STANDARDS for KOSOVO
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Allocation of Public Expenditures in the Post-War Kosovo: a Critical Analysis
Rochester Institute of Technology RIT Scholar Works Theses 7-2020 Allocation of Public Expenditures in the post-war Kosovo: A critical analysis Leonita Krasniqi [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.rit.edu/theses Recommended Citation Krasniqi, Leonita, "Allocation of Public Expenditures in the post-war Kosovo: A critical analysis" (2020). Thesis. Rochester Institute of Technology. Accessed from This Senior Project is brought to you for free and open access by RIT Scholar Works. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses by an authorized administrator of RIT Scholar Works. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Allocation of Public Expenditures in the post-war Kosovo: A critical analysis An Honors Society Project Leonita Krasniqi Advisor: Venera Demukaj, PhD Second reader: Besnik Bislimi, PhD July 2020 ALLOCATION OF PUBLIC EXPENDITURES IN KOSOVO Abstract How public expenditures are allocated can have profound effects on the macro-fiscal environment of a country. This research project analyzes how the Government of Kosovo allocates its public expenditures. Two particular strategic documents are examined—the Economic Vision 2011-2014 and the National Development Strategy 2016-2021. It does so by analyzing whether or not the priorities set in these strategies are translated in Medium-Term Expenditure Frameworks and the Budget Laws. Finally, this research project examines how the allocated public expenditures are realized. The research concludes that despite the well- established written strategies, a wide gap exists between the priorities set and their actual execution. 1 ALLOCATION OF PUBLIC EXPENDITURES IN KOSOVO Acknowledgments To the professors who have encouraged me to follow the path of economics. -
[ 2007 ] Part 1 Chapter 5 Europe and the Mediterranean
Chapter V Europe and the Mediterranean The restoration of peace and stability in the post- (Moscow Agreement), and Georgia demanded the conflict countries in the European and Mediter- withdrawal of Russian peacekeeping forces from the ranean region advanced in 2007, as efforts to re- conflict zone. Compliance with the Moscow Agree- establish their institutions and social and economic ment and with Security Council resolutions 858(1993) infrastructure continued. However, a number of and 937(1994) was monitored by the United Nations issues remained unresolved. Observer Mission in Georgia (unomig) and by a col- Led by the European Union (eu), the international lective peacekeeping force of the Commonwealth of community continued to assist Bosnia and Herze- Independent States. govina to move towards full integration into Europe No progress was made towards settling the conflict through the eu Stabilization and Association Process. between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina signed a security agreement Nagorno-Karabakh region in Azerbaijan. In July, with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (nato), Nagorno-Karabakh held presidential elections, the but the country was not successful in securing a Sta- results of which were rejected by Azerbaijan, several bilization and Association Agreement with the eu. neighbouring States, the eu, the Organization of the In Kosovo (Serbia), the United Nations Interim Islamic Conference and the Organization for Security Administration Mission in Kosovo (unmik) contin- and Cooperation in Europe, and its status remained ued to assist in the building of a modern, multi- uncertain at year’s end. ethnic society. In March, the Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for the future status of Kosovo pre- Similarly, no progress was made towards settling sented the Secretary-General with his proposal on the conflict with regard to the Transnistrian region Kosovo’s future status. -
Final Report
EASTeWEST MANAGEMENT FROM -THE AMERiCAN PEOPLE INSTITUTE FINAL REPORT KOSOVO NGO ADVOCACY PROJECT Cooperative Agreement No. 167-A-00-01-00108-00 September 2001 through May 2005 Submitted to: U. S. Agency for International Development Submitted by: East -West Management Institute, Inc. August 2005 .LWARC Albanian National Training, Technical Assistance and Resourn Center .L\fPPKO Association of hlik Producers and Proeffsors of Korovo ATRC Advocacy Training and Resource Center AVOKO Iiosovo Adroeaey NGOs Setwork BCIF Balkan Community Initiative Fund BTD Balkan Trust for Democracy CEE Central and Eastern Europe CFA Call for Applications CIDh Canadian International Development Agency E\nn East-Wesl hlanagement Institute. Inc. EFC European Foundation Center EU European Union FDI Foundation for Democratic Initiatives FOIL Freedom of Information Law GMP Generally Accepted Acmunting Principles GTZ German Agency for Technical Cooperation IAS International Accounting Standards ICNL International Center for Not-for-profit Law Irn International Criminal Tribunal for ex-Yugoslavia IDEA International Institute for Democracy and Electoral .\ssistaoce IKDO Kosovar Institute for SGO Law IRC International Rescue Committee KFOS Kosovo Foundation for an Open Society KNAP Kwovo NGO Advocacy Project KTA Kosovo Transition Authority KOhT Kacovo Organization for Sew Initiatives KT1 Kosovo Transition Initiatives n\-I Kosovo \Yomen's Initiative sms htillenium Development Goals NAAC National Albanian .%merican Council NGO Non-governmental organization OCG Office -
Negotiating Kosovo's Final Status
NEGOTIATING KOSOVO’S FINAL STATUS Lulzim Peci, Ilir Dugolli, Leon Malazogu* 1. The current situation June 10th 1999 marks the beginning of a new stage for Kosovo. With confirmed withdrawal of the forces of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the entry of KFOR, the UN Security Council adopted the Resolution 1244 (hereinafter: UNSCR 1244)1, replacing thus the existing legal order with a new one. In general, Kosovo has experienced a very wide range of constitutional solutions. Since the end of WWII and until the last constitution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) in 1974, we have seen an enhancement of powers of Kosovo (as one of the two autonomous provinces). The federal constitution of 1974 introduced significant changes to the internal organization of the SFRY, decentralizing key areas of governance. Under these arrangements, the Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo (SAPK) “had equal representation within the supreme commanding body of the federation, a collective presidency of eight, comprised of a member of each federal unit of Yugoslavia. All representatives enjoyed the right to veto any decision over which the collective body had authority, including those relating to security2. 1 United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244/99. Available: http://www.unmikonline.org/misc/N9917289.pdf (last visited: 20 February 2006) 2 Ilir Dugolli & Lulzim Peci, Enhancing civilian management and oversight of the security sector in Kosovo, KIPRED and SaferWorld, November 2005. p.5. Available online at: http://www.kipred.net/UserFiles/File/SecSectorManagement.pdf (last visited: 15 February 2006). This positive evolution came to an abrupt end in 1989 when the autonomy was revoked. -
02 Klasnja.Indd
THE LIMITS OF INTEGRATION The EU and Kosovo Time to Rethink the Enlargement and Integration Policy? Marko Klasnja The EU’s approach to the HE European Union has been hailed for its contri- Tbution to the largely successful post-communist Western Balkans has been transition in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Exerting its well-known “soft power” advantages by of- plagued with inconsistencies fering the possibility of membership, the EU encouraged and half-baked measures. The the partners in the ongoing process of integration and “Europeanization,”1 here meant to connote the processes situation in Kosovo demonstrates and mechanisms by which European efforts to build political, economic, legal, and social institutions cause that the EU needs to rethink its changes at the domestic level.2 This success story has so policy arsenal if it is to achieve far not been replicated in the Western Balkans, another region undergoing transition where the EU’s ambitions its goals. and pledges seem to mirror those of the earlier “Eastern Enlargement.” The results in the Western Balkans have so far been much more limited and by no means assure an equally successful outcome. This may be a consequence of the much wider range of challenges faced by the region than was the case with Central and Eastern Europe, given the recurring conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, the late start of transition in many countries, and the unsolved territorial and ethnic issues, not to mention other prob- lems. The intricacies of the status-settlement process for Kosovo—that is, whether the province will become an independent country or remain part of Serbia—exemplify the multi-faceted nature of the transition process in the region. -
Kosovo's Ethnic Dilemma
KOSOVO’S ETHNIC DILEMMA: THE NEED FOR A CIVIC CONTRACT 28 May 2003 Balkans Report N°143 Pristina/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS.................................................. I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE STATUS DILEMMA: A ZERO-SUM GAME................................................... 2 III. THE PARTICIPANTS................................................................................................... 4 A. BELGRADE ............................................................................................................................4 1. From Isolation to Coordination .................................................................................4 2. Djindjic: Putting Status on the Table........................................................................6 3. After Djindjic: The Future of Relations with Serbia .................................................7 B. THE KOSOVO SERBS .............................................................................................................8 1. The Political Leadership: Pragmatists and Extreme Nationalists.............................9 2. Political Engagement at the Central Level ................................................................9 3. Engagement at the Municipal Level ........................................................................11 C. KOSOVO’S ALBANIANS .......................................................................................................12 -
Final Status of Kosovo: the Role of Human Rights and Minority Rights
Chicago-Kent Law Review Volume 80 Issue 1 Symposium: Final Status for Kosovo: Article 10 Untying the Gordian Knot December 2004 Final Status of Kosovo: The Role of Human Rights and Minority Rights Wolfgang Benedek Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Wolfgang Benedek, Final Status of Kosovo: The Role of Human Rights and Minority Rights , 80 Chi.-Kent L. Rev. 215 (2005). Available at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview/vol80/iss1/10 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chicago-Kent Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. FINAL STATUS OF KOSOVO: THE ROLE OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND MINORITY RIGHTS WOLFGANG BENEDEK* INTRODUCTION After the experience of massive human rights violations in Kosovo, which led to a humanitarian intervention by NATO, it is crucial that the reconstruction of society in Kosovo is based on human and minority rights. Human rights and minority rights will play a major role in building the standards necessary for the final status of Kosovo. However, human rights and minority rights will also be of major importance after the final status has been determined, expectedly in favor of the independence of Kosovo. The Council of Europe, the European Union, and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe ("OSCE") define themselves as or- ganizations based on the rule of law, democracy, and human rights. -
The European Union and the Final Status for Kosovo
Chicago-Kent Law Review Volume 80 Issue 1 Symposium: Final Status for Kosovo: Article 12 Untying the Gordian Knot December 2004 The European Union and the Final Status for Kosovo Adrian Toschev Gregory Cheikhameguyaz Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Adrian Toschev & Gregory Cheikhameguyaz, The European Union and the Final Status for Kosovo, 80 Chi.- Kent L. Rev. 273 (2005). Available at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview/vol80/iss1/12 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chicago-Kent Law Review by an authorized editor of Scholarly Commons @ IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE FINAL STATUS FOR KOSOVO ADRIAN TOSCHEV* AND GREGORY CHEIKHAMEGUYAZ** INTRODUCTION The European Union's ("EU") position on the final status of Kosovo would have remained vague and secretive had it not been for the March 2004 unrests in Kosovo. The events of March 17 and 18, 2004, are likely to shake up and clarify the determination of the EU position. The reactions of the EU institutions in response to the unrests vary. It seems as if the unrests were the starting point for a new discussion within the EU about Kosovo. Kosovo still matters for the international community. Determination of the final status for Kosovo is crucial for regional stability in the Balkans, including the prevention of terrorism and organized crime. -
In Need of Self-Reflection: Peacebuilding in Post-War Kosovo from a Systems- Analytical Perspective
In Need of Self-Reflection: Peacebuilding in Post-War Kosovo from a Systems- Analytical Perspective by Jens Narten The purpose of this paper is two-fold. First, it aims to promote an alternative approach to understanding the constitutive elements that have led to the failure of international peacebuilding efforts, and second, in so doing, to allow for the formulation of more in-depth policy recommendations. This approach will be led from a systems-analytical understanding of both local and international actors as being self-referential. This includes closed social systems that rely on their own selective observations of the environment, as well as pre-coded means of internal communication. In this regard, the focus of the research will be on the relationship between international human rights norms and efforts to “civilize” violent conflict in post-war Kosovo, as implemented by the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and the international military Kosovo Force (KFOR). “Civilize,” in this sense, is a process of non-violent resolution of social conflict that exceeds the notion of traditional UN peacebuilding.1 Consideration will be given to key aspects of applied civilian policies and military functions, international human rights norms, and standards of peacebuilding, on the one hand, and the observations made by various social groups and international actors, on the other. The paper concludes with findings on institutional self-reflection for international field missions in post-war environments, such as Kosovo, and with practical recommendations on improving the attempts of international organizations to secure and sustain peace after violent conflict. Immediately following the war in Kosovo, the joint efforts of the United Nations, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), and the European Union, in cooperation with KFOR in Kosovo (led by NATO), were considered a success story. -
Standards and Status
STANDARDS AND STATUS HOW KOSOVO BECAME INDEPENDENT Joachim Ruecker CONTENTS SELECTED ACRONYMS (only in print-version) ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 4 FOREWORD BY MARTTI AHTISAARI 5 INTRODUCTION 7 1 TURNING THE TIDE 11 Creating a market economy - In the dark - Privatization: The Big Leap 2 GETTING READY 31 Prudent planning for Status – Standards – The Eide report: Standards and Status - Kosovo’s political landscape: one goal, many paths – Preparing for Status negotiations 3 TIME FOR CLARITY 51 Status negotiations – Domestic challenges - The Ahtisaari plan becomes public - The Ahtisaari plan reaches the Security Council - The German connection – The Security Council can not agree on the Ahtisaari plan - Elections in spite of, because of, or regardless of the status process? - The Troika process and why it fails 4 INTO THE UNKNOWN 97 CONTENTS 3 A Declaration of Independence - UNMIK's new role: “Status neutrality”, firmness, dialogue - Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding; reaching out to all communities; “parallel structures” - Violent challenges 5 A WAY FORWARD 132 Green light for UNMIK's phase out - Time to say good bye for the last traditional UNMIK SRSG – Some conclusions ANNEX 1 UN Security Council Resolution 1244 ANNEX 2 Report of the Special Envoy of the Secretary General on Kosovo’s future status ANNEX 3 List of UN Security Council sessions during my tenure as SRSG SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY NOTES PICTURES 4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This is a personal account which as a matter of course does not necessarily reflect the views of the UN or any other organization. It does not aim at strict academic standards either, so I do apologize for possible shortcomings. -
Kosovo and U.S. Policy: Background to Independence
Order Code RL31053 Kosovo and U.S. Policy: Background to Independence Updated June 20, 2008 Julie Kim Specialist in International Relations Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Kosovo and U.S. Policy: Background to Independence Summary Close to nine years after NATO intervened militarily in the southern Serbian province of Kosovo, Kosovo declared itself an independent and sovereign state on February 17, 2008. A new Kosovo constitution came into force on June 15. These developments marked a new stage in, but not the end of, international concern and engagement in the western Balkan region. Serbia strenuously objects to and does not recognize Kosovo’s independence. Kosovo represented the last major unfinished business from the wars of Yugoslav succession in the 1990s. In 1998 and 1999, the United States and its NATO allies engaged in collective action to end escalating violence in Kosovo. These efforts culminated in a 78-day NATO bombing campaign (Operation Allied Force) against Serbia from March until June 1999, when then-Yugoslav leader Slobodan Milosevic agreed to withdraw his forces from the province. Afterward, Kosovo was governed through a combination of U.N. and local Kosovar interim governing structures. Under the terms of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244 (1999), the U.N. Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) retained ultimate political authority in the province. A NATO-led peacekeeping force, KFOR, was charged with providing a secure environment. UNSC Resolution 1244 did not settle Kosovo’s disputed status. The ethnic Albanian majority demanded full independence for Kosovo; Serbs insisted that Kosovo remain an integral part of Serbia. -
Parallel Courts in Post-Conflict Kosovo T Elena A
Article Parallel Courts in Post-Conflict Kosovo t Elena A. Baylis 1. IN TR OD UCT ION ................................................................................................................................ I 11. THE PARALLEL COURTS ............................................................... 9 A . PoliticalH istory .................................................................... ....................... 9 B. Source of the Parallel Courts ........................................................................................ 10 C. Development of the Parallel Systems ........................................................................... 12 D. The Parallel Systems' Current Role ............................................................................. 14 1. In C ivil Cases .................................................................................................... 14 2. In C rim inal Cases ............................................................................................. 18 3. Political Significance ........................................................................................ 19 III. C IV IL JUDG M ENT S .......................................................................................................................... 2 1 A . Tw o Civil Cases ................................................................................................................ 25 B. Bypassing Sovereignty as the Basis for Jurisdiction .................................................... 26 C. Framework