Chinese Public Willingness to Pay to Avoid Having Nuclear Power Plants in the Neighborhood

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Chinese Public Willingness to Pay to Avoid Having Nuclear Power Plants in the Neighborhood Sustainability 2014, 6, 7197-7223; doi:10.3390/su6107197 OPEN ACCESS sustainability ISSN 2071-1050 www.mdpi.com/journal/sustainability Article Chinese Public Willingness to Pay to Avoid Having Nuclear Power Plants in the Neighborhood Chuanwang Sun 1,2, Nan Lyu 1,2 and Xiaoling Ouyang 2,3,* 1 China Center for Energy Economics Research, School of Economics, Xiamen University, Xiamen 361005, China; E-Mails: [email protected] (C.S.); [email protected] (N.L.) 2 Collaborative Innovation Center for Energy Economics and Energy Policy, China Institute for Studies in Energy Policy, Xiamen University, Xiamen 361005, China 3 Department of Economics, Business School, East China Normal University, 500 Dongchuan Road, Shanghai 200241, China * Author to whom correspondence should be addressed; E-Mail: [email protected]; Tel./Fax: +86-21-5434-4958. External Editor: Ning Zhang Received: 30 July 2014; in revised version: 16 September 2014 / Accepted: 23 September 2014 / Published: 17 October 2014 Abstract: In spite of the decreasing share of nuclear power all over the world, China resumed the approval of large-scale construction of nuclear power plants in 2012. However, influenced by the worldwide spreading anti-nuclear attitudes, people who live near nuclear power plants showed increasing concerns about nuclear risks. Consequently, the Not In My Backyard (NIMBY) syndrome of nuclear power plants should be evaluated prudently to support the healthy development of nuclear power in China. Based on the face-to-face survey data, this study estimates Chinese public willingness to pay (WTP) to avoid having nuclear power plants in the neighborhood. The respondents include both residents who currently live near and those who would live near nuclear power plants in the future. Considering the possible presence of the sample selection bias caused by protest responses, this paper constructs a two-step sample selection model with the protest responses and the double bounded dichotomous choice (DBDC) questions. Using the Contingent Valuation Method (CVM), we measure the effects of influencing factors of public WTP and study the decay of WTP with longer distances from nuclear power plants. The results suggest that most people are willing to pay higher electricity prices to avoid having nuclear power plants in the neighborhood. Comparing the WTP to avoid having nuclear power plants nearby with Sustainability 2014, 6 7198 the current electricity price, we find that there is an increase of 56.7% and 69.1% of respondents’ WTP for a nuclear power plant located 80 km and 30 km, respectively. Keywords: Not In My Backyard (NIMBY); nuclear power; Contingent Valuation Method (CVM); sustainability 1. Introduction The Fukushima nuclear disaster in 2011 has made severe social, political and economic impacts worldwide, making nuclear power come to the fore as threats to global society [1,2]. Opinion polls show that public support for nuclear power has declined dramatically since the Fukushima nuclear disaster [3]. Public attitude towards nuclear power has played an important role in energy policy-making since the accident, and has made public rejection towards nuclear power a critical problem for nuclear policy all over the world [4], especially for countries with a high density of nuclear power reactors and extensive operational experience of nuclear power plants [5]. Most public protests can be attributed to the Not In My Backyard (NIMBY) attitude regarding nuclear power facilities. This phenomenon, which has been widely reported [6–9], is the case that the construction of new nuclear facilities is often strongly opposed by residents who live in the neighborhood [10]. Due to the sharp decline of public acceptance, the share of nuclear power in electricity generation decreased from 16.8% in 2011 to 13.5% in 2012 [11]. For example, Japan has shut all 50 nuclear power plants down. Countries such as Germany, Switzerland and Belgium have confirmed the closing-down policies under the public pressure [12]. By contrast, China has the most ambitious nuclear expansion plan after the Fukushima nuclear disaster [13]. The government has showed determinations to accelerate the development of nuclear power. Specifically, by the end of 2014, China would increase 8.64 gigawatt-electric (GWe) of nuclear power installed capacity, three times the increment in 2013 [14]. According to the National Nuclear Long-and-medium Term Development Planning (2011–2020) [15], China plans to realize 88 GWe of nuclear power installed capacity by 2020. This goal implies that nuclear power in China will exceed the total electricity consumption in Canada in 2012 [16]. More long-term plans for future capacity are 200 GWe by 2030 and 400 GWe by 2050 [17]. Most of China’s nuclear power reactors are located in the coastal regions, which involves only 5.8% of the whole population [18] and small towns and cities. In addition, nuclear power generation only accounts for 2.1% of total power generation in China [19], far below the world average level (11%) [20]. According to the research by Nature News in cooperation with Columbia University [21], 75 million people live near 49 nuclear power reactors in China, which includes nuclear power plants under construction and in operation, and the distances are in the range of 75 kilometers (km). Different from the anti-nuclear activities in other countries, in the past, nuclear power plants did not have a wide impact in China in view of the large population base and vast land. However, we should note that China is currently facing a rapid nuclear power expansion (13 times the current installed nuclear power capacity by 2050) [22]. Considering that the nuclear power installed capacity will be twice as great as before, and China will expand nuclear power from coastal to inland regions in the near future, the number of residents who live near nuclear power plants will have a rapid growth. After the Fukushima nuclear disaster, the voice of anti-nuclear seems to be louder, especially Sustainability 2014, 6 7199 from those who live in the neighborhood. People living nearby have, apparently, shown their anxiety [23]. There have been several anti-nuclear activities in local areas in recent years, which have affected the attitude of people who live in other places of China. Hence, a concern is provoked that China’s nuclear expansion could possibly lead to a more severe NIMBY attitude among the public, as more residents and regions will be affected. This attitude in turn may have a negative impact on nuclear power expansion in the future. To summarize, studies of Chinese public willingness to pay to avoid having nuclear power stations in the neighborhood are believed to be mandatory. The NIMBY phenomena are highly complex, representing a wide range of facilities and participants [24]. There are definite regulations about the location and safe distance of NIMBY facilities in many countries [25], but evaluation of safety distance by residents in terms of the vicinity of the facilities is always greater than that identified by the government. Similar to nuclear power plants, paraxylene (PX, a chemical essential) plants are also NIMBY facilities, which have been strongly opposed by the general public in China in recent years. PX plants are common in many countries [26], which are usually kept 4 km away from the city center in Korea [27], and 5 km from the city center in Singapore [28]. However, a planned PX project with a distance of 7 km from the city center in Xiamen was stopped because of the public protest. This phenomenon shows that the distance by regulation doesn’t fall in line with the accepted distance by the public. In this context, this study tries to find out how the public reacts to the location of a new nuclear power plant in the distance of 30 km and 80 km separately, based on data from the survey of China’s Public Perception of Nuclear Power (CPPNP). The survey of CPPNP, launched by China Center for Energy Economics Research at Xiamen University once or twice a year from 2013, is a nationwide face-to-face survey focuses on the public perception of nuclear power. This paper attempts to answer three questions as follows: First, is there a NIMBY attitude towards nuclear power plants among residents in China, including both the residents who currently live near and those who will live near the plants in the future? How do socio-economic characteristics, such as income, age and gender, affect Chinese public willingness to pay to avoid having nuclear power stations in the neighborhood? Second, will residents show different WTP at different construction phases of the NIMBY facilities? In our study, we explore this by evaluating and comparing the WTP of residents who live in coastal areas where nuclear power plants have already constructed, and those who live in inland areas where nuclear power plants would be built in the future. Third, how does the public WTP change with the dwelling distance from nuclear power plants? What’s the residents’ estimated safety distance from nuclear power plants? Does the safety distance accepted by the public fall in line with that regulated by the government? The remainder of this paper is organized as follows. Section 2 reviews the main research on NIMBY of nuclear power plants and the evaluation methods of WTP. Section 3 describes the data from CPPNP and the methodological approach used in this study, which corrects the possible selection bias due to protest responses. Section 4 presents the empirical results, in which we analyze public WTP by answering the three questions above. Finally, Section 5 provides conclusions and gives policy suggestions. Sustainability 2014, 6 7200 2. Literature Review 2.1. Research of Public Attitude towards Nuclear Power Considering the global environmental and economic development [29,30], nuclear energy has been attached worldwide attention to its impacts on greenhouse gases emissions reduction [13,31,32].
Recommended publications
  • Nuclear Power: "Made in China"
    Nuclear Power: “Made in China” Andrew C. Kadak, Ph.D. Professor of the Practice Department of Nuclear Science and Engineering Massachusetts Institute of Technology Introduction There is no doubt that China has become a world economic power. Its low wages, high production capability, and constantly improving quality of goods place it among the world’s fastest growing economies. In the United States, it is hard to find a product not “Made in China.” In order to support such dramatic growth in production, China requires an enormous amount of energy, not only to fuel its factories but also to provide electricity and energy for its huge population. At the moment, on a per capita basis, China’s electricity consumption is still only 946 kilowatt-hours (kwhrs) per year, compared to 9,000 kwhrs per year for the developed world and 13,000 kwhrs per year for the United States.1 However, China’s recent electricity growth rate was estimated to be 15 percent per year, with a long-term growth rate of about 4.3 percent for the next 15 years.2 This is almost triple the estimates for most Western economies. China has embarked upon an ambitious program of expansion of its electricity sector, largely due to the move towards the new socialist market economy. As part of China’s 10th Five-Year Plan (2001-2005), a key part of energy policy is to “guarantee energy security, optimize energy mix, improve energy efficiency, protect ecological environment . .”3 China’s new leaders are also increasingly concerned about the environmental impact of its present infrastructure.
    [Show full text]
  • Section 2: Emerging Technologies and Military-Civil Fusion: Artificial Intelli
    SECTION 2: EMERGING TECHNOLOGIES AND MILITARY-CIVIL FUSION: ARTIFICIAL INTELLI- GENCE, NEW MATERIALS, AND NEW ENERGY Key Findings • China’s government has implemented a whole-of-society strat- egy to attain leadership in artificial intelligence (AI), new and advanced materials, and new energy technologies (e.g., energy storage and nuclear power). It is prioritizing these areas be- cause they underpin advances in many other technologies and could lead to substantial scientific breakthroughs, economic dis- ruption, enduring economic benefits, and rapid changes in mili- tary capabilities and tactics. • The Chinese government’s military-civil fusion policy aims to spur innovation and economic growth through an array of pol- icies and other government-supported mechanisms, including venture capital (VC) funds, while leveraging the fruits of civil- ian innovation for China’s defense sector. The breadth and opac- ity of military-civil fusion increase the chances civilian academ- ic collaboration and business partnerships between the United States and China could aid China’s military development. • China’s robust manufacturing base and government support for translating research breakthroughs into applications allow it to commercialize new technologies more quickly than the Unit- ed States and at a fraction of the cost. These advantages may enable China to outpace the United States in commercializing discoveries initially made in U.S. labs and funded by U.S. insti- tutions for both mass market and military use. • Artificial intelligence: Chinese firms and research institutes are advancing uses of AI that could undermine U.S. economic lead- ership and provide an asymmetrical advantage in warfare. Chi- nese military strategists see AI as a breakout technology that could enable China to rapidly modernize its military, surpassing overall U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Fissile Material Production and Stockpile
    China’s Fissile Material Production and Stockpile Hui Zhang Research Report No. 17 International Panel on Fissile Materials China’s Fissile Material Production and Stockpile Hui Zhang 2017 International Panel on Fissile Materials This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution – Noncommercial License To view a copy of this license, visit www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0 On the cover: The map shows fissile material production sites in China. Table of Contents About IPFM 1 Overview 2 Introduction 4 HEU production and inventory 7 Plutonium production and inventory 20 Summary 36 About the author 37 Endnotes 38 About the IPFM The International Panel on Fissile Materials (IPFM) was founded in January 2006. It is an independent group of arms-control and nonproliferation experts from seventeen countries, including both nuclear weapon and non-nuclear weapon states. The mission of the IPFM is to analyze the technical bases for practical and achievable policy initiatives to secure, consolidate, and reduce stockpiles of highly enriched urani- um and plutonium. These fissile materials are the key ingredients in nuclear weapons, and their control is critical to nuclear disarmament, halting the proliferation of nuclear weapons, and ensuring that terrorists do not acquire nuclear weapons. Both military and civilian stocks of fissile materials have to be addressed. The nuclear weapon states still have enough fissile materials in their weapon and naval fuel stock- piles for tens of thousands of nuclear weapons. On the civilian side, enough plutonium has been separated to make a similarly large number of weapons. Highly enriched ura- nium fuel is used in about one hundred research reactors.
    [Show full text]
  • Nuclear Power in East Asia
    4 A new normal? The changing future of nuclear energy in China M . V . Ramana and Amy King Abstract In recent years, China has reduced its goal for expanding nuclear power capacity, from a target of 70 gigawatts (GW) by 2020 issued in 2009 to just 58 GW by 2020 issued in 2016 . This chapter argues that this decline in targets stems from three key factors. The first factor is China’s transition to a relatively low-growth economy, which has led to correspondingly lower levels of growth in demand for energy and electricity . Given China’s new low- growth economic environment, we argue that the need for rapid increases in nuclear power targets will likely become a thing of the past . The second factor is the set of policy changes adopted by the Chinese government following the March 2011 Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster in Japan . Since the Fukushima disaster, China’s State Council has stopped plans for constructing inland nuclear reactors and restricted reactor construction to modern (third-generation) designs . The third factor is government responsiveness to public opposition to the siting of nuclear facilities near population centres . Collectively, these factors are likely to lead to a decline in the growth rate of nuclear power in China . 103 LEARNING FROM FUKUSHIMA Introduction In March 2016, China’s National People’s Congress endorsed its draft 13th Five Year Plan (2016–20), which set China the goal of developing 58 gigawatts (GW) of operating nuclear capacity by 2020, with another 30 GW to be under construction by then. At first glance, this goal appears ambitious, for it represents a doubling of China’s current nuclear capacity of 29 GW (as of May 2016, according to the International Atomic Energy Agency’s (IAEA) Power Reactor Information System (PRIS) database).
    [Show full text]
  • The Importance of Thorium to China
    Fuel for Thought: The Importance of Thorium to China by Cindy Hurst February 2015 Institute for the Analysis of Global Security (IAGS) The Institute for the Analysis of Global Security is a Washington based non-profit think tank dedicated to research and public debate on issues related to energy security. IAGS seeks to promote public awareness to the strong impact energy has on the world economy and security and to the myriad of technological and policy solutions that could help nations strengthen their energy security. WWW.IAGS.ORG Cindy Hurst is a government contractor working as an analyst for the U.S. Army's Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS. The views expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. Introduction Over the past few years China has launched efforts to develop the world’s first commercial thorium-fueled reactor based on the use of liquid salt. At one point thorium was widely used in gas mantles. It has also been used in night flares from the Milan weapon system and in magnesium alloy aircraft components, optical lenses, refractory ceramics, and some laboratory compounds. As a magnesium alloy, a small quantity of thorium can be used for its hardening and lightweight properties, making it ideal for the aerospace industry.1 One problem with thorium is its mildly radioactive nature, producing concerns over its safety and potential harmful effects. Therefore, today there is little use for thorium.
    [Show full text]
  • SOE Megamergers Signal New Direction in China's Economic Policy
    May 24, 2018 SOE Megamergers Signal New Direction in China’s Economic Policy Sean O’Connor, Policy Analyst, Economics and Trade Acknowledgments: The author thanks Rolando Cuevas, former Research Intern, Economics and Trade, for his research assistance. The author also thanks Wendy Leutert, Wentong Zheng, Paul Hubbard, and Roselyn Hsueh for their helpful review of early drafts. Their assistance does not imply any endorsement of this report’s contents and any errors should be attributed solely to the author. Disclaimer: This paper is the product of professional research performed by staff of the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, and was prepared at the request of the Commission to support its deliberations. Posting of the report to the Commission’s website is intended to promote greater public understanding of the issues addressed by the Commission in its ongoing assessment of U.S.- China economic relations and their implications for U.S. security, as mandated by Public Law 106-398 and Public Law 113-291. However, the public release of this document does not necessarily imply an endorsement by the Commission, any individual Commissioner, or the Commission’s other professional staff, of the views or conclusions expressed in this staff research report. Table of Contents Executive Summary....................................................................................................................................................3 History of SOE Reform in China ...............................................................................................................................4
    [Show full text]
  • China's Overseas Investment in Critical Infrastructure
    DIIS REPORT 2016: 08 CHINA’S OVERSEAS INVESTMENT IN CRITICAL INFRASTRUCTURE Nuclear Power and Telecommunications Table of Contents Introduction 5 China’s interests and activities in nuclear power 7 Globalisation of Chinese telecom companies 10 China’s investment in overseas nuclear power 13 Uranium projects in Greenland 14 Hinkley Point in the UK 17 Non-Western countries: Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Iran and Ukraine 20 Discussions on nuclear power 24 Chinese investment in overseas 29 telecommunications infrastructure Scandinavia 30 Huawei in Denmark 30 Huawei in Sweden and Norway 33 Not so successful attempts to enter the US 34 China’s investment in telecommunications: UK 36 This report is written by Yang Jiang, Aki Tonami, Adam Moe Fejerskov Chinese involvement in African telecommunications infrastructure 38 and published by DIIS as part of the Defence and Security Studies. Chinese involvement in Ethiopian telecommunications 40 Discussions on telecommunications 41 Yang Jiang is Senior Researcher at DIIS Aki Tonami is Associate Professor, Tsukuba University Conclusion 45 Adam Moe Fejerskov is PhD, Researcher, DIIS Notes 50 DIIS · Danish Institute for International Studies Østbanegade 117, DK-2100 Copenhagen, Denmark Tel. +45 32 69 87 87 www.diis.dk Layout: Lone Ravnkilde & Viki Rachlitz Printed in Denmark by Eurographic Danmark ISBN 978-87-7605-847-0 (print) ISBN 978-87-7605-846-3 (pdf) DIIS publications are available for free on diis.dk © Copenhagen 2016, the authors and DIIS 3 INTRODUCTION 4 CHINA’S OVERSEAS INVESTMENT IN CRITICAL INFRASTRUCTURE CHINA’S OVERSEAS INVESTMENT IN CRITICAL INFRASTRUCTURE 5 As China expands overseas investments, their involvement in other countries’ companies’ interests in building telecom infrastructure there.
    [Show full text]
  • Energy Demand and Possible Strategy of Fusion Research in China
    Energy Demand and Possible Strategy of Fusion Research in China Yuanxi Wan, Jiangang Li, Yican Wu Institute of Plasma Physics, CAS, P.O. Box 1126 Hefei, 230031, P.R. China [email protected] Abstract: China, presently the country with the world’s largest population will face serious pollution problems and shortage of energy in the near future to face the foreseen rapid social-economic development. Fossil fuels (coal, gas and oils) will be the main energy resources responsible for serious pollution and environmental problems in the long term. The energy development strategy recently declared by the government include: 1) develop the technologies for high efficiency, / low pollution utilization of fossil fuel, especially coal, the development of clean and renewable energy such as hydrodynamic, solar, wind and biomass will be strongly supported; 2) the fission power will be developed as far as possible in next 10 to 40 years. Rapid development of fission power will pose a new and serious problem for China namely, shortage of the natural uranium ore and large amounts of radioactive wastes with long half-lives to deal with; 3) Therefore, China must support fusion energy development as much as possible from now. The possible strategy for fusion research in China is: strengthen the support for EAST to achieve its scientific missions as soon as possible and support ITER activities on the joint design, construction, assembly and burning plasma experiments; to begin the conceptual and engineering design of the test fusion reactor as soon as possible and promote construction of the test reactor due to be constructed around 2020~2030.
    [Show full text]
  • Big Ding 鼎 and China Power: Divine Authority and Legitimacy
    Big Ding 鼎 and China Power: Divine Authority and Legitimacy ELIZABETH CHILDS-JOHNSON By the eastern zhou and imperial eras of Chinese history, a legend had grown cel- ebrating the ding 鼎 bronze vessel as the preeminent symbol of state authority and divine power. The mythic theme of “The First Emperor’s [Qin Shi Huangdi’s] Search for the Zhou Ding” or “The First Qin Emperor’s Failure to Discover the Ding” deco- rate the main gables of more than several Eastern Han funerary shrines, including Xiaotangshan and Wuliang in Shandong province (Wu 1989 : 138, 348). Pre-Han records in the Zuozhuan: 7th year of Duke Zhao (左传: 昭公七年) as well as the “Geng- zhu” chapter in the Mozi (墨子: 耕柱篇) record the significance of this mythic representation. The Mozi passage states: In ancient times, King Qi of the Xia [Xia Qi Wang] commissioned Feilian to dig minerals in mountains and rivers and to use clay molds, casting the ding at Kunwu. He ordered Wengnanyi to divine with the help of the tortoise from Bairuo, saying: “Let the ding, when completed, have a square body and four legs. Let them be able to boil without kindling, to hide themselves without being lifted, and to move themselves without being carried so that they will be used for sacrifice at Kunwu.” Yi interpreted the oracle as saying: “The offering has been accepted. When the nine ding have been completed, they will be ‘transferred’ down to three kingdoms. When Xia loses them, people of the Yin will possess them, and when people of the Yin lose them, people of the Zhou will pos- sess them.”1 [italics added] As maintained in this article, the inspiration for this popular legend of mythic power most likely originated during dynastic Shang times with the first casting in bronze of the monumental, four-legged ding.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Response to Nuclear Safety Post- Fukushima
    China’s Response to Nuclear Safety Post- Fukushima: Genuine or Rhetoric? EPRG Working Paper 1834 Cambridge Working Paper in Economics 1866 Jacqueline CK Lam, Lawrence YL Cheung, Y. Han, and SS Wang Abstract The Fukushima crisis has brought the nuclear safety problem to the world’s attention. China is the most ambitious country in the world in nuclear power development. How China perceives and responds to nuclear safety issues carries significant implications on its citizens’ safety and security. This paper examines the Chinese government’s promised and actual response to nuclear safety following the Fukushima crisis, based on (1) statistical analysis of newspaper coverage on nuclear energy, and (2) review of nuclear safety performance and safety governance. Our analysis shows that (i) the Chinese government’s concern over nuclear accidents and safety has surged significantly after Fukushima, (ii) China has displayed strengths in reactor technology design and safety operation, and (iii) China’s safety governance has been continuously challenged by institutional fragmentation, inadequate transparency, inadequate safety professionals, weak safety culture, and ambition to increase nuclear capacity by three-fold by 2050. We suggest that China should improve its nuclear safety standards, as well as safety management and monitoring, reform institutional arrangements to reduce fragmentation, improve information transparency, and public trust and participation, strengthen the safety culture, introduce process-based safety regulations, and promote international collaboration to ensure that China’s response to nuclear safety can be fully implemented in real-life. Keywords nuclear safety, media focus, computational text analysis, regulatory governance, safety management JEL Classification C89, Q42, Q48 Contact [email protected] Publication November, 2018 Financial Support Research Grants Council of Hong Kong: RGC-SPPR [HKU-7002-SPPR-11] www.eprg.group.cam.ac.uk China’s Response to Nuclear Safety Post-Fukushima: Genuine or Rhetoric? Jacqueline C.K.
    [Show full text]
  • The Power of China: an Analysis of China’S Energy Sources and the Case for Clean Energy
    SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection SIT Study Abroad Spring 2014 The oP wer of China: An Analysis of China’s Energy Sources and the Case for Clean Energy Lauren Vunderink SIT Study Abroad Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection Part of the Environmental Education Commons, International and Area Studies Commons, and the Sustainability Commons Recommended Citation Vunderink, Lauren, "The oP wer of China: An Analysis of China’s Energy Sources and the Case for Clean Energy" (2014). Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection. 1789. https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/1789 This Unpublished Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the SIT Study Abroad at SIT Digital Collections. It has been accepted for inclusion in Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection by an authorized administrator of SIT Digital Collections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Power of China: An Analysis of China’s Energy Sources and the Case for Clean Energy Vunderink, Lauren Academic Director: Lu Yuan Project Advisor: Professor XieJian(谢建) Connecticut College Anthropology China, Yunnan Submitted in Partial fulfillment of the requirements for China: Language, Cultures, and Ethnic Minorities, SIT Study Abroad, Spring 2014 II. Abstract China’s energy demands have been growing exponentially since the early 1980s, impacting the global environment and economy. China is already the world’s largest producer and consumer of energy, and as it continues to urbanize and develop its electricity demand is projected to more than double by 2040. China’s energy consumption will not continue its rapid growth forever; its population growth and energy demand are expected to level off by 2040.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Trust in China: Evidence from Water Consumption in Shanghai
    Political Trust in China: Evidence from Water Consumption in Shanghai Nahui Zhen Thesis submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy May 2017 School of Geography, Faculty of Science The University of Melbourne 2 Abstract This thesis aims to understand political trust in China through the lens of fresh water consumption in Shanghai. Research on political trust suffers from a case-selection bias. Most of the studies on political trust focus on liberal democracies and this problematizes the generalisability of those findings. In order to broaden the evidence and to test the relevance of existing theories of political trust in a different political context, this thesis answers three questions: 1. what is the influence of demographic factors on political trust? 2. what is the relationship between risk perception and political trust? and 3. what other factors help explain political trust? It answers these questions through an investigation of people’s trust in water management institutions in Shanghai, which grounds the analysis in a specific risk that requires people to trust in public authorities. A combination of qualitative (semi-structured interviews) and quantitative (questionnaire survey) methods is used, supported by secondary data collection. This thesis finds that that some of the explanations of political trust in democratic regimes also apply in China, but with some subtle differences. Demographic factors have a slightly different effect in China: more educated people and people with urban hukou tend to be less trusting than people with less education and rural hukou, while other individual characteristics, such as age, gender, and household income do not have significant influence on political trust.
    [Show full text]