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PEER-REVIEW FEEDBACK on the GOODNESS FIELD: a Guidebook for Proactive Nonviolence
PEER-REVIEW FEEDBACK ON THE GOODNESS FIELD: A Guidebook for Proactive Nonviolence Bob Aldridge's powerful book, The Goodness Field: A Guidebook for Proactive Nonviolence points out the need and opportunity for a Global Satyagraha Movement – nonviolent, active, creative, and compassionate – to challenge the US addiction to power and greed which feeds our nation's endless wars and empire. Aldridge gives some very helpful suggestions for how to build that movement. This is not a pipe dream. We, the world's people can make it happen! – David Hartsough Author, Waging Peace: Global Adventures of a Lifelong Activist Co-Founder, Nonviolent Peaceforce and World beyond War - - - - I am in wholehearted agreement with Bob Aldridge's call for a "Global Satyagraha Movement inspired by a Global Constructive Pro- gram.” I'm glad to say, also, that these very ideas are catching on. If humanity is to rescue itself from the materialism, the low human image based on outdated science, and the devastation that they are causing to our personal and social lives -- indeed for our continued existence -- I can see no other way of doing that than the discovery of what he calls the "goodness field" that science is beginning to discover and traditional wisdom has long spoken of, by whatever name. – Michael N. Nagler President, Metta Center for Nonviolence Author, The Third Harmony: Nonviolence and the New Story of Human Nature - - - - Every so often an elder, whose life has embodied the way of faith, peace and justice, writes a “testament” (as Jim Douglass rightly calls this book), one that peers well past what the rest of us see. -
Policing Protests
HARRY FRANK GUGGENHEIM FOUNDATION Policing Protests Lessons from the Occupy Movement, Ferguson & Beyond: A Guide for Police Edward R. Maguire & Megan Oakley January 2020 42 West 54th Street New York, NY 10019 T 646.428.0971 www.hfg.org F 646.428.0981 Contents Acknowledgments 7 Executive Summary 9 Background and purpose Protest policing in the United States Basic concepts and principles Lessons learned 1. Background and Purpose 15 The Occupy movement The political and social context for protest policing Description of our research The stakes of protest policing Overview of this volume 2. Protest Policing in the United States 25 A brief history of protest policing in the United States Newer approaches in the era of globalization and terrorism Policing the Occupy movement Policing public order events after the Occupy movement Conclusion 3. Basic Concepts and Principles 39 Constitutional issues Understanding compliance and defiance Crowd psychology Conclusion 4. Lessons Learned 57 Education Facilitation Communication Differentiation Conclusion Authors 83 Acknowledgments This guide and the research that preceded it benefited from the help and support of many people and agencies. We are grateful to the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) of the U.S. Department of Justice for funding this project, which allowed us the opportunity to explore how American police agencies responded to the Occupy movement as well as other social movements and public order events. We thank Robert E. Chapman, Deputy Director of the COPS Office, for his many forms of support and assistance along the way. We are also grateful to The Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation for its willingness to publish this guide. -
Handbook for Nonviolent Campaigns Second Edition
handbook_2014.qxp 17/06/2014 19:40 Page 1 Handbook for Nonviolent Campaigns Second Edition Published by War Resisters’ International Second Edition June 2014 ISBN 978-0-903517-28-7 Except where otherwise noted, this work is licensed under Attribution-Non-Commercial-Share Alike 2.0 UK: England & Wales. See http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/2.0/uk/) 1 handbook_2014.qxp 17/06/2014 19:40 Page 2 2 handbook_2014.qxp 17/06/2014 19:40 Page 3 CREDITS The process of writing this Handbook was a collective effort, with people from across the world (more than 20 countries) contributing their time, skills, knowledge and resources. The first edition was translated into 10 languages. The second edition was expanded on by a range of writers and contributors. All of the content and translations are available for free online at http://wri-irg.org/pubs/NonviolenceHandbook Coordinator: Andrew Dey Editorial Committee: Javier Gárate, Subhash Kattel, Christine Schweitzer and Joanne Sheehan Editorial consultant: Mitzi Bales Layout: Contributors to both editions of the handbook include: Ahmadullah Archiwal, Eric Bachman, Roberta Bacic, Jagat Basnet, April Carter, Janet Cherry, Jungmin Choi, Howard Clark, Jake Coleman, Lavinia Crossley, Jagat Deuja, Denise Drake, Hilal Demir, Luke Finn, Abraham Gebreyesus Mehreteab, Dan Glass, Symon Hill, Ruth Hiller, Ippy, Yeo Jeewoo, Jørgen Johansen, Sian Jones, Randy Kehler, Adele Kirsten, Boro Kitanoski, Hans Lammerant, Cattis Laska, Tali Lerner, Benard Lisamadi Agona, Dieter Lünse, Brian Martin, Jason MacLeod, Shannon McManimon, Rosa Moiwend, Michael Randle, Andrew Rigby, Vicki Rovere, Chesterfield Samba, Ruben Dario Santamaria, Vivien Sharples, Martin Smedjeback, Majken Sorensen, Andreas Speck, Jill Sternberg, Roel Stynen, Miles Tanhira, Katja Tempel, Cecil Barbeito Thonon, Ferda Ûlker, Sahar Vardi, Stellan Vinthagen, Steve Whiting, Dorie Wilsnack. -
PDF Version of This Article
Review Article G 235 Review Article How Nonviolence is Misrepresented Brian Martin PETER GELDERLOOS IN his book How Nonviolence Protects the State claims that nonviolence is ineffective, racist, statist, patriarchal, tactically and strategically inferior, and deluded.1 His attack on nonviolence is fierce and unrelenting. To assess Gelderloos’ views, I first outline the case for nonviolence and the associated case against violence. This provides a foundation for examining Gelderloos’ arguments. I give special attention to his questionable assumption that violence always triumphs over nonvio- lence. In my judgment, Gelderloos’ arguments are based on pervasive double standards. In addition, he fails to spell out what levels and types of violence he considers acceptable, an omission that undermines his argument. Finally, I comment on connections between anarchism and violence/nonviolence. I am a longstanding supporter of nonviolent action, so it is pre- dictable that I am critical of Gelderloos’ arguments. But I also believe critical analysis is valuable. Nonviolent activists can become more effective by subjecting their beliefs to logical scrutiny and empirical testing. The Case for Nonviolent Action Through history classes, Hollywood movies and the daily news, most people come to believe two things about violence. One is that groups with a greater capacity for violence — armies, weapons, military industry and ruthlessness — can nearly always win over those with a lesser capacity. This is the assumption behind the question “What July–September 2008 236 G GANDHI MARG would you do to stop the Nazis?” asked rhetorically as a presumed refutation of nonviolence.2 Second, most people believe that violence is a tool, usually a neutral tool. -
C.V. of Dana M. Williams
[email protected] Dana M. Williams dmwilliams.yourweb.csuchico.edu Department of Sociology +1 (530) 898-5076 California State University, Chico Sociology, CSUC Butte Hall 645 Chico, CA 95929-0445 Employment History 2017-present Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, California State University, Chico 2014-2017 Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, California State University, Chico 2010-2014 Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Anthropology, & Criminal Justice, Valdosta State University 2010 Senior Lecturer, Department of Sociology, University of Akron 2007-2009 Associate Lecturer, Department of Sociology, University of Akron 2004-2007 Graduate Assistant, Department of Sociology, University of Akron 2003-2004 Research Assistant, Policy Matters Ohio, Cleveland, Ohio Education Ph.D. (2009) University of Akron, Sociology. Dissertation: “Cross-National Protest Potential for Labor and Environmental Movements: The Relevance of Opportunity”. M.A. (2002) University of Akron, Cultural Geography. Thesis: “Food Security and Access in Akron, Ohio”. B.A. (1999) University of North Dakota, Computer Science and Geography. Research and Teaching Areas Social Movements, Research Methods, Social Theory, Social Inequalities (class, gender, and race), Race and Ethnicity, Political Sociology, Globalization, Comparative Sociology, Complex Organizations. Teaching Experience CSU Chico: Social Research Methods, Statistical Analysis for the Social Sciences, Sociology of Work, Political Sociology, Public Sociology, Social Movements, Medical Sociology; Valdosta State University: Research Methods, Sociological Theory, Social Movements, Race and Ethnic Relations, Introduction to Sociology; Graduate-level: Statistical Applications in Sociology, Sociological Theory; University of Akron: Social Inequalities, Social Movements, Introduction to Sociology, Social Problems, Sociology of Anarchism Books In- Dana M. Williams. In Us We Trust: Radical Relationships of Solidarity and Anti-Authoritarianism. progress Publisher: undecided. -
Social Movement Organizational Collaboration: Networks of Learning and the Diffusion of Protest Tactics, 1960-1995*
Social Movement Organizational Collaboration: Networks of Learning and the Diffusion of Protest Tactics, 1960-1995* Dan J. Wang Department of Sociology Stanford University [email protected] and Sarah A. Soule Graduate School of Business Stanford University [email protected] December 15, 2011 Word Count: 13,073 * Direct written correspondence to the first author at the Department of Sociology, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94304. This research was supported by grants to the second author from the National Science Foundation (SBR # 9709337, SBR # 9874000). We thank Doug McAdam, John McCarthy, and Susan Olzak for their role in collecting the data used in this paper. We also thank the members of the Organizational Behavior group at the Stanford Graduate School of Business and the members of the Organizations and Networks Workshop and Social Movements and Political Sociology Workshop at Stanford University for comments on earlier iterations of this paper. Finally, we thank Steve Barley, Linus Dahlander, Amir Goldberg, Woody Powell, Craig Rawlings, Jesper Sørensen, Kurt Sandholtz, Sidney Tarrow, and the anonymous reviewers for their suggestions on earlier drafts of this manuscript. ABSTRACT This paper examines the diffusion of protest tactics between social movement organizations (SMOs). Drawing on organizational learning theory, we argue that knowledge about specific tactics diffuses between social movement organizations via their co-engagement in protest events. Using a longitudinal network dataset of organizations and their participation in protest events between 1960 and 1995, we adapt novel methodological techniques for dealing with selection and measurement bias in networks analysis, which comes in two forms—1) the mechanism that renders some organizations more likely to select into collaborations than others, and 2) the notion that tactical diffusion is not a result of collaboration, but rather is an artifact of homophily or some form of indirect learning. -
Could Nonviolent Resistance Succeed in IRAQ?
Summer 2006 Journal of Nonviolence & Conflict Transformation Volume 2, Issue 2 WOMEN IN NONVIOLENCE Vandana Shiva Aung San Suu Kyi Sister Helen Prejean September 11, 2006: 100th Anniversary of Satyagraha Could Nonviolent Resistance Succeed in IRAQ? US $2.99 • Canada $3.49 Sudan: 6 3 Healing Must Begin with the Truth 0 7 4 4 7 0 2 7 7 2 5 5 PeacePower Women in Nonviolence www.calpeacepower.org Let’s Get Inspired Volume 2, Issue 2 • Summer 2006 Often when discussing nonviolence, as a cultural group, have always endured we run into skepticism and doubt. People, marginalization, and as such, have filled Editorial Staff it seems, are willing to consider the possi- a precarious role with unique potential Carrie Brode • Sarah Elizabeth Clark bility that nonviolence offers a better rem- for the effective and satisfying conflict Chelsea Collonge • Sharon Hollombe edy for the world’s ailments, yet remain resolution skills that are so intrinsic to Sylvia Lee • Danielle Leslie wary of its true capacity for transforma- nonviolence. Tal Palter-Palman • Nathan Maton- tion. People lack evidence of the power of To illustrate this potential, we have Parkinson • Sujal Parikh nonviolent practice because society inun- gathered articles and a timeline that Eli Sasaran • Yuri Tanaka Laura Tolkoff • Matthew A. Taylor dates us with glorified violence. highlight some of the most influential Darren Willett Nonviolence offers hope in outwardly and inspirational women in nonviolence. desperate situations, and can restore Inside, you will read about Sister Helen Contributing Writers our faith in the ultimate beauty of being Prejean and her active witness against Daniel Akau • Eugene Bahn alive and human. -
Opportunity/Threat Spirals in the U.S. Women's Suffrage and German Anti-Immigration Movements
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Publications and Research Hunter College 2011 Opportunity/Threat Spirals in the U.S. Women's Suffrage and German Anti-Immigration Movements Roger Karapin CUNY Hunter College How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/hc_pubs/658 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] Published as Roger Karapin, “Opportunity/Threat Spirals in the U.S. Women's Suffrage and German Anti-Immigration Movements,” Mobilization 16 (February 2011), pp. 65-80. Opportunity/Threat Spirals in Social Movements: The U.S. Women's Suffrage and German Anti-Immigration Movements1 For a special issue of Mobilization (2011) edited by Doug McAdam and Sidney Tarrow Roger Karapin2 Final draft, July 2010 Abstract Many have noted that protesters sometimes expand political opportunities for later protests, but there has been little analysis of how this occurs. The problem can be addressed by analyzing opportunity/threat spirals, which involve positive feedback among: actions by challengers (bold protests and the formation of alliances between challenger groups); opportunity-increasing actions by authorities and elites (elite divisions and support, procedural reforms, substantive concessions, and police inaction); and threat-increasing actions by authorities and elites (new grievance production and excessive repression). Interactions among these eight mechanisms are demonstrated in two cases of social movement growth, the U.S. women's suffrage movement of the 1910s and the German anti-immigration movement of the early 1990s. -
How Nonviolence Is Misrepresented
Review Article G 235 Review Article How Nonviolence is Misrepresented Brian Martin PETER GELDERLOOS IN his book How Nonviolence Protects the State claims that nonviolence is ineffective, racist, statist, patriarchal, tactically and strategically inferior, and deluded.1 His attack on nonviolence is fierce and unrelenting. To assess Gelderloos’ views, I first outline the case for nonviolence and the associated case against violence. This provides a foundation for examining Gelderloos’ arguments. I give special attention to his questionable assumption that violence always triumphs over nonvio- lence. In my judgment, Gelderloos’ arguments are based on pervasive double standards. In addition, he fails to spell out what levels and types of violence he considers acceptable, an omission that undermines his argument. Finally, I comment on connections between anarchism and violence/nonviolence. I am a longstanding supporter of nonviolent action, so it is pre- dictable that I am critical of Gelderloos’ arguments. But I also believe critical analysis is valuable. Nonviolent activists can become more effective by subjecting their beliefs to logical scrutiny and empirical testing. The Case for Nonviolent Action Through history classes, Hollywood movies and the daily news, most people come to believe two things about violence. One is that groups with a greater capacity for violence — armies, weapons, military industry and ruthlessness — can nearly always win over those with a lesser capacity. This is the assumption behind the question “What July–September 2008 236 G GANDHI MARG would you do to stop the Nazis?” asked rhetorically as a presumed refutation of nonviolence.2 Second, most people believe that violence is a tool, usually a neutral tool. -
Civil Resistance and the Diversity of Tactics in the Anti-Globalization Movement: Problems of Violence, Silence, and Solidarity in Activist Politics Janet Conway
Osgoode Hall Law Journal Article 18 Volume 41, Number 2/3 (Summer/Fall 2003) Civil Resistance and the Diversity of Tactics in the Anti-Globalization Movement: Problems of Violence, Silence, and Solidarity in Activist Politics Janet Conway Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/ohlj Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, and the Law and Politics Commons Article This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Citation Information Conway, Janet. "Civil Resistance and the Diversity of Tactics in the Anti-Globalization Movement: Problems of Violence, Silence, and Solidarity in Activist Politics." Osgoode Hall Law Journal 41.2/3 (2003) : 505-530. http://digitalcommons.osgoode.yorku.ca/ohlj/ vol41/iss2/18 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Osgoode Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Osgoode Hall Law Journal by an authorized editor of Osgoode Digital Commons. Civil Resistance and the Diversity of Tactics in the Anti-Globalization Movement: Problems of Violence, Silence, and Solidarity in Activist Politics Abstract This article examines the (re)emergence of large-scale civil disobedience and the accompanying debates about violence and non-violence in the contemporary anti-globalization movement. Rooted in the Canadian movement but in conversation with wider debates, the article tracks movement practices and debates from the Battle of eS attle through to the Quebec Summit. The debate took a new turn in Genoa, with massive police brutality and the killing of a protester, and again following the events of September 11, 2001. -
Unarmed Civilian Protection
UNARMED CIVILIAN PROTECTION STRENGTHENING CIVILIAN CAPACITIES TO PROTECT CIVILIANS AGAINST VIOLENCE NP Photo / Women Collecting Firewood in Bentiu, Unity State, South Sudan / August 2015 UNARMED CIVILIAN PROTECTION STRENGTHENING CIVILIAN CAPACITIES TO PROTECT CIVILIANS AGAINST VIOLENCE A joint project of: TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 2 MODULE 1 MODULE 2 INTRODUCTION TO UNARMED CIVILIAN UNARMED CIVILIAN PROTECTION: PROTECTION OBJECTIVES, PRINCIPLES AND SOURCES OF GUIDANCE 26 Overview and 74 Overview and 9 Preface learning objectives learning objectives 11 Acknowledgements 28 Introduction to UCP 75 Key objectives and 13 Acronyms 39 Definition of terms strategies of UCP 47 The spectrum of 84 Key principles of 15 Introduction UCP UCP 50 UCP, nonviolence, 96 Key sources of and peacekeeping guidance for UCP 58 UCP actors 108 Summary of key 64 Summary of key messages messages 109 Bibliography 65 Bibliography 4 3 4 5 MODULE 3 MODULE 4 MODULE 5 UNARMED CIVILIAN UNARMED CIVILIAN UNARMED CIVILIAN PROTECTION: KEY PROTECTION IN PROTECTION IN METHODS PRACTICE: KEY PRACTICE: LIVING COMPETENCIES IN AND EXITING THE NEEDED WHEN COMMUNITY ENTERING THE COMMUNITY 116 Overview and 170 Overview and 220 Overview and learning objectives learning objectives learning objectives 118 Proactive 171 Core competencies 222 Context analysis engagement of UCP 226 Security 130 Monitoring practitioners management 142 Relationship 180 Conflict analysis 230 Exit strategies building 186 Types of conflict 234 Development of 151 Capacity and their relevance a comprehensive development -
A Conclusion: Anarchists in the USA
A Conclusion: Anarchists in the USA publicreport.org Part 4 final (9/30) How Anarchism Began Trending Summary: Twitter, Instagram, Telegram & other online platforms host numerous Revolutionary - Insurrectionist groups across the US. Between May 26th and June 1st, collectives subvirally passed on tactics for Anarchist “Direct Action” to the masses for use. These techniques have developed over the last 20+ years primarily in Europe and the Pacific Northwest. They have influenced and been influenced by pro-democracy movements in Hong Kong and the Middle East. The wholesale use of the labels of Marxist / Communist and Antifa distract from the predominant ideological force at work. Anarchism specifically seeks to dissolve hierarchy and coercive authority. For Pacific Northwest Insurrectionary Anarchists, responsible for sustained disruption in the current social justice movement, this means abolishing all police and prisons: “total abolition.” Here are identifying key phrases on digital flyers that reveal anarcho black bloc tactical alignment: Wear black Diversity of tactics Abolish the police No cops. No prisons. Total abolition. Direct Action march FTP March Solidarity march No peace police Be water. Spread fire. No good cops. No bad protesters. In May, CrimethInc & the Youth Liberation Front, active in Portland & Seattle, and others promoted dress code, protocol, techniques & talking points for widespread consumption. Aside from Instagram (left) CrimethInc & PNWYLF maintain accounts on Twitter (right) Update: Facebook blocked both Crimethinc & PNWYLF accounts mid August 2020 along with It’sGoingDown.org Anarchist actions by small autonomous “affinity groups” have been active in swaying BLM protests into disarray. By May 30th, Federal Protective Services in Philadelphia documented Anarchists allegedly discussing burning down the Federal Reserve Bank.