PEER-REVIEW FEEDBACK on the GOODNESS FIELD: a Guidebook for Proactive Nonviolence

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

PEER-REVIEW FEEDBACK on the GOODNESS FIELD: a Guidebook for Proactive Nonviolence PEER-REVIEW FEEDBACK ON THE GOODNESS FIELD: A Guidebook for Proactive Nonviolence Bob Aldridge's powerful book, The Goodness Field: A Guidebook for Proactive Nonviolence points out the need and opportunity for a Global Satyagraha Movement – nonviolent, active, creative, and compassionate – to challenge the US addiction to power and greed which feeds our nation's endless wars and empire. Aldridge gives some very helpful suggestions for how to build that movement. This is not a pipe dream. We, the world's people can make it happen! – David Hartsough Author, Waging Peace: Global Adventures of a Lifelong Activist Co-Founder, Nonviolent Peaceforce and World beyond War - - - - I am in wholehearted agreement with Bob Aldridge's call for a "Global Satyagraha Movement inspired by a Global Constructive Pro- gram.” I'm glad to say, also, that these very ideas are catching on. If humanity is to rescue itself from the materialism, the low human image based on outdated science, and the devastation that they are causing to our personal and social lives -- indeed for our continued existence -- I can see no other way of doing that than the discovery of what he calls the "goodness field" that science is beginning to discover and traditional wisdom has long spoken of, by whatever name. – Michael N. Nagler President, Metta Center for Nonviolence Author, The Third Harmony: Nonviolence and the New Story of Human Nature - - - - Every so often an elder, whose life has embodied the way of faith, peace and justice, writes a “testament” (as Jim Douglass rightly calls this book), one that peers well past what the rest of us see. Jim Corbett’s A Sanctuary for All Life was such a visionary volume; so, too, is this one. I have been greatly blessed to know and work with both Jim and Bob. I confess I don’t entirely grasp everything offered in their testaments. But I trust their wisdom, because I so deeply respect the work and witness of these holy men in the world. We don’t know how good the world is because we don’t know how bad it has become; and we don’t know how bad the world has become because we don’t know how good it truly is. Few people grasp both goodness and brokenness in more depth than Aldridge. This book utters a powerful “Yes! and No! to the whole damn thing,” as the venerable Daniel Berrigan once put it. But it also charts a way into personal and political liberation, using Gandhi’s Gita as a roadmap to becoming a “nonviolent warrior.” Bob Aldridge is an unmasker of lies and a seer of mysteries, testifying to both without obfuscation in the straightforward style of an engineer, grandfather and sage. His “cosmovision” of nonviolent transformation invites us well beyond the horizon of conventional thinking about what has transpired in our history, what is possible for our future, and what is necessary for our survival. I commend this trustworthy testament, forged over a nine decade journey of conscience. – Ched Myers Bartimaeus Cooperative Ministries (chedmyers.org) - - - - This guidebook addresses the importance of nonviolence and reconnection with the Earth in a powerful way, within a wide spectrum of events around the world which reflect various challenges of our society. It demonstrates why humans must let go of this idea, and unreal perception, that they are in some way owners of the rest of Nature; and have the right to exploit, abuse and violate the Earth for their own benefit. We must realize that the concept of the rights of Nature/Mother Earth, rather than a legal construct, are a call to change our relationship with the rest of nature; to stop treating the Earth system as an object and recognize that we are all part of the Earth. The rights of Nature (Mother Earth) tell us that everything on our planet is interconnected; that life is only possible thanks to a multiplicity of factors such as the bees, the rain, the proper flow of temperature in the atmosphere, and other elements of the Earth system. We must understand that we share the right to exist, thrive and evolve together with plants, animals, rivers, glaciers, forests and all members of the Earth, and implement this understanding in practice. I believe this guidebook will be a useful tool in this important transformational shift of our societies, and for changing the direction humanity is taking the planet. – Hana Begovic (Ecuador) Organizer, Global Alliance for the Rights of Nature - - - - Our human family and the planet are caught in the torrential waves of growing disaster caused by human violence. At this critical turning point, Bob Aldridge offers us a focused way through it all. He lays out a breathtaking vision and plan of action in A Guidebook for Proactive Nonviolence. In a splintered world, where increasing numbers of movements are working for peace based in justice, he offers a Global Constructive Program that can bring them together in that higher unity and turn the tide. Bob’s vision has inspired me. I intend to help move this unified vision along as the master plan for nonviolent movements all over the world to create the “Beloved Community”. – C. Peter Dougherty Meta Peace Team Co-founder; Nonviolence Trainer; Unarmed Civilian Protection Team Organizer and Member - - - - Bob Aldridge’s The Goodness Field is a ground-breaking masterpiece that offers agents of change two powerful gifts. First, it sweeps away the stereotypes of nonviolence that see it as weak and limited. Nonviolence, on the contrary, is a force for goodness that pervades the entire universe. This goodness force – in the scientific sense of the four fundamental forces of nature – “is guiding evolution to make the Universe good for living,” a conclusion Aldridge works out using scientific data and logical deduction. His analysis reveals the universality of nonviolence and how its power is available to all of us. This paradigm-shifting finding opens new and breath-taking vistas for those of us seeking a way forward. But Aldridge doesn’t stop there. His second gift is his call for us to take the goodness field seriously and join in building a “Global Constructive Program” and a “Global Satyagraha Movement” (borrowing Gandhi’s term, meaning “truth- force” or “soul-force”) to respond to a worldwide culture of violence, including the contemporary U.S. imperial order dominating the world through interlocking military, surveillance, economic and political systems, which he documents in painstaking detail. Nonviolence is the only way to overcome evil, an assertion that Aldridge illuminates through the book’s vivid case-studies of nonviolent resistance. The fruit of a lifetime of nonviolent action and reflection—Aldridge himself dramatically turned toward the “goodness force” and changed his life forever after years as an engineer working on weapons systems—The Goodness Field invites us to re-imagine and activate nonviolence and its proactive power to resist and work to dismantle the systems that are accelerating the abysmal, existential crises facing our species and our planet. – Ken Butigan Senior Lecturer in Peace, Justice, and Conflict Studies; DePaul Univ. Strategist with Pace e Bene’s Campaign Nonviolence - - - - Anyone who doubts that non-native allies truly exist for indigenous struggles can take heart in the Aldridge family's lifelong example. Bob Aldridge's philosophy, actions and writing are not mere solidarity in the cause of peace and environmental justice. Rather, they are a case of personal sacrifice and leadership at the momentous scale required to tackle the global climate crisis, which impacts humanity first and most on native front-line communities. Readers can find new hope in the writings of this well-versed and devout elder. He thoroughly documents historic contemporary native struggles as never before, seeking input from indigenous stakeholders. His practicality in envisioning a way-forward should be welcomed as a cornerstone in the discussion of the all-important effort to forge intercultural unity. If you consider yourself to be part of the change, read this for the inspiration you seek, critique it, and share in your circles. – Talli Nauman Health & Environment Contributing Editor, Native Sun News Today (Rapid City, SD), www.nsweekly.com - - - - Bob Aldridge's book demonstrates a rare degree of scholarship and impressive integration of disparate fields of knowledge. Bob has clearly done his homework to produce a book that plugs some serious holes within the theory and practice of nonviolence. His analysis of the mechanisms of current empires is thorough, deep, and revelatory, and his insistence on moving beyond protest to visionary constructive program is a breath of fresh air. More than anything, the call for global unity is timely and necessary. I believe Bob leaves us with important questions to consider, not the least of which is what it would take for large numbers of people to recognize the level of crisis we are facing and to make the choice to embrace the nonviolent path individually and as part of larger movements oriented towards care for all life. Bob's book provides some essential steps on that road, combining analysis, vision, and practical advice all in one book. – Miki Kashtan Author, Reweaving Our Human Fabric: Working Together to Create a Nonviolent Future - - - - In the true spirit of service & goodness, Bob Aldridge has supplied humanity with a guidebook to help us evolve from a world that appears unable to escape the path to dystopia, towards a much more promising vision of the future that is grounded in Gandhian Constructive Program and Indigenous wisdom. There is something for everyone in this guidebook and it reminds me of the early days of Nonviolent Peaceforce when we were trying to understand how best to promote nonviolence globally.
Recommended publications
  • Ten Thousand Commandments Executive Summary
    Ten Thousand Commandments An Annual Snapshot of the Federal Regulatory State 2020 Edition by Clyde Wayne Crews, Jr. Executive Summary Spending control and deficit restraint are in- ing above $5 trillion by FY 2022, and nearly dispensable to a nation’s stability and long- $7.5 trillion by 2030.5 The national debt term economic health. Yet alarm over lack of now stands at $23.2 trillion, up more than spending restraint under President Donald $2 trillion since 2018.6 Trump’s administration, even with the ben - efit of a healthy economy, has not stemmed As imposing as that is, the cost of govern- disbursements.1 Without significant changes, ment extends even beyond what Washington more will soon be spent on debt service than collects in taxes and the far greater amount on the entire defense budget, especially as in- it spends. Federal environmental, safety and terest rates rise.2 Meanwhile, magical think- health, and economic regulations and inter- ing that government outlays create wealth is ventions affect the economy by hundreds of now fashionable among emboldened progres- billions—even trillions—of dollars annu- sives who advocate Medicare for All, a Green ally. These regulatory burdens can operate New Deal, and a guaranteed national income, as a hidden tax.7 Unlike on-budget spend- while supposed fiscal conservatives have lost ing, regulatory costs caused by government the appetite for addressing spending.3 are largely obscured from public view. As the least disciplined aspect of government In March 2019, the White House budget activity, regulation can be appealing to law- proposal requested $4.746 trillion in outlays makers.
    [Show full text]
  • Spencer Sunshine*
    Journal of Social Justice, Vol. 9, 2019 (© 2019) ISSN: 2164-7100 Looking Left at Antisemitism Spencer Sunshine* The question of antisemitism inside of the Left—referred to as “left antisemitism”—is a stubborn and persistent problem. And while the Right exaggerates both its depth and scope, the Left has repeatedly refused to face the issue. It is entangled in scandals about antisemitism at an increasing rate. On the Western Left, some antisemitism manifests in the form of conspiracy theories, but there is also a hegemonic refusal to acknowledge antisemitism’s existence and presence. This, in turn, is part of a larger refusal to deal with Jewish issues in general, or to engage with the Jewish community as a real entity. Debates around left antisemitism have risen in tandem with the spread of anti-Zionism inside of the Left, especially since the Second Intifada. Anti-Zionism is not, by itself, antisemitism. One can call for the Right of Return, as well as dissolving Israel as a Jewish state, without being antisemitic. But there is a Venn diagram between anti- Zionism and antisemitism, and the overlap is both significant and has many shades of grey to it. One of the main reasons the Left can’t acknowledge problems with antisemitism is that Jews persistently trouble categories, and the Left would have to rethink many things—including how it approaches anti- imperialism, nationalism of the oppressed, anti-Zionism, identity politics, populism, conspiracy theories, and critiques of finance capital—if it was to truly struggle with the question. The Left understands that white supremacy isn’t just the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazis, but that it is part of the fabric of society, and there is no shortcut to unstitching it.
    [Show full text]
  • Final Report Summa ·Z· G Findings of the Review of Designations Under the Antiquities Act
    THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR WASHINGTON MEMORANDUM F FROM: SUBJECT: Final Report Summa ·z· g Findings of the Review of Designations Under the Antiquities Act Executive Summary and Impressions of the Secretary of the Interior Ryan Zinke In 1906, Congress delegated to the President the power to designate a monument under the Antiquities Act (Act). The Act authorizes the President singular authority to designate national monuments without public comment, environmental review, or further consent of Congress. Given this extraordinary executive power, Congress wisely placed limits on the President by defining the objects that may be included within a monument as being "historic landmarks, historic and prehistoric structures, and other objects of historic or scientific interest," by restricting the authority to Federal lands, and by limiting the size of the monument to "the smallest area compatible with proper care and management of the objects." Congress retained its authority to make land-use designations without such limitations. Even with the restrictive language, use of the Act has not always been without controversy. In fact, even Theodore Roosevelt's first proclamation of the roughly 1,200-acre Devil's Tower in Wyoming was controversial. Since that time, the use of the Act has largely been viewed as an overwhelming American success story and today includes almost 200 of America's greatest treasures. More recently, however, the Act's executive authority is under scrutiny as Administrations have expanded both the size and scope of monument designations. Since 1996 alone, the Act has been used by the President 26 times to create monuments that are over 100,000 acres or more in size and have included private property within the identified external boundaries.
    [Show full text]
  • Government Hacking What Is It and When Should It Be Used?
    Government Hacking What is it and when should it be used? Encryption is a critical component of our day-to-day lives. For much of the world, basic aspects of life rely on encryption to function. Power systems, transport, financial markets, and baby monitors1 are more trustworthy because of encryption. Encryption protects our most vulnerable data from criminals and terrorists, but it can also hide criminal content from governments. Government hacking is one of the approaches national security and law enforcement agencies use to obtain access to otherwise encrypted information (e.g. the FBI hired a hacking company to unlock the iPhone at the center of the San Bernardino case2). It complements their other efforts to obtain exceptional access3 by asking or requiring tech companies to have the technical ability to decrypt users’ content when it is needed for law enforcement purposes. The Internet Society believes strong encryption is vital to the health of the Internet and is deeply concerned about any policy or action that might put that in jeopardy — regardless of its motivation. Government hacking poses a risk of collateral damage to both the Internet and its users, and as such should only ever be considered as a tool of last resort. Government hacking defined We define ‘government hacking’ as government entities (e.g. national security or law enforcement agencies or private actors on their behalf) exploiting vulnerabilities in systems, software, or hardware to gain access to information that is otherwise encrypted, or inaccessible. Dangers of government hacking Exploiting vulnerabilities of any kind, whether for law enforcement purposes, security testing, or any other purpose, should not be taken lightly.
    [Show full text]
  • The Use of Prior Restraints on Publication in the Age of Wikileaks
    35 6 June 2018 Patent Volume 35 ▲ Number 6 ▲ JUNE 2018 Ronald L. Johnston, Arnold & Porter, LLP, Editor-in-Chief The Use of Prior Restraints on Publication in the Age of Wikileaks By CJ Griffin and Frank Corrado s James Madison put it, “A popular Government, The rationale for that principle is simple: If the gov- Awithout popular information, or the means of ernment can ban publication of speech, it can control acquiring it, is but a Prologue to a Farce or a Tragedy; or, what the public knows about governmental operations perhaps both. Knowledge will forever govern ignorance: and thereby deprive citizens of their ability to make And a people who mean to be their own Governors, intelligent decisions about governmental action. Too must arm themselves with the power which knowl- often, government favors secrecy over disclosure. The edge gives.”1 Free speech is essential to effective self- presumption against prior restraints ensures that officials government. A democracy cannot function if its citi- cannot indulge that propensity. It prevents the govern- zens do not know what their government is doing. ment from enjoining purportedly “secret” or “sensitive” For that reason, the First Amendment significantly information that may really be embarrassing, unsavory, limits the government’s ability to control the flow or indicative of government illegality or abuse. of information to the public. In particular, the First Of course, legitimate reasons exist for government Amendment renders prior restraints on speech pre- secrecy. As the Supreme Court said in Near v. Minne- sumptively unconstitutional.2 Even if the government sota,3 the seminal case on prior restraints, “no one would could punish the speech after the fact, it cannot—absent question but that a government might prevent actual a heavy burden of justification—prohibit the publica- obstruction to its recruiting service or the publica- tion of that speech.
    [Show full text]
  • Administration of Donald J. Trump, 2017 Executive Order 13792
    Administration of Donald J. Trump, 2017 Executive Order 13792—Review of Designations Under the Antiquities Act April 26, 2017 By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, and in recognition of the importance of the Nation's wealth of natural resources to American workers and the American economy, it is hereby ordered as follows: Section 1. Policy. Designations of national monuments under the Antiquities Act of 1906, recently recodified at sections 320301 to 320303 of title 54, United States Code (the "Antiquities Act" or "Act"), have a substantial impact on the management of Federal lands and the use and enjoyment of neighboring lands. Such designations are a means of stewarding America's natural resources, protecting America's natural beauty, and preserving America's historic places. Monument designations that result from a lack of public outreach and proper coordination with State, tribal, and local officials and other relevant stakeholders may also create barriers to achieving energy independence, restrict public access to and use of Federal lands, burden State, tribal, and local governments, and otherwise curtail economic growth. Designations should be made in accordance with the requirements and original objectives of the Act and appropriately balance the protection of landmarks, structures, and objects against the appropriate use of Federal lands and the effects on surrounding lands and communities. Sec. 2. Review of National Monument Designations. (a) The Secretary
    [Show full text]
  • USA -V- Julian Assange Judgment
    JUDICIARY OF ENGLAND AND WALES District Judge (Magistrates’ Court) Vanessa Baraitser In the Westminster Magistrates’ Court Between: THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Requesting State -v- JULIAN PAUL ASSANGE Requested Person INDEX Page A. Introduction 2 a. The Request 2 b. Procedural History (US) 3 c. Procedural History (UK) 4 B. The Conduct 5 a. Second Superseding Indictment 5 b. Alleged Conduct 9 c. The Evidence 15 C. Issues Raised 15 D. The US-UK Treaty 16 E. Initial Stages of the Extradition Hearing 25 a. Section 78(2) 25 b. Section 78(4) 26 I. Section 78(4)(a) 26 II. Section 78(4)(b) 26 i. Section 137(3)(a): The Conduct 27 ii. Section 137(3)(b): Dual Criminality 27 1 The first strand (count 2) 33 The second strand (counts 3-14,1,18) and Article 10 34 The third strand (counts 15-17, 1) and Article 10 43 The right to truth/ Necessity 50 iii. Section 137(3)(c): maximum sentence requirement 53 F. Bars to Extradition 53 a. Section 81 (Extraneous Considerations) 53 I. Section 81(a) 55 II. Section 81(b) 69 b. Section 82 (Passage of Time) 71 G. Human Rights 76 a. Article 6 84 b. Article 7 82 c. Article 10 88 H. Health – Section 91 92 a. Prison Conditions 93 I. Pre-Trial 93 II. Post-Trial 98 b. Psychiatric Evidence 101 I. The defence medical evidence 101 II. The US medical evidence 105 III. Findings on the medical evidence 108 c. The Turner Criteria 111 I.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Anger
    The Magazine of the University of Oregon Spring 2010 The Politics of Anger A Daughter’s Odyssey • Saul Zaik • Rose Bowl! • Michael Posner The Magazine of the University of Oregon Spring 2010 • Volume 89 Number 3 Northwest Modern 28 OregonQuarterly.com F e a t u r e s Departments 28 4 EDITOR’s noTe The arc of The archiTecT 6 letters by Todd Schwartz Saul Zaik’s style of Northwest Modern 10 upfronT | Excerpts, Exhibits, architecture can be seen in homes, com- Explorations, Ephemera mercial buildings, and resorts around the Front of the Bus A square Gets his Mind state—and he’s still eager to do more. 34 blown by Lila Marz Harper Where stories end, where 34 stories begin by H.L. Davis And the number one reason a fooT soldier’s bus ride to avoid doom and Gloom . by Ana Maria Spagna by M. A. Sanjayan An old, hazy story about her long-dead father inspires a daughter to explore an 16 upfronT | News, Notables, early battle in the civil rights movement. Innovations Rock Star Economist Beware the Underdog 38 38 Political Junkies? When the Shirt Hit the Fans At The zoo PROFile: Michael Dreiling by Robert Leo Heilman Michael Posner Honored with As anger has become a staple of the politi- National Medal of Science cal discourse around the nation, an act of ner; Jack Liu ss vandalism in Douglas County inspired this 46 old oreGon Le S essay about gorillas, tea parties, and the Brewing Up Big Buzz Jame heavy weight of our karmic footprint.
    [Show full text]
  • The Theory of Prosecution You Love for Julian Assange May Look Different When Applied to Jason Leopold
    THE THEORY OF PROSECUTION YOU LOVE FOR JULIAN ASSANGE MAY LOOK DIFFERENT WHEN APPLIED TO JASON LEOPOLD The WaPo confirmed something Seamus Hughes disclosed last night: Sometime before August 22, EDVA had filed a sealed complaint (not indictment) against Julian Assange. WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange has been charged under seal, prosecutors inadvertently revealed in a recently unsealed court filing — a development that could significantly advance the probe into Russian interference in the 2016 election and have major implications for those who publish government secrets. The disclosure came in a filing in a case unrelated to Assange. Assistant U.S. Attorney Kellen S. Dwyer, urging a judge to keep the matter sealed, wrote that “due to the sophistication of the defendant and the publicity surrounding the case, no other procedure is likely to keep confidential the fact that Assange has been charged.” Later, Dwyer wrote the charges would “need to remain sealed until Assange is arrested.” Dwyer is also assigned to the WikiLeaks case. People familiar with the matter said what Dwyer was disclosing was true, but unintentional. The confirmation closely follows a WSJ story describing increased confidence that the US will succeed in extraditing Assange for trial. The confirmation that Assange has been charged has set off a frenzy, both among Assange supporters who claim this proves their years of claims he was indicted back in 2011 and insisting that charging him now would amount to criminalizing journalism, and among so-called liberals attacking Assange lawyer Barry Pollack’s scolding of DOJ for breaking their own rules. I’ve long been on record saying that I think most older theories of charging Assange would be very dangerous for journalism.
    [Show full text]
  • In an Academic Voice: Antisemitism and Academy Bias Kenneth Lasson University of Baltimore School of Law, [email protected]
    University of Baltimore Law ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law All Faculty Scholarship Faculty Scholarship 2011 In an Academic Voice: Antisemitism and Academy Bias Kenneth Lasson University of Baltimore School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/all_fac Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, and the First Amendment Commons Recommended Citation Kenneth Lasson, In an Academic Voice: Antisemitism and Academy Bias, 3 J. Study of Antisemitism 349 (2011). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. In an Academic Voice: Antisemitism and Academy Bias Kenneth Lasson* Current events and the recent literature strongly suggest that antisemitism and anti-Zionism are often conflated and can no longer be viewed as distinct phenomena. The following paper provides an overview of con- temporary media and scholarship concerning antisemitic/anti-Zionist events and rhetoric on college campuses. This analysis leads to the con- clusion that those who are naive about campus antisemitism should exer- cise greater vigilance and be more aggressive in confronting the problem. Key Words: Antisemitism, Higher Education, Israel, American Jews In America, Jews feel very comfortable, but there are islands of anti- Semitism: the American college campus. —Natan Sharansky1 While universities like to nurture the perception that they are protec- tors of reasoned discourse, and indeed often perceive themselves as sacro- sanct places of culture in a chaotic world, the modern campus is, of course, not quite so wonderful.
    [Show full text]
  • Box 1. Prominent Executive Actions on Regulatory Process Reform During Trump’S Term
    Box 1. Prominent Executive Actions on Regulatory Process Reform during Trump’s Term 2017 2019 • Presidential Memorandum, Streamlining Permitting and • Executive Order 13855, Promoting Active Management of Reducing Regulatory Burdens for Domestic Manufacturing, America’s Forests, Rangelands, and Other Federal Lands to January 24, 2017.19 Improve Conditions and Reduce Wildfire Risk, December • Executive Order 13766, Expediting Environmental Reviews 21, 2018.38 and Approvals for High Priority Infrastructure Projects, • Executive Order 13891, Promoting the Rule of Law January 24, 2017.20 through Improved Agency Guidance Documents, October • Executive Order 13771, Reducing Regulation and Control- 9, 2019.39 ling Regulatory Costs, January 30, 2017.21 • Executive Order 13892, Promoting the Rule of Law • Executive Order 13772, Core Principles for Regulating the through Transparency and Fairness in Civil Administrative United States Financial System, February 8, 2017.22 Enforcement and Adjudication, October 9, 2019.40 • Executive Order 13777, Enforcing the Regulatory Reform • Executive Order 13879, Advancing American Kidney Agenda, February 24, 2017.23 Health, July 10, 2019.41 • Executive Order 13781, Comprehensive Plan for • Executive Order 13878, Establishing a White House Reorganizing the Executive Branch, March 13, 2017.24 Council on Eliminating Regulatory Barriers to Affordable • Executive Order 13789, Identifying and Reducing Tax Housing, June 25, 2019.42 Regulatory Burdens, April 21, 2017.25 • Executive Order 13874, Modernizing the Regulatory
    [Show full text]
  • Policing Protests
    HARRY FRANK GUGGENHEIM FOUNDATION Policing Protests Lessons from the Occupy Movement, Ferguson & Beyond: A Guide for Police Edward R. Maguire & Megan Oakley January 2020 42 West 54th Street New York, NY 10019 T 646.428.0971 www.hfg.org F 646.428.0981 Contents Acknowledgments 7 Executive Summary 9 Background and purpose Protest policing in the United States Basic concepts and principles Lessons learned 1. Background and Purpose 15 The Occupy movement The political and social context for protest policing Description of our research The stakes of protest policing Overview of this volume 2. Protest Policing in the United States 25 A brief history of protest policing in the United States Newer approaches in the era of globalization and terrorism Policing the Occupy movement Policing public order events after the Occupy movement Conclusion 3. Basic Concepts and Principles 39 Constitutional issues Understanding compliance and defiance Crowd psychology Conclusion 4. Lessons Learned 57 Education Facilitation Communication Differentiation Conclusion Authors 83 Acknowledgments This guide and the research that preceded it benefited from the help and support of many people and agencies. We are grateful to the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) of the U.S. Department of Justice for funding this project, which allowed us the opportunity to explore how American police agencies responded to the Occupy movement as well as other social movements and public order events. We thank Robert E. Chapman, Deputy Director of the COPS Office, for his many forms of support and assistance along the way. We are also grateful to The Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation for its willingness to publish this guide.
    [Show full text]