groups: a) Those who prefer to be called Basters and who are indigenous to South West Africa. I prefer to refer to them/-

- 17 them as Rehobothers. Their political aspirations are voiced by the Burgher Association. b) Those who are known as Cape Coloureds, i.e. the Coloured settlers from South Africa. The bulk of the Rehobothers live in the Rehoboth Gebiet where unlike the African in the Reserves they can own land and enjoy some amount of freedom of movement within the Gebiet. The Cape Coloureds are spread throughout the Territory and are not allowed to own land in the Rehoboth Gebiet. Organisations and groupings: (i) The Basterraad and the Burgher Association - The Basterraad is a Council of Rehobothers who act as advisors to the Magistrate in charge of the Gebiet. The Magistrate is the Chairman of the Council. Basically the arrangement is the same as that which obtains in the African locations, where the Location Superintendent is the Chairman of the Advisory Board. The Basterraad does not support the Government as such though in the distant past they advocated some form of selfgovernment for the Rehoboth Gebiet on the basis of the 1923 Agreement. Today the Burgher Association rejects that Agreement. They stand for a Federal constitution for South West Africa. On several occasions the Burgher Association have invited SWANU officials to Rehoboth to explore a working relationship. The younger generation of Rehoboth many of whom are members of SWANU have been responsible for this. There is no doubt that the bulk of the Rehoboth population back the Burgher Association and the Basterraad. One of the prominent leaders is Mr. Alcock, the Chairman of the Burgher Association. There is a dissident small group within the ranks of the Burgher Association which used to be led by one Christiaans - this group is pro-Government and anti-African. (ii) The two Lutheran Church groups - A split has occurred in the ranks of the Lutheran Church in Rehoboth. When the Lutheran Church in South West Africa decided to work closely with the Dutch Reformed Church this idea was opposed by the Rehoboth adherents of that Church. But a group was led by and/or backed by Christiaans supporting the move by the Church authorities in Windhoek. The result is that there are two Lutheran Church groups in Rehoboth today, one supporting the Church link with the Dutch Reformed Church and the Government, and the other opposed to that link. The Lutheran Church has had to appoint a new Minister for Rehoboth whilst the other group under the leadership of the old Pastor decided to go it alone. (iii) South West Africa Coloured Organisation - Under the Presidency of J. S. van der Ross, a teacher in Keetmanshoop. It was founded in 1958 and supports the SWA Administration. (iv) South!-

- 18 - (iv) South West African Coloured Teachers Association - The current President is J. P. Titus, a teacher in Rehoboth. It was established in about 1946 and its working relationship with the Administration is harmonious. (v) Parent-Teacher Associations - The most important is the one in Windhoek in which people-like Olivier, Principal of the Government Coloured School in Windhoek, play an important role. It seems that the supporters of this organisation were not in favour of the new Township to be built for the Coloureds in Windhoek and were opposed to the establishment of the South West Africa Coloured Council. (vi) South West Africa Coloured Council - The prime mover for the establishment of this Council was A. J. Kloppers. Mr. Kloppers hails from South Africa. His record is that of the greatest of opportunists. He came to South West Africa as a teacher in the Coloured School of Windhoek and was one of the founders of the South West African Coloured Teachers Association. He has been the General Secretary of the SWA Coloured Teachers Association for a very long time. At times he would be at loggerheads with his colleagues, and then seek the friendship of the African teachers such as Berthold Himumuine saying that he was not liked by his colleagues in the Coloured Teachers Association because he advocated a merger with the African Teachers Association. When he could not get on with his Principal, Mr. Olivier, at the Windhoek Coloured School he decided to join the Staff of the Roman Catholic African School in Windhoek. He told the African teachers that he had taken this step as the only concrete one against racialism and tribalism. Once he was appointed to the Roman Catholic School he ptarted to lure all the Roman Catholic Coloured children away from the Coloured School to the Roman Catholic African School. At the same time he was pressing the Roamn Catholic authorities to introduce apartheid in the School by creating a Coloured section which later became the Coloured Roman Catholic School, of which he is now Principal. On holidays back in the Cape he associated with the leaders of the Teachers League of South Africa to create the impression that he was "progressive". Many of the South West African Coloured students in the Cape were supporters of the Non-European Unity Movement of which TLSA was part. Then he launched the South West Africa Coloured Organisation on a pro- Government platform which was immediately recognised by the Government and which advocated for the establishment of the South West/-

- 19 - West Africa Coloured Council which is nothing but a "Coloured Authority" with exactly the same functions as the Bantu Authorities of Dr. Verwoerd. This Coloured Bunga was established in 1962 and its opening was "blessed" with the presence of J. van der Wath, deputy Minister for South West African Affairs in the Verwoerd Government. In short: SWA Coloured Organisation SWA Coloured Teachers Association) all accept apartheid. SWA Coloured Council BECHUANAS Uhder Headman Albert Mootseng who lives in the Aminius Reserve. They do not support the Government. Albert Mootseng's son Gerhard Mootseng is a staunch member of SWANU and after Carpio's visit the Headman announced his support for SWANU. Mr. Gideon Lehoho, the leader of the other "originally South Africans" in South West Africa is an executive member of SWANU and the group as a whole back SWANU, except for Sergeant Andrew Mogale who moved to Katutura alone and supports his employers, the Windhoek Municipality, as he has done for the last 30 years or so. CONCLUSION Strength of the Political Groups: Membership - SWAPO has members mainly from the Ovambo tribe and even then the majority are those who are or have been at work in the "Police Zone". So far SWAPO has not given information about its actual or paid-up membership, or even those registered in its books. The figures 55,000, 90,000, 100,000 and 60,000 which have been given at times, more often by those outside South West Africa, emanate from wishful and tribal thinking based on the expectation that because SWAPO is essentially an Ovambo organisation and the Ovambos are about 200,000 then SWAPO can claim half of that figure. There are a few individual members from other tribal groups, but in the main these are people who either have left SWANU or have a grudge against the SWANU leadership. SWANU has 10,000 members listed in its Register which is kept at headquarters in Windhoek. On the basis of this, in March 1962 the Bantu Affairs Department asked SWANU to submit all her books for inspection in terms of a proclamation that controls the collection or donation of moneys, fees or dues from the African population in South West Africa. Of course SWANU does not recognise that Proclamation nor/-

- 20 - nor the Bantu Affairs Department. Membership cuts through all the tribal groups - Damaras, Hereros, Namas, Coloureds, Ovambos and "Unions" (the group originally from South Africa). SWAUNIO (SWA United National Independence Organisation) has not revealed its membership but this is mainly confined to a small section of the Namas. Following - The following of the parties, as distinct from their membership, includes sympathisers, moral supporters, fellowtravellers. SWAPO has a definite following amongst the Ovambos. But the strength of the following can only be determined on the basis of those who do not support the tribal chiefs in Ovamboland. Moreover, it does not necessarily mean that if some people do not support the Chiefs that they follow SWAPO. SWAPO in the "Police Zone" has the support of Chief Kutako's Council. It would be more correct to say that SWAPO supports Chief Kutako as it is SWAPO members who are in the Council of Chief Kutako rather than the other way round. SWANU is backed by the following: Chief David Goraseb of the Damaras, the Damara Reserve residents and the urban Damaras though one of Chief Goraseb's representatives in Windhoek, Fritz Gariseb, supports Chief Kutako and SWAPO. Namas in Hoachanas, Berseba and the urban Namas. Those Coloureds in the urban areas who are opposed to the SWA Coloured Council. There is cooperation between SWANU and the Burgher Association in Rehoboth. Ovambos - SWANU has a very small following from this group, though the bulk of the urban Ovambos support her. Hereros - SWANU's political stand enjoys the support of the following Hereros groups: Chief Munjuku II, Headman Tjatjitua and Tdnhardt Maekopo. The Hereros in Tses also support SWANU. Union group - SWANU enjoys the support of this group in urban areas, mainly in Windhoek, and in the Aminius Reserve under Headman Mptseng. SWAUNIO has a small following amongst the Namas in . Character: From the foregoing description of the political situation in South West Africa it is clear that SWAPO has a tribal character whilst SWANU is completely national in character. SWAUNIO is by self-admission and in fact a Nama group whose slogan is "the yellow people must be heard independently". Ideological Inclination: SWAPO's policies are mainly expressed through Kutako's Council or the Liberal Party Press in South Africa. The impression which some SWAPO members have created abroad is that SWAPO is neutrally pro-West. SWANU/-

- 21 - SWANU is violently, but independently, anti Western imperialism but not necessarily pro-East in the Cold War. White Reaction: The white Liberal Party of South Africa definitely supports and favours SWAPO. Most of the SWAPO members in Cape Town are registered members of the Liberal Party. Some of the Liberal Party leaders (e.g. Patrick Duncan and Ernest Wentzel) and the Liberal Party press, notably Contact, in South Africa are very hostile to SWANU. Extracts from SWANU Policies - in particular the principles that determine her position in domestic matters and on external developments (Statement issued by SWANU National Executive, March 1963) POLICY AT HOME SWANU and other African political groups: "to unite and rally the people of South West Africa into one national front" SWANU was established in 1959 against a historical background of tribal politics which not only proved ineffective in the struggle for liberation but was also detrimental to the unity of the people and the creation of a Nation. SWANU's immediate objective was to foster national unity by providing a single political home for the various tribal groups in the country and on a national basis. It was thus useful-at that stage to rely on those amongst the tribal leaders who were not reactionary to be able to convey the message through to the people they spoke, or claimed to speak, for. Cooperation was sought and in some cases received from Chief Hosea Kutako of the Hereros, Chief Samuel Witbooi of the Namas, Chief David Goreseb of the Damaras, Chief Albert Mootseng of the Bechuanas as well as the progressive leadership of the organisations representing the non-reactionary Ovambo and Coloured groups in South West Africa. Thus in 1959 SWANU was supported by Chief Kutako (2 or 3 members of his Council on its Executive Commitee in Windhoek) and Chief Witbooi. Also on its National Executive Committee were prominent SWAPO leaders of today such as/-

- 22 - such as Sam Nujoma, Louis Nelengani and Emil Appolus. The only notable exception, in that he was neither and official nor a supporter of SWANU in 1959, being Mburumba Kerina-Getzen, then a student in the United States and a petitioner to the United Nations in New York. The cooperation sought from the tribal Chiefs or groups did not mean that tribal politics would be tolerated and attempts to impose or even assert tribal leadership on the national movement were to be suppressed diplomatically where possible but otherwise drastically. SWANU was not and will not be prepared to allow a single tribal group to impose its tribal domination on the politics of the country. This is due to our belief that national unity is essential at both the liberation struggle and the independence stages in the political history of a people. But tribalism can never promote national unity. The crux of the political division in South West Africa today is that certain opportunist people, though today they would like the people to believe that they stand for unity, decided to exploit the tribal elements in the political situation for their personal political gains. By so doing they wished to destroy SWANU and the spirit of 1959. Paradoxically today they have become the political victims of the very tribal forces they promoted. The position of SWANU is still as it was in 1959: for national unity, and SWANU will be ready to welcome back into the fold the lost sheep as well as to unite on any effective basis with the other political groups in our country. SWANU and White Liberals: Practically speaking it is not possible at this stage to admit white liberals to full membership of SWANU, our struggle being against white domination and supremacy and for African liberation. Whilst we grant that there are many whites who are prepared to fight with us for our freedom, yet there are many more who would like to wreck the movement or even inform from within. It is rather difficult to know the background and activities of the white liberals in South West Africa because the white imposed Apartheid laws allow them no choice of residence or association beyond racial lines. To determine the sincerity and dedication of a given individual it is vitally important that there should be contact above the level of master and servant, or clandestine formal social meetings. But cooperation of and especially practical assistance from white liberals individually or in groups will be most welcome and always appreciated as long as this is not conditional, even if it should be incomplete or lacking in militancy. POLICIES ABRcA D/-

- 23 - POLICIES ABROAD SWANU and African politics: "to work with allied movements in Africa for the propagation and promotion of the concept of Pan-Africanism and unity amongst the peoples of Africa" SWANU considers the struggle for the liberation of South West Africa as part and parcel of the struggle for the liberation of the African continent. The liberation of Africa presupposes the complete destruction of political dependence on foreign states and powers and the creation of conditions that can foster economic independence allowing only for the normal interdependence of states in trade on the basis of complete freedom of choice and equality of status in all international organs for the promotion of commercial and other links amongst nations. African unity in essence should be an instrument in the struggle for independence and in the destruction of foreign political and economic domination of Africa and the promotion of economic well being not of the Governments but of the people of Africa. No other basis for African unity can be acceptable to us and we do not share the views of those who believe in African unity at any cost or ) for its own sake. In short, African unity should prevent the introduction and infiltration of harmful ideas to Africa but should not be used to compromise progressive ideas in Africa or to accommodate reactionary forces unless we are completely certain that one step backward will enable us to jump three steps forward next time. To us the concept of Pan-Africanism is not an empty dream of just a conglomeration of African states some of whose policies, even domestic, may be determined by forces outside Africa. But it presupposes that the basic interests of all African peoples are the same and where there are historical differences of advantage such as vantage positions these should be used in the promotion of common interests, e.g. if the whole of Africa was free the more industrially advanced countries such as South Africa, the U.A.R. and others would have to help the less advanced ones to develop fully, and would not use their industrial advantage to exploit the others or to turn them into colonies. At the stage where not all Africa is independent, those who are free would use whatever resources they can spare to assist those struggling against foreign and settler domination. Pan-Africanism should not be used as an excuse for not interfering in the domestic affairs of other African countries. Certain basic principles-determined by the common interests of all the African peoples, and not just the Governments, should be laid down against which the conduct of African Governments can be judged as to whether it reflects African or external interests. Alliance/-

- 24 - Alliance with other movements in Africa: All-African Peoples Conference (AAPC) - SWANU is a full member of the AAPC because we believe in the just struggle of the people of Africa for their liberation and in the unity of the African people in achieving their political goals and other objectives for the good of Africa. The AAPC to us is a correct and effective instrument in the struggle and for the promotion of unity. But we think that the time is not yet ripe when the AAPC should be used solely for the promotion of African unity on Governmental level. It should remain primarily a conference of political and trade union organisations in Africa for the liberation of Africa, be it from foreign rule or neo-colonialism, and it is essential that the movements in non-liberated Africa should play a greater role in its activities whilst liberated Africa should prove its sincerity and determination to assist in the freedom of others by the contribution the Governments and other organisations there are prepared to make to the AAPC. Pan-African.Freedom Movement for East, Central and Southern Africa (PAFMECSA) - In February 1962 SWANU was invited and attended a PAFMECA meeting at Addis Ababa as an observer. It was then decided to extend PAFMECA to cover Southern Africa. The SWANU observers could not join on the spot as they had no mandate from headquarters in South West Africa. In spite of this the conference went on to elect the leader of the SWANU delegation as one of the two Southern Africa representatives on the Coordinating Council. This was, we presume, in anticipation of SWANU membership which was mainly a question of formality. However, when the meeting of the Coordinating Council was held in Mbeya we were not informed. When authority did come from South West Africa the Secretary-General of PAFMECSA was accordingly informed by letter. We are looking forward to an effective role in PAFMECSA. Our position is that PAFNECSA should reflect the same ideas and pursue the same goals as the AAPC on a much more localised and regional basis. For the same reason we would like to see a conference that will bring together the organisations of the still struggling people in Southern Africa with a convenient base in the area. Position relating to independent Africa: We consider it in our interests to ask for and receive aid, material and otherwise, from the independent states of Africa. We believe such aid is given without strings as long as we can prove capable and deserving recipients of their support. We do not expect all the Governments of Africa to agree with all, our policies but we would prefer advice and frank exchange of views to opposition and sabotage attempts against our movement. At the same time, interference in the/-

- 25 - in the internal political situation calculated to impose favoured leaders on the people cannot be tolerated. We would prefer also to be accorded the freedom of holding our own views about other parts of Africa. We do not consider that this gives us the right to impose our ideas on other parts of Africa but we do feel that we should pool our ideas With the rest of Africa through the proper channels, such as the AAPO, PAFMECSA, etc. Afridrid u ityat independent level: We would like to see the African states united but we think the basis for unity should be sought first before unity is declared. Unity should have a purpose and the purpose should reflect the basic interests of the African people. Having referred to the issues which motivate and in some cases divide the political groupings in South West Africa the question of what can be done to bring about greater understanding and unity will be uppermost in the minds of all who have the liberation of that territory and its people at heart. There was a time, in 1959, when these groups were working fairly amicably together despite their differences. What is preventing that now? Why wasn't the tentative agreement reached in Winneba, on the basis of the attached recommendation, implemented by the parties concerned? What have been the results of conversations held amongst party leaders during the past year? If there is a sincere desire amongst party leaders for unity it should have been possible to report progress by this time. And if there is noprogress to report wherein does the cause or the fault lie? The answers to these questions ought not to be concealed if they are known and this conference will have served a very useful purpose if it is possible to throw light on the causes of disunity and on what is needed to pull together the political groups whose immediate aims are not very dissimilar. My paper/-

- 26 - My paper has not dealt with fundamental questions confronting African nationalism at the present day but South West Africa is a microcosm of many of these problems. The question of selfdetermination - to what extent can local patriotisms be accommodated within the structure of existing states many of them struggling to get their economies "off the ground" and to plan the long term future for many generations to come. To what extent are political parties competing for power compatible with the tasks confronting newly independent states. Then again many of the boundaries of existing African countries were drawn with ruler and pencil by the competing colonial powers a century ago and will not on any showing be valid demarcations of sovereign states when African leaders have h"Ithe time and opportunity to consider their problems in a truly pan-African context. Planning in the future must take account of all ecological considerations, flow of rivers, settlement of human populations, economic and geographical necessities and the like and it is unlikely that large scale planning in Africa will be possible on the basis of a continuing multiplication of small sovereign states. This in turn raises important problems of social and individual psychology and the impact of these considerations on African party politics, the need for a generally acceptable ethical system aid cohesive faith in the fiture which will inspire the utmost dedication and selflessness in approaching the problems which will so profoundly effect the lives and happ~ness of millions of human beings. South West Africa is by no means alone in inheriting the problems of past divisions exacerbated by deliberate policies of divide and rule. The test for Africa will be the ways in which her sons and daughters are proved capable of rising to the challenge of the requirements of a new age and time. In conclusion there is one practical problem which confronts well wishers of African liberation movements, as well as those engaged in the/-

- 27 - in the heat and dust of the struggle at the present time in Southern Africa. This is the difficult and delicate problem of fund raising for political organisations. In Britain, in order to deal with the embarrassing question of having to choose between rival political parties, we have established a Southern Africa Freedom Group whose aim will be to raise funds to Aid the political struggle against white domination in Southern Africa. The money raised will then be allocated by a representative African organisation - PAFMECSA. It is surely essential that Africans themselves should decide on the priorities and the proportional importance of the demands that are now being made on a confused general public not capable of assessing the relative urgency and worth of competing claims. Everyone sympathises with the extreme difficulties which political organisations labour under who are denied the right to raise funds in their own countries. But how is even the most well disposed section of the public in Britain or America to decide between the claims of opposing political parties. It would be an unhealthy position if they were called upon to do so, especially when there is already in existence a Freedom Fund organised by the Pan African Freedom Movement and recognised by all organisations of repute in the part of Africa most affected still by the remains of colonial rule.

- 28 Appendix RECOMMENDATION TO THE NATIONAL EXECUTIVE CQMMITTEES OF THE SOUTH WEST AFRICA PEOPLES ORGANISATION AND THE SOUTH WEST AFRICA NATIONAL UNION We the South West African delegates to the Freedom fighters Conference, WINNEBA 30th May - 4th June, 1962 representing the South West Africa National Union and South West Africa Peoples Organisation convinced that the need for unity overrides every other consideration in the preparation for the launching of the final assault on the enemies of our people, our country and our continent. Realising that unity is most important and particularly urgent in the face of the formidable forces being rallied by our enemies the South African Government, the settlers who openly or privately are engaged in activities calculated to subvert the movement for liberation through the following activities: pitting one organisation or individual against the other: posing as judges of whether certain sections of our people or individuals are good or bad, moderate or radical, etc., and the imperialist world that for profits will continue to support South Africa for its cheap labour policies whilst its military strength guarantees the maintenance of the South African brand of law and order to silence all opposition from the exploited people especially if they are divided. And after a thorough exchange of views in a complete brotherly atmosphere hereby strongly recommend that the achievement of unity in South West Africa should be the primary and most immediate objective of all the sons and daughters of South West Africa irrespective of their political or other affiliation; that a working relationship be established between SWAPO and SANU as the first step towards the rallying and unification of all the pro-liberation forces in our country against the vicious South African administration. That recriminationsin public and if possible in private as well as in particular attacks and counter attacks in newspapers between the two organisations or individual members belonging to the two organisations be discontinued forthwith. These recommendations are backed by our experience as your representatives abroad during which we have come to realise that the freedom of our country will not come through constitutional or round table talks nor from the United Nations unless we the people on our own take the initiative and a strong united front of our organisations spearhead the liberation movement in our country. It is/-

Ican only be supplementary to our own effors to free our country., ~We would like to make it clear that we do not propose inter-. ference with the respective policies and identities of organisatio s except in so far as the two organiations together may determi what spects of policies or programmes can be commonly purued o implemented. Form of working relationship envisaged:. - , '.k Central Consultative Committee consisting of the members of l. the National Executive Committees of the two orgniations With headquarters in WINDHOEK. Consultative Committees consisting of local Executive members where branches of the two or esations bo exist. External Consultative Committee of representatives of the organisations abroad which will take its instructions from the Central Consultative Committee in WINDHOEK aid will draft policy \ and programmes based upon instructions from headquarters to be carried out together. m, Finally we should once more emphasise the danger of one rsection of our people being used against ti other if there is no nity whilst the two organisations continue to exist as separate ,~ ~ ~ ~~~~u . o u ,.-... (Sgned) Sam Nujoma (Signed) Jariretunu Kozonguizia a e (Signed) (Signed) rcus Kooper C(Signed ) Kaitir e Ruhapo' C (Signed ) ns eNath an ma ev a 0ber 2 - 2 the NaionalExecuive (Signte d) Ambret o s andi iosWt heSWAPO REPRESENTATIVES. SWAC tU REP ESENTATIVE of carrie-dZu together. Fial we shudoc oeepass h agro n seto forpol bigue gis heohri hr sn