RESEARCH BULLETIN Other Items: Personal news, brief summaries of research activities, recent publications, and other brief items will appear without the source specifically indicated. The Vol. 10, No. 2 September 1978 Editor urges those contributing such news items to send them in the form and style in which the contributor wishes Notes From the Editor: ~ndowmefitDrive; them to appear rather than leaving this to the discretion Cont-tionsforhe Support of the BRC of the Editor. Research Notes All contributions should be sent to the Editor, Borneo Research Bulletin, c/o Department of ~nthropolog-hge The Xualang of Indonesian Borneo: of William and Hary, Williamsburg, Virginia, 23185, U.S.A. Neglected Sources for Iban Studies ...... Victor T. King --STYLE FOR CONTRIBUTIONS Brief Communications Please submit all contributions double spaced. Research Notes and Brief Communications should be limited to approxi- Shifting Cultivation ...... mately eight double-spaced pages. Footnotes are to be Generalizations about Place Names: Some avoided wherever possible. Bibliographies should be listed Borneo Examples ....Allen R. Maxwell alphabetically by author at the end of contributions; author should appear on a separate line, then date, title of News and Announcements article, journal, volume number, and pages. For books, include place of publication and finally publisher. Report of A Music Workshop in East, References in the body of contributions should be cited by Kalimantan ...... Jose 1.laceda author's last name, date, and page number as follows: Sulawest Research Council Newsletter . . (Smith 1950:36-41). For punctuation and capitalization Fifth International Symposium of refer to Bibliographic Section. Tropical Ecology ...... Xames mentioned in the News Section and other uncredited Borneo News ...... contributions will be capitalized and underlined. -- Book Reviews, Abstracts, Bibliography

Vinson Sutlive: ---The Iban of ...... James Elasine 105 Lela Garner Noble: Phili ine ~olic " --toward : A--- Chddnce ...... James Warren 107 Robert H.V. Reece: The Cession of Sarawak to the British Crown ?n 1946 ...110 ~ifliography ...... 117

The Borneo Research Bulletin is published twice yearlmril and September) by the Borneo Research Council. Please address all inauiries and contributions .for publications to inso on K. Sutlive, Jr., Editor, Borneo Research Bulletin, Department of Anthropology,~ollege of- and Mary, Williamsburg, Virginia, 23185, U.S .A. Single issues are available at US$ 2.50. --NOTES FROM THE EDITOR RESEARCH NOTESI

The Borneo Research Council Endowment Fund has been established. As reported earlier (Bulletin 10:2), the Editor sent requests for one-time grants to twelve THE MUALAXG OF 1NDONESIP.N BOEUJEO : foundations and companies, describing the history and activities of the Council, including back issues of NEGLECTED SOURCES FOR IBAN STUDIES the Bulletin, and soliciting money for an endowment fund. While representatives of several agencies replied that their resources were totally committed and were unable to accede to our request, others are still Victor T. King considering it. The University of Hull I am delighted to report that Shell Petroleum Company Limited has made a grant of US$1,000. with which I have noted elsewhere that there are very roughly we have begun the Endowment Fund. Subsequent to receipt 7,000 people in Western Indonesian Borneo (West of this grant, we received a gift of $100. designated for the Fund from one of the Fellows. Kalimantan), who acknowledge themselves as belonging to the category ' Iban' (1975a: 300) .1 In contrast In light of the financial report enclosed, it seems with the Iban in Sarawak, those in Indonesian Borneo are few in number. This fact, together with their imperative that we strive for an endowment fund of at and the difficulties of undertaking field- least US$10,000. This would generate enough interest remoteness to supplement gifts and contributions, obviating advances work in West Kalimantan, has meant that the Indonesian required to publish and distribute Iban have received very little attention from anthro- the Bulletin. pologists. In consequence there is a sad lack of To this end, gifts to the Endowment Fund, over and above basic descriptive material on them. subscription payments, will be most welcome. Certainly some data on Iban are available in Dutch I'should like to express my personal gratitude and, I am sources, and I have tried in a limited and inadequate certain, the deep appreciation of all readers of the way, to use much of this scattered material and my Bulletin, to the following persons for their generous om superficial observations of them in order to begin contributions: George N. Appell, Robert F. Austin, to fill this gap in the Iban ethnographic record Victor T. King, Dietrich Kuhne; Kaureen Liebl, Peter (1973a:36-7; 1975a:300-3; 1976a:306-27; 1976b:05-114). Metcalf, Alastair Morrison, H. Arlo Nimrno, Raymond R. 1 Rudes, and James F. IJarren. In a number of respects Kalimantan Iban closely resemble - 1 their Sarawak cousins. However, they should be an obj&t of study in their own right. They have been, THE-- BORNEO RESEARCH COUNCIL and are, subject to different experiences vis-a-vis government. Economic opportunities are also generally The Bor neo Research Council was founded in 1968 and its 1 more limited in ICalimantan than in Sarawak, and this members hip consists of Fellows, an international group of disadvantage, toupled with their distance from the scholar s who are professionally engaged in research in large comrercial centres along the main Kapuas river, Borneo... The goals of the Council are (1) to promote causes the Indonesian Iban still to orient themselves scientific research in the so'cial, biological (cont. p. 120) partly to Sarawak for trade and work. Some Iban communities are also found in a rather different comparative research sources for ' Ibanists' (1950 : 1-46 ; ecological niche in IZalimantan from the classic hill 1954:52-63; 1955 ; 1953: 166-72; 1959a; 1959b :460-74; rice ecosystem in the areas in Sarawak in which Iban 1961:409-37). have been intensively studied. Iban are also very much a minority people in Kalimantan, and this fact At the present time I am attempting toatranslate and has played and may continue to play an important part bring together some of the important parts of Dunsel- in their relations with government and with their close man's writing. This is in the context of an ongoing neighbours. Finally, Iban in Kalimantan live in project with Drs. JB Ave of the Rijksmuseum voor Vol- association with culturally and socially closely kenkunde in Leiden. We are now engaged in compiling related peoples who together recognize \Jest .Kalimantan a bibliography of the main literature on West Kali- as the area from which they trace their origins and mantan, and using some of this material for research their most important traditions. In making this last into ethnohistory, ethnic relations, and problems of point I am not proposing research into the origins of ethnic classification. Iban culture and society as such, but rather the broadening of Iban studies to include those numerous Donatus Dunselman himself recognized the significance Kalimantan peoples related to and historically sig- of his work for Iban studies when he wrote : nificant for the Iban. In other words, I would like to see Iban studied within the context of the wider There exist strong cultural relations between complex of ' Ibanic' peoples2 of which they are a part. these [Mualang] Dayak and the Iban or Batang (King 1973b:254-7; 1974:32-3; 1976c:87-99). Lupar of Western Borneo and Sarawak, and like- wise with other groups of the central Kapuas I .have already made a plea for the study of Iban area, particularly the groups of the Kantuk, the proper in West Kalimantan, and it is gratifying to hear Seberuang, and the Desa, and the various groups that Frank McKeown of Monash University intends to under- of the Ketungau basin, i.a. the groups of the take research on the Iban of the Kapuas lakes area. Bugau, the Tabun and the Banyur. Remarkable However, the specific purpose of this present research similarities are to be observed in their note is to draw attention to the importance of other language, in their techniques of weavin sources of information in Kalimantan for Iban studies in plaiting and in their myths (1955 :279). f general. Unfortunately, much of the work on Sarawak Iban has devoted very little attention to ethnic groupings in Dunselman also specifically demonstrates som similarities Indonesian Soneo which exhibit marked similarities with between his Mualang data and those of the Iban in the Iban. These groupings comprise, among others, the Kantu' , writings of Dunn, Perham, Brooke Low, Richards and Seberuang, Mualang, Desa, and most, if not all, the Nyuak. Subsequently A.A. Cense and E.M. Uhlenbeck, in river-based groupings' in the Ketungau river and its their linguistic survey of Borneo, also pointed to the tributaries (e.g. Tabun, Sigarau, Sekalau, Sekapat, Bagau, importance of Dunselman's work for studies. Banjur, Sebaru' , Demam, and Maung). This complex may They stated: well include a number of other peoples as well (King 1976c: 86-105). Michael Dove of Stanford University has recently Closely related to Sea Dayak is Mualang, spoken completed field work among the Kantu' to the west of the along the Ayak and Belitang Rivers, right-hand Kapuas lakes, and his research will no doubt contribute affluents of the Kapuas River, ,approximatel substantially to our knowledge of 'Ibanic' peoples. Yet two hundred miles up-stream from Pontianak. t: we already have important but neglected sources for another This language has been thoroughly studied by of these ' Ibanic' groupings, the Mualang, in the work of Father Dunselman, who first published some Donatus Dunselman, a Capuchin priest. It has perhaps not fragments of an extensive sacred chant with a been fully realized by some scholars interested in translation, and later the full text (1958 :12). Sarawak Iban that Dunselman has published in Dutch a number of items on the Mualang, which provide valuable Yet despite the obvious value of these sources they have apparently not excited much enthusiasm among students between 1.Iualang and Iban belief. Dunselman's two of Sarawak Iban. It has continued to surprise me how most important publications are his Kana Sera. Zang little of the Dutch material finds its way into English der Zwangerschap (1955) with its brief previer (1954), texts. For example, in relation to my own work on the and his Uit der Literatuur der Mualang-fajaks (1959). Maloh of West Kalimantan I have drawn attention to the The Kana Sera is Dunselman's magnum opus. It contains utility of Dutch sources (1972), which were glossed over a wealth of material on the Mualang spirit world, their by Tom Harrisson in his ethnological notes on the same material culture, environment, history, relations with people (1965). The same 'propoganda' task has to be other ethnic groupings, and customs associated with undertaken for the ' Ibanic' complex as well. such things as head-hunting, farming, receiving guests and marriage. It is perhaps unfair to single out one example of Sarawak scholarship to demonstrate the tendency to The Kana Sera tells the story of a girl, usually called neglect Dutch sources. There are many others. Never- Telit Benang, who has all kinds of adventures, including theless, Erik Jensen's recent study of The Iban and journeys to the world beneath the water and to the their Religion (1974) provides us with a particularly heavens. In essence, it is an allusion to the life goodinustration of the potential comparative value of Keling and his marriage to Kurnang. The Mualang of Dutch writings on the 'Ibanic' complex. Jan Ave's tradition of Keling begins at a place called (Temba- review of Jensen's book pointed especially to its wang) Tampun Juah, which is said to have been in the neglect of 'comparable material for other ethnic headwaters of the Sai, a tributary of the Ketungau, groups in Borneo' (1977:386). In this connection and the Sekayam rivers. There the Llualang were called nowhere did Jensen refer to Dunselman's data on Mualang 'Menua Dayak' or 'Menua Tampun Juah', or sometimes religion; yet, in my opinion, it has direct relevance to the people of Lembah Buluh. According to Dunselman the Iban case. For example, Jensen mentioned certain the Ketungau peoples, including the Iban, reckon their Iban legendary heroes and a type of Iban oral literature descent from this place. However, there are also called kana. He said, at one point, that kan'a is 'the Mualang origin stories which trace descent back even name given to legendary accounts hen these are expressed further to Labai (Labi) ~awai.7 apparently an ancient in rhythmical or semi-poetical forms ' (1974: 63). Jensen name for the present-day Sukadana (1955 :6). There referred to the most famous Iban hero, Rling (Keling, are also links with . Klieng), his dwelling place at Panggau, and the fact that it was there that the ancestors of human Iban eventually The story goes that at Tampun Juah there lived a man, divided from 'Kling's group' (pp. 70, 71, 94-5, 103, 116, Balai Gamang (also called Kuma/Kumba), and his wife 204, 206-7).5 Some 20 years before Jensen's work, Dunsel- Tikal Bidang. 0 When Tikal Bidang was pregnant, she man recorded and translated the Mualang epic Kana Sera, dreamt of a garden in Java which contained all sorts which is an allusion to the life-story of ~elin~6,and of delicious fruit. She asked he.r husband to fetch which contains numerous references to the heroes of fruit from the garden, which was watched over by a Panggau Libau (sometimes called Pauh Sandai or Lengan (g) seer called Manang Kedung. Balai Gamang's journey was Lengayan). Dunselman noted that these culture heroes or successful. He returned and when his wife had eaten Buah Kana also appear in the oral literature of the the fruit she gained strength and gave birth to a son, IZantu' , Desa, Lebang, Seberuang and many Icetungau groups, Reling Nacling. especially the Tabun and Banyur (1955 : 8-10). Dunselman's work on Mualang creation myths, and particularly the myth When he was full-grown, Keling disappeared to a 'place of Puyang Gana, also demonstrates striking similarities beneath the water where water-nympths live, and was with some of the Iban myths recounted by Jensen. educated by the most famous of these, Pupu' Perua. He then married Rurnang and wandered alone over the At this juncture I think it best to summarize briefly the heavens until eventually his wife brought him back to contents of some of Dunselman's work which will serve the land of the Buah Ihna, of which Panggau forned to illustrate some of the parallels and differences the centre. - ;Originally tht Lana liv.ed toge ther with human Besides Panggau and Gelong, there are a number of other -3ual'ang and rt beoples , but subsequently divided places nentioned in the Kana. These are: .- from them before rile .,xualang . ana3. others left Tarnpun ~uah.9 These culture herues dis app eared 'to another Menua ujunq (or Ujung Penanggpng Tiang or A1.i Z ,place3, but they could still take on a visible shape Plabu) - a place beneath the water where and cam to the aid of human s. Dun selman states that Meningan Rangkang (or'Iba' Sawa' Elanang) and , .the-Buah Kana are believed t o belon g to this world his sister Dara Perua (or Pupu' Perua) live. (dhnia) and not to the heavens ~~anqiI. t) , nor to the The inhabitants of this world are descended . -land of the dead (sehaydn). It is also believed that from sacred water creatures and can punish the Buah Kana will e\rent ually return and the heroic, humans for wrong-doing. It is said that the golden age will he re stored. deity of the water is Raja Juata. The Buah Kana live in different of which 2. Menua Remang - the 'cloudy' heaven, home of Panggau Libau is the most famous. This is the house the headhunter Ketimbang Kaya/Agung and his of Laja (or Kedi), Keling and his half-brother Ijau -sister Kumang Raminsan (or ~un~gang/~nggang). (also called Lalayang Ilenang, Bunga Pluing and Jalak). It is said Sempendai Lima is the ruler of They each have sisters - Dara Lantan Sekumbang is the the cloudy heaven. sister of Laja; Kumang Pantang or Dara Tengah P.laua is the sister of Keling; and Pantang Temus Manis Nyamai 3. Menua Jelayan Kaya, situated in the heavens (also called Dabung Nyala) is Ijau's sister. Other proper (~enuaLanqit), the home of Jelayan named inhabitants of Panggau are Tali Undi (f.) and Kaya, the pot-maker, and mender of broken 1' her brother Tungkai Tangga' Lulai ; Parabung Langit things, and his sister Ketingan Kumang or t (f.) and her brother Gesing Salau Lelang; Dara Imbuk Jawai Pudun. 1 t!a (f.) and her brother Bumbun (also called Manis Mua and Bujang Pandak Ranggang); Bendung (f.) and her 4. Menua Mananq, also in the heavens, the home brother Pungga3 ; Indai Abang (or Balun Belunan) (f. ) of the great seer or shaman Keliung Sengkayan and both her husband, Apai Abang (or Pantau Pejawan) Burung (also called Manang Mensunai, or Biku and her younger sister, Dara Tunsan Jawa. Another Kebayu or Alang Bunsu ~anan~)lOand his important house is Gelong (Gelung), where the heroes sister Kumang Jampang. Pandung (with his sister Bundong) and Remuyan (with his sister Kumang) live. Bundong became the wife of 5. Nibunq ~emali, the haunted forest, also Laja, and Kurnang, the wife of Keling. In his situated in the heavens, where spirits dwell courting of Kumang, Keling meets his greatest rival (e. g. antu puqak [the headless spirit], Bera ' Labong, who lives at Ayau. [spirit of a woman who died in childbirth] meny ungkai [female spirit which lusts after There is also a connection between the Buah Kana and men's genitals]). Java. Pungga', whose father is Tukang Kawah, is the first cousln of Mping Padi, a powerful ruler of Java 6. A border region between heaven and earth and Labai Lawai. Labong is related to Riai Ribai where the famous Jali Berani lives, surrounded Lawai who is called Ratu Sunan Solo. by enemies.

Chants which deal exclusively with the Buah Kana are 7. A border region on the way to heaven, high in called Kana Tangi, and a principle episode in them is the mountains, where Bujang Caing Celawang the struggle between Keling and Labong for the hand of (or Ramping Pinggang) dwells, the ruler of Icumang. These chants can be performed on any social the spirits which originate from anak ajanq occasion, while the Kana sera can only be delivered (babies who die under three months old and who during the marriage feast and must be given in full. are wrapped in a mat and placed in the branch of a tree). Gujau/Gojau Ternanggung B di who eventually left Tampun Juah with his followers.P3 They moved into the Upper Dunselman's second major publication uit de Litera- Ketungau, followed one of its tributaries, the Mualang, tuur . . . (1959a) comprises a number of Elualang chants and then settled at the foot of the mowtain Ramat. and oral texts. These include origin myths, the myths There they mixed with people from a nearby place cal+ed of Puyang Gana, Bui Nasi (Dasi), Potong Kempat, Keseka' Tanah Tabo' . Eventually migrants moved into the Aya and Burung Benang; chants delivered during the agricul- and Belitang. the two rivers now populated by Kualang. tural cycle, which also recount the origin of certain t farming practices; chants by young and adult males, A second origin story concerns the people of Tanah dwelling in a forest hut while engaged in hunting, Tabo'. They are descended from Kaseka' Busung, who gathering or head-hunting; chants delivered during married Dara Jantung, the child of Petara Guru. They the collection of honey from lalau trees; a praise- I had a son, Bujang Panjang, and it was this man who song to a Malay ruler; fragments of a lullaby sung by I entered into an incestuous union with the youngest women while their menfolk are away on a head-hunt; and sister of his mother. His maternal grandfather. Petara finally pieces of a chant used on the reception of a Guru, had to sacrifice a pig to remove the ill-luck head to the village. following on incest. The couple had no issue, and I Dujang Panjang remarried and had a son, Guntur. IIe in Perhaps it is worth briefly summarizing the origin turn had a son, Tinting Ilenjangin, who himself had myths. They contain some characters know to Iban. two sons, Sangi' and Mari' , and a daughter Dayang The two mythical ancestors a Tarnpun Juah are Ambun Burung Benang. In one story it is this daughter who Nenurun and Pulcat Menpawan. li They gave birth to married Demong Rui' , ruler of the Embaloh Dayaks in seven sons and three daughters. The eldest son was the Upper Kapuas. It was from this marriage that Puyang Gana, who was born with only one arm and one some Plualang inherited 'aristocratic' rank (suka) . leg (cf. Iban Pulang ~ana).12 Me became the spirit/ An interesting feature of Kualang society is that they deity of the earth, met the ruler of the earth-spirits have three established ranks: bansa suka (aristo- Raja Suasa, and married the latter's daughter, Dara crats), orang me1 uar/menua (commoners) and bansa MerejatlMarajat who was leprous. The second son was melawang (slaves). This relatively long-settled, Puyang Belawan, the ancestor of the Buah Kana. He hierarchical 'Ibanic' population in the ICapuas con- begot Gerunung Emas whose daughter was Tikal Bidang, trasts with their mobile, pioneering and more egali- the mother of Keling. The third child was a daughter tarian Iban cousins. Dara Genuk; the fourth, a son, Bejit Manai. The latter is reputed to be the ancestor of human Mualang. He In these myths and the Kana sera there are also ref- gave various customs to the Mualang and together with erences to Sengalang (Tengalang) Eurung. Apparently, his sister, Dara Kanta', is associated with the seven in the Mualang language, sengalang means 'gifted with principal onen-birds (van Naerssen 1951-2 : 146). The supernatural powers' , but unlike the Iban case, fifth child was a boy, Belang Patung; the sixth, a boy, Sengalang Burung is a collective term for the seven Belang Pinggang; the seventh a son, Belang Bau; the principal omen birds.14 I have been unable to discover eighth, a daughter, Dara Kanta' ; the ninth, a beautiful the names of all seven birds from Dunselman's writings, daughter, Potong Kernpat, who contracted leprosy and but those which do appear accord closely with Iban who became the wife of llaji Flelayu, the ruler of Nanga onen birds. They are ketupong/ketupunq, beragai/bara- Sepauk. These gave various marriage customs to the gai, gamuas, papua and bejarnpung. The kenyalang, Or Mualang. The tenth child was Bui Nasi, a son, who Rhinoceros Hornbill, as with Iban, is not considered was the first to learn about rice and himself became to be one of the seven omen birds. It is designated a 'rice-spirit' . as dernia, usually a general term for animal tutelary spirits. Telanjing is a term given to animal spirits The genealogy from the fourth child Bejit Manai runs which protect head-hunters and shamans in particular. through three or four generations (1950 :2; 1959a: 7) to A title of the tutelary spirits of 'things' rather than animals in sengiang. Dunselman tells us that 4. leman Pati : this enumerates the earlier Malay the kenyalang is the 'focus' of an important festival pati or rulers of the area from Sintang down- (gawai). A wooden figure representing the head of a stream through Belitang, Sepauk. Sekadau, hornbill is placed on a large ironwood pole (kenyawir Sanggau to Pontianak. These are followed by a ucung or teras) after a successful head-hunt. list of Dayak rulers of the Mualang, Tabun, Banyur, Tanjung, Desa and Bui. 15 Dunselman's other publications comprise a paper on Mualang marriage customs (1950), two further articles 5. angkat: (lit. 'the rising'). Here the chanter on Mualang marriage chants (1959b; 1961), and one rises and visits all the apartments (bilik) on 'Mualang titles' which includes praise-names (e . g. of the . Singa, Macan, Lang Laut) and terms for official posi- tions (1958). Of these, the paper on marriage prac- 6. pansan: (lit. 'the passing by'). He recounts tices, and one of the pieces on marriage chants called all important places in the environs of the ngebau tajau are the most interesting. I will briefly longhouse. summarize these. The description of Mualang marriage includes sections on the phases of marriage beginning 7. leman peta: this sets out the various prohi- with the asking for a female's hand (betunang) through bitions to be observed at a feast. the official engagement (berpintak) to the marriage proper. It mentions the gifts exchanged between the 8. bangkai: here words are addressed to the two parties to the marriage, and the fines associated chicken which is to be sacrificed. with incest, divorce, separatioh , marriage without the proper procedures etc. Finally, the origins of 9. nginjau jari: (lit. 'the borrowing of hands') certain customs relating to marriage are traced back asking for the spiritual assistance of former to Potong Kempat, Haji Melayu, Bujang Panjang, Bui great head-hunters (tua') and the Buah Kana. EJasi and Bejit Planai. 10. leman pelelat : here the chanter calls for all The ngebau tajau, the subject of the second paper, kinds of favours, e. g. the fruitfulness of the is held before the main Kana Sera and is a chant per- earth, crops. etc. formed during a sacrificial offering presented to a sacred jar. The chant is divided into a number of 11. mimpi: the bad dreams of the bride and groom sections, as follows : are exorcized.

1. tempa1: this includes an account of the 12. ayu: the chanter asks for his soul and that formation of the earth by the 'creation of the married couple to be strengthened. bird' , and the creation of man and animals. These then are the main items which Dunselman has 2. leman penduduk: it tells of the first published on the Elualang and which, I maintain, should inhabitants or founders of the principal receive more attention from students of the Iban. For places in West Kalimantan ranging from too long the political boundary between Malaysian and Java which is said to lie 'opposite the Indonesian Borneo, but more particularly the fact that Kapuas estuary ' , through Pontianak , Landak , much of the Kalimantan material is in Dutch, has dis- Sanggau, Sekadau, Sintang, Selimbau, couraged scholars who have worked among peoples in the Embaloh-Leboyan to the ' Sekarang' and northern third of the island from using data from the 'Kenyawit' . south, and from viewing Borneo as a whole. Admittedly there are vast gaps in Kalimantan ethnography since very 3. leman basa: this section gives the origins little recent anthropological fieldwork has been under- of custom law stemming from such figures as taken there. However, this should not lead us to ne- Puyang Gana, and from spirits and ghosts. glect what material is available on Icalimantan peoples. Occasionally their home is placed in the neigh- I hope this brief paper has illustrated that some data bourhood of Semitau. in Dutch is of value provided English-speaking scholars are prepared to widen their horizons and make use of it. In Tampun Juah Mualang learned thfir customs, laws The fact that many of the peoples in Sarawak, and indeed and rituals and the appropriate offerings to Sabah, have close relatives to the south of the border Petara. Puyang Gana, Sengalang Burung, and other should, I hope, lead to a greater emphasis on Kalimantan deities and spirits. studies in future. It is said that the souls of dead shamans go to Rabung, a mountain in the upper Yetungau. Ordinary men ' s souls , however, eventually dis- li NOTES solve into dew and are absorbed by the ears of rice (IJestenenk 1897 : 310).

I 1. My original estimates of 10,000-11,000 now seem The creator was Petara (Batara) Guru, who made mduly high (1974: 32 ; 1975b : 1241). man from a kumpang tree. 2. See A.B. Hudson (1371:304, 306) for the term See Bouman (1923-4:285-9) on the myths of Pulang/ 'Ibanic', although it must be mentioned that from Puyang/Piang Gana and Bui Nasi collected from the point of view of historical precedent and the Desa, Seberuang, Sekubang, and Sekaj anm indigenous ethnic identification the term ' Ibanic' peoples in the Sepauk river to the south of the may well meet with certain objections. Mualang. Also see Heynen (1937:24-8) for I similar myths from the Ketungau. 1 3. See also Cnthoven (1903: 397), Bournan (1923-24: I 285-9; 1924: 184-9) and van Naerssen (1951-52: 145) There is also a story of the division of peoples at Tampun Juah after the eating of mushrooms. 4. In the 1950s Kualang numbered about 8,000 souls. The mushrooms induced a drunken stupour and when Nany had come under Catholic influence. See also everyone woke up they found that they spoke Dunselman (1351a: 22-31 ; 1951b : 71-5). different languages (cf. Iban) . 5. References to Kling and his group (which includes Kuhr talks of Hindu-Javanese-derived deities among Kurnang, Lulong, Laja, Pungga, Dara Lantan Sakum- the West Borneo Dayaks (1896:226-8). These bang, etc. ) crop up in a number of publications include Petara (Bat ara) , Duwata/ Jubata/Lebata/ on Sarawak Iban oral tradition. See, for Rebata (Dewata) and Sengiang (Sang Yang). example, Harrisson (1965 : 25) , Harrisson and Sandin (1966:64, 74, 86-7, 118, 138, 151-2, 181-2, 205, In the Kana Sera there are also references to 218, 226-8, 239-40, 262) and Sandin (1967:245, 257- the enemies of the Mualang. The Bui are said 8, 264-5, 267-8, 373, 383, 392-3, 395; 1977:35-6, to be related to the Iban, and to live on a 147, 186-8). More especially see Perham and tributary of the Batang Lupar. Other enemies are Brooke Law in Ling Roth (1965: 311-38) , and Dunn the Desa (near Sintang), Remm (along the Sekayam (1912: 135-54, 634-48; 1913:22-39 ; 1914 :494-528, river) , Bugau (the Ke tungau) , I.lentakai/Entakai 373-913; 1915-16: 332-57, 817-43). (north-east of Sanggau) and the Iban. Alliances were also made with the Ketungau peoples against 6. This is Dunselman's transcription. the Iban. Mualang had Embaloh and Pman slaves as well, captured in raids. 7. 'Lawai' is said to be an old name for the Kapuas river. -70- BIBLIOGRAPHY voor taal-, Land-en Volkenkunde, No. 17, Lei den, ilart inus Nij ho f f .

Ave. J.B Over Titels bii de Mualanjz-Da-iaks van 1977 Review of TkIban and their Religion ,by Kalimantan ~arat(kJest ~oke6,Het Missie- Erik Jensen, Bijdragen tot de Taal- , Land- werk- 39:166-72. en Volkenkunde 133: 382-6. Uit de Literatuur der Mualang-Daj aks. Bouman, M.A. Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land-en 1923-24 Een Dajaksch Scheppingsverhaal, Mederlandsch- Volkenkunde, The Hague, Martinus Nijhof f. Indie Oud en Nieuw 8:285-9. Gezanrzen behorend tot het Huwelijkscere- 1924 Ethnografische Aanteekeningen omtrent de monieel der Mualang-Daj aks , ~nthio~os Gouvernements landen in de boven-Kapoeas , 54:460-74. Westerafdeeling van Eorneo, ~ijdschri ft voor Indische Taal- , Land-en Volkenkunde 64: N ebau Tada'u, een Kosmogonie der Mualang- 173: 95. D-~opon 56 : 409- 37.

Cense, A.A. and E.M. Uhlenbeck Enthoven , J . J . K. 1958 Critical Survey of Studies on the Languages 1903 Bij dragen tot de Geographie van Borneo's of Borneo, Ibninklijk Instituut voor lb&sterafdeeling (2 vols. ) , Leiden, Brill. Taal-, Land-en Volkenkunde, Bibliographical Series 2, The Hague, Plartinus Nijhoff. Harrisson . Tom 1965 Borneo-Writing, Bij dragen tot de Taal-, Dunn, E. Land-en ~olkenkmTe121 : 1-5 7. 1912/1913/1914/1915-16 The Mengap Bungai Taun, the 'Chant of the Flowers of the Year'. 1965 The Malohs of Kalimantan. Ethnological Anthro os 7:135-54; 634-48; 8:22-39; 9:494- Notes. srawak Museum Journal 13:236-350. ms+

the interde~endk-ofec~nom~.-- -- social for some 20 percent of the State's rice output. ' , -- ~~ organisationLand rituals ' in hill padi culti- vation; the way in which the padi spirits are The Government has given strong emphasis to increasing looked upon as possessing a society of their rice production by concentrating on wet-padi production. own and the reverence with which each family's However, it is unlikely that hill padi cultivation will 'padi pun' or strain of sacred rice is treated; dramatically decrease in view of the socio-economic factors associated with the hill-padi crop, and the limited oppor- (ii) the minor crops interp'lanted with hill padi and tunity in the remote areas for cultivation of swamp padi the opportunities which visits to the hill padi because of the hilly terrain. farm give for foraging for wild edible plants and for hunting; Generalizations About Place Names: Some Borneo Examples (iii) the superior taste of hill rice as compared with other r.ice; Allen R. Maxwell The University of Alabama (iv) the desire to produce at least some of the family's yearly requirement of rice; Richards raises a number of points regarding place names in Borneo (1978:24-27). with some of which I find myself in (v) the need to establish or maintain rights over concurrence, others in disagreement. The subject of toponon land which is required by working on a padi farm. is often neglected and deserves greater attention from anthr pologists and other cultural specialists. The numbers beloa Problems Arising from Shifting Cultivation refer to divisions in Richards' discussion; section titles have been added here, where appropriate. The annual practice of hill-padi planting has given rise to three major problems in the State: 1. River "bankness" orientation. In Anglo-American culture orientation to the right bank and left bank of a river is wi (i) A heavy loss of valuable timber due to the the direction of the rlver flow (e.g., C0D:s.v.). In the felling of virgin or old secondary jungles for Malay culture of Brunei, orientation to the subalah kanan shifting cultivation; 'right bank' and subalah kayri (or kiri) 'left bank' of a river is against the direction of the river fly,w. Thus, the (ii) soil erosion leading to the depletion of soil. is nothing at all "natural" about. Malay river bankness" This results from the clearing of steep hills orientation except in a purely ad hoc way. Both systems and the practice of relatively short fallow of orientation are equally arbitrary (cf. Sahlins 1976). Commitment to a position that the Halay system is "natural" implies that the Anglo-American system is "non-natural," since it is the logical obverse of the former. But there is no reason to give logical priority to either system. The one such prominent tapjug on the lower Labu River not far two systems are simply examples of different cultural upstream from the mouth. tajljug lapjar is about one and a logics (Sahlins 1976) . half miles long and straight, an uncommon phenomenon on the lower reaches of a meandering riv r The local ethno- 2. The alleged relation between batanq - tree - trunk - historic explanation for this extraor2i;ary landform featur branches remains spurious unless it can be demonstrated is that awag simawn , the great Brunei culture hero, was that batanq referring to 'trunk' and batanq referring to paddling on the Labu River and happened to nod off to sleep 'river' represents a clear case of polysemy and not one of When his canoe struck the river bank, the tremendous power homonymy. Given the present state of etymological knowledge from one of his strokes cut through the point of land and the underdeveloped state of semantic theory, it seems (taPjui/), forming a ditch which became the river course. doubtful whether this condition can be met. As one informant put it, "This is why the Labu River near tapjut) lapjar is very long and straight, there are no bends Regarding the change of a river's name at the juncture of (sabappa, sugay labu dakat twjur) lapjar papjag sakali, a major tributary, I cannot speak to the Sarawak examples. lurus, ndada balinqkuk - lapjar has the meaning 'stretched However, an interesting case was noted in the Temburong out'). District of Brunei. Many maps and publications indicate that the easterly river flowing into the southernmost part 4. Topon ic changes. Changes in place names can be helpf. of Brunei Bay is the Temburong River (SUIJ~~tamburuq - the cuesdnterpretation of historical developments (Wolt, westerly river is the Pandaruan). This identification is 1967) as well as the ethnohistorical understanding of a plal also utilized by Bruneians living in the capital area of In each case it is important to ascertain the linguistic ant Brunei District, most of whom have little occasion to visit cultural provenience of the toponyms concerned, before pro- Temburong District. About three miles upstream from the ceeding to try to establish an etymology. The main headwatl embouchure into Brunei Bay, according to this classification, of the Labu River is known locally as the sugay labu lutut, is the mouth of the Labu River (sugay labu). However, to the word lutut does not refer to 'knee' as it is not a Mala: villagers living upstream in the Labu Valley, it is the word. It is a word referring to the ever-presen. Temburong River which empties into the Labu River, and the 'clouded' (Kad. kabut) condition of the water in the stream latter which has its mouth (kwala labu) at the southernmost (The common Kadayan term for 'knee,' in any case is tuhut, end of Brunei Bay. Thus the question arises: Does A empty although lutut is known by virtually everyone.) Thus it into B or does B empty into A? There is no way to answer would be improper to analyze the place name labu lutut as i: this question based on the physical environmental character- it were a Malay form, although it appears to be one. Whethc istics of this small part of Borneo. Geological and topo- this form will undergo a regularization by Malay semantics graphic histories of the local landscape, however interesting in the future it is impossible to say. The etymology from they may be, are irrelevant. The question is fundamentally the Lun Bawang form is widely known to the Kadayan present11 ethnographic. The closest attention possible needs to be living in the area. paid to local patterns of usage, not only to the classifi- cation itself, but also to the commentaries people offer on Aconscious change in a place name was encountered which the classification. Kadayan villagers of the upper Labu reflects the slow shift that has been taking place in the (ulu labu) claim a kind of authority of familiarity on the area during the twentieth century, from a non-Muslim Lun classification of which river flows into which, mentioned Bawang (Murut) population to a Muslim, Kadayan population. earlier. They state that the categorization found in many The present village of kampuq pyasawpyasaw before the earl) published sources is simply wrong. 1950s was known as kampug tukaqug. tukaqug was stated to be a Lun Bawang form, reflecting the fact that the early 3. In Kadayan, the term tapjug is applied to the long inhabitants of the Labu River valley were Murut, although stretch of land on a river bank which is bounded on the the Kadayan did not know a meaning for the term. (One old upstream and downstream ends by bends in a river, as well as and very knowletgeable Lun B?wang man indicated that to capes and promontories of both sea and river. There is tukagsg was a spirit naga, also known as tamakar .) A District Officer suggested the change, indicating that it was more fitting for a Malay (i.e., in this case, Muslim) 6. The Content of Place Names (cont.). The contents of village not to have a Murut name. placeames ment~n~o~esimilar to the examples mentioned by Richards (1978:26). It would be interesting The new name of the village, however, can be a semantic to know the extent to which comemorat~onof biological trap for the unwary toponomist. The place name pyasaw- and physical characteristics of the environment is a pyasaw could represent either l., the form pyasawpyasaw regular phenomenon between different languages and cultures 'all sorts of coconuts,"reduplicated from the root pyasaw in Borneo and elsewhere. One common source of potential 'coconut(s),' or 2., pyasawpyasaw 'An lesia s lendens,' + confusion, however, lies in the common prefix si-, sa-, a tree variety with very hard wood w-fi%i--+ LC grows In t e sa-, or sa-, if Malay linguistic influence has been present. forest around the village. In fact the village place name I Either of at least two different Halay prefixes might be is considered locally to have the former meaning, deriving + involved: si- 'PERSON MARKER,' or sa- 'one-.' While no from a once large stand of coconut palms (of which only a cases of the latter were uncovered, it cannot be ruled out few remain) located on the opposite.bank of the Labu River that examples will be discovered in the future. Numerous just below the present village landing dock. While both examples of place names with the prefixsi-.were encountered. possible etyma of this place name were encountered during For certain of them it can be accurately determined that the first stages of field work, the locally relevant the person prefix is part of the place names, as three explanation was not discovered until near the end of the landings have been named after individuals the writer is research period. acquainted with (pagkalan siadin, pagkalan sibali, pag- kalan sitam, commemorating Adin, Bali, and Hitam - morpho- 5. The Content of Place Names. It is difficult to make phonemically in Kadayan, si- + hi tam > si tam) . sounfieneralizafioabo~e semantic content "comemo- rated" in place names outside the analysis of data sets 7. Problems. First, with respect to the name mukah, of the town and river of coastal Third Division, Sarawak, collected within a particular local environment. Such I generalizations may or may not be false, depending on there is at least one published explication of that name. findings from the analysis of toponymic data. Given the The author claims that some sailors followed the face (muka) present state of our knowledge it is hard to imagine that of a beautiful woman in the sky to the shore; and that any such generalizations could have any general cross-lin- "Over the years the spelling has changed to Mukah" (Sham- guistic and cross-cultural validity. The further question suddin 1967:8). Archer, however, claims that the pronun- of intra-linguistic and intra-cultural variability in patterns ciation is mukah, rather than muka (1949:100), and is corro- of place naming remains unaddressed. borated by Druce who would have to be considered an authorit on this point, as a native speaker of Malanaw (1949:103). A preliminary analysis of about 75 toponyms, for which I While Richards may be right that these are " . . . obvious informant interpretations are available, collected in the meanings that are evidently false (~ukah,fornication or course of ethnographic and linguistic research with the I Muka, face) probably from being interpreted in the wrong Kadayan of the Labu Valley, Temburong District, Brunei, indi- language" (1978:26), such cannot be assumed a rlorl, but cated a wide range of semantic contents in use (Maxwell 1977). needs to be established ethnographically, ana burce This tabulation shows 26 names commemorate the activities of language determtned if possible. Assessing the ethno- ordinary people; 36, biological and physical characteristics ? graphic validity of mukah could prove to be a sensitive of the environment; 8, miscellaneous cultural activities; and matter. 5, the activities of extraordinary beings, including culture heroes. Further data collection is needed to obtain infor- Second, with respect to unexplained or undiscovered names. mant interpretation for scores of other toponyms already the toponymist is in a special kind of predicament. If obtained. It will then be possible to construct generali- the informant or informants one asks about a place name zations for the names in use in a particular locale which I cannot explicate it or do not know it at all, to whom does have empirical corroboration. one turn? Unlike many other kinds of social and cultural I information, particular toponymic data may not be widely shared by members of a social group. It seems that some amount of serendipity must accompany a successful toponomist 8. Things-May-Be-Other-Than-They-Seem.The lesson of in a strange landscape. Richards' embuas example probably cannot be overstated. In the headwaters of the Labu River there is a river, a hill. There is no way to disprove the contention that a landscape and a pool all sharing a single place n'ame: sugay sarumah, feature is unnamed other than to discover a place'name for bukit sarumah, and luaqan sarumah, ~&le superficially it. One is more likely to succeed in more densely populated sarumah might look like 'one house' (ignoring that such a areas where larger numbers of individuals routinely have form properly should take a grammatical classifier, e:g., opportunities and needs to refer to places in the environ- sabuah rumah), such is not the case. The name is derlved ment by use of a terminological label. Thus collecting locally from the presence of a large number of trees of the place names in sparsely populated or unpopulated areas will variety referred to as kayu sarumah or kayu sarumahsarumah. often prove a difficult task, However, it seems somewhat Comparing informant description of this tree with that of rash to conclude that a place has no name, unless it is only Burkill, this is likely the latter's Fa raea i antea (1966 meant that one is unable to discover it. There is no way to s .v.) . This and Richard's example il&e%kT&iger of distinguish between a place that 2s unnamed and a place for facile conclusions about place names. In addition, the forr which one is unable to discover the name. Unless one is sarumah is not morphosemantically decomposable, being a able to discover a name, no conclusion can be reached that unitary simple lexeme (cf. 6., above). a place is either unnamed or named. This conclusion is valid because of the following two possibilities. First, a Place names inscribe cultural and social information onto name may be known, but the cultural tradition attaching it the landscape (Geertz 1973). These 'inscriptions' however to a particular location in the environment may have become are not static. They undergo phonological, morphological, lost. This situation would appear to pertain in the case of lexical and semantic remodeling as the cultures and languagc Ptolemaic place names for Southeast Asian geographical fea- of the inhabitants of the area change. Place names can be tures (cf. Wheatley 1961:138-176). Second, both the name helpful in disambiguating the complex overlapping of lingui. and the cultural tradition locating the place it applied to stic and social variables in the cultural 'prehistory' of a1 may have become lost. One would expect that this is the case area. Further they constitute an excellent source of data with large numbers of perfectly ordinary Sru place names to be utilized in ascertaining and delimiting the complex oj (cf. Harrisson 1949). meaning relations which are important in the everyday life ( human beings in a region. While I disagree with Richards 01 These points are raised because of the experience of this several points, his interest in bringing the importance of writer trying to collect place names in Brunei. Both Kadayan place names in understanding human settings in Borneo to om and Lun Bawang (in , 'Murut') informants main- attention is commendable. tained that names were widely applied to locations in the environment. For example along one stretch of the Labu river (Note: Research in Brunei was supported by National Insti- about 1 314 miles, or 3 kilometers, long near a village, 55 tute of Health Grant 1 TOL MK 11,231-01, and Wenner-Gren toponyms and 43 place names were recorded including synony- Foundation for Anthropological Research Pre-Doctoral Fellow- mous forms. (The difference made here between a toponym and ship No. 2173, and locally by the Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, a place name is the :allowing. In cases of forms like bukit Brunei.) tapallan, 'Hive Hill, and sugay tapagan, 'Hive River,' two toponyms are counted, but only one place name - tapagan; Bibliography: Archer, J.B.. 1949. "Melanau as it is spoken Maxwell 1977.) Numerous individuals often commented that (a review) . Sarawak Museum Journai 5 : 1 (n . s . ) : 98-102; ~urkil indeed there were many names of local places. Of course I.H., 1966, 4 Dietio-f the Zconomic Products of the Ma1 there were spots which were unnamed, but as indicated earlier Peninsula, 2,vols.,2nd edition, Kuala Lumpur, Ministry of it would be difficult to determine the difference between one Agriculture and Cooperatives; COD, 1966, The Concise Oxford or more informants not being aware of an already existing Dictionary of Current English, ed. by H.W. Fowler and F.G. name for a location versus there being no existing name for Fowler. Fifth edition revised by E. McIntosh. Oxford, that location. Clarendon Press; Druce, Austin, 1949, "A Malanau comment on the Above!' LJ.B. Archer, "Melanau as it is spoken (a review1 Sarawak Museum Journal 5:l (n.s.):102-103; Geertz, Clifford, participants were men and women with responsible posi- 1973, he Interpretation of Culture, pp. 3-30, New York, tions in their respective countries, and members of Basic Books, Inc.; Harrisson. Tom. 1949. "The Srus and Four various disciplines--music education, composition, lingui- Stone ~iguresfrom Sarawak," . ~ulletinok the Raffles Museum, stics, anthropology, ethnomusicology, dance, piano and Series B. No. 4, pp. 117-122; Hasan bin Pulcul and P.S. Ashton, 1 ranaad (Thai xylophone) playing, dancing and the art of n.d., A Checklist of Brunei Trees, Brunei; Maxwell, Allen R., the dalang (puppeteer). The official representatives were 1977, "~adayan (ethno) toponymy as ethnohistory," Paper 1 U Han Win (Burma), N. Revel-Macdonald (France, UNESCO presented at the 76th Annual Meeting of the American Anthro- + delegate), I Made Bandem (Indonesia), Firdaus Burhan pological Association, Houston; Richards, A.J.N.. 1978, "A I (Indonesia), R. Wiranto (Indonesia), Wayan Geriya (Indo- Note-on Borneo Place Names," ~orneo~esearch ~ulletin 10.1 : nesia), Jean Joseph Rakotoarison (Madagascar), Ayub bjn 24-27; Sahlins, Marshall, 1976, Culture and Practical Reason, Ismail (Malaysia) , Abdul Fatah Kirim (Malaysia) , Jose Chicago, The University of Chicago Press; Shamsuddin, A.K. Maceda (Philippines), Edith Abisheganaden (Singapore), 1967, "Mukah." in Anon.. How Thev Were Named. Kuchine. I Virot Tantranon (Thailand), and Sirichaicharn Fackjamroon I ~orneo~iteriture ~ureau. UP. 1-6.. Wheatlev. '~aul.1361. (Thailand) . The Golden Khersonese, ~tuhiesin-the ~istoricalGeography of The Malay Peninsula betore A,D. 1500, Kuala Lumpur. University The workshop opened on March 29, 1977, with speeches of

~- ~ welcome in Jakarta by Drs. Firdaus Arnir, Secretary-General of Malava Press: Wolters., O.W.-~ 19b/.~, Earlv Indonesian Commerce. ~thaca,'~.~., cornell University Press. ' '! of the Indonesian National Commission for UNESCO, Dr. James McDivitt, Director and Chief of Mission of UNESCO in Indonesia, and Drs. Suwandono, Director of the Pembinaan Kesenian, who spoke on behalf of Professor I.B. Mantra, Director-General for Culture of the Department of Educa- NEWS AND ANNOUNCEMENTS tion and Culture. Following the plenary speeches, Dr. JOS~Maceda was elected chairman, Mr. I Made Bandem, vice- chairman, and Miss Shanta Abisheganaden as rapporteur of Report of A Music Workshop the workshop. Mr. Bandem read a paper on "A Social and In EST K-antan Cultural Background of Peoples of Kalimantan Timur," based -- on an exploratory trip he and Drs. Firdaus Burhan took in Jose/ Maceda Kalimantan Timur in 1975, and on contributions provided by University of the Philippines Drs. Wayan Geriya. Dr. Maceda discussed field methods-- technics of tape-recording, measurement of flute stops, Introduction description of rites and ceremonies as cultural background- and laboratory methods involving cataloguing, filing, class In accordance with a recommendation of the Advisory Com- fication of data, distribution studies, and the writing of mittee for "A Study of Malay Culture," in its meeting in monographs and glossaries of musical terms. Dr. N. Revel- Bali in 1974, the Directorate General of Culture of the Macdonald talked about the different languages of Borneo, Department of Education and , in certain problems that might arise in the field, and the cooperation with the Indonesian National Commission for collection of song-texts with illustrations o:E work done UNESCO (and with the sponsorship of UNESCO), convened a in the Philippines. workshop that took place primarily in Kalimantan Timur, from March 29 to April 23, 1977. The purpose of the work- The following day, the team of about 15 people flew to shop was to have Southeast Asian countries work together Balikpapan, drove to Samarinda from where, after a for a practical application of theories of music research reception at the Governor's office, the group, enlarged by and arrive at common methodologies of investigation and about 15 officials and other representatives from Sama- cataloguing of material useful for the performing and rinda, proceeded en route along the Mahakam River, the creative arts, the social sciences, and mass media. The widest and longest in . More than a year before the workshop took place, an Indonesian team visited some villages in the Klinjau and the Telen branches of the Mahakam, and it is on the basis of this earlier visit that an itinerary of travel was prepared for the workshop to visit seven or more kampong rather than just one or two along these two rivers. One day to three days were spent I in each village, making a total of three weeks fieldwork and 1000 kilometers travel to and from Samarinda. Two small motor boats, called taxi-boats, with low roofs, each + holding fifteen people, brought the workshop group through I its travel. Although it was a long and tiring journey for I a large group of people in cramped surroundings, it was 7 a unique field experience which brought immediate results to the researchers. Dense jungles with a great variety of timber being hauled downstream, villages of different ethnic groups, fog, heat, humidity, rainstorms and an ever- winding river, brown in color with all kinds of currents, 1 whirlpools, and floating debris, were among the scenes, living things, objects, elements, and sensations experienced by the team in its travel. The names of villages visited and the people that live in 1 them are listed below:2 i Villages on the Klinjau River Linguistic Group of People I Muara Anchalong (Ancalong) Icutai, Bugis, Banj ar I Long Bentuq (Bentuk), a I settlement about 35 years,old with 400 people Modang Long LeqEs (Lees), a settlement 35 years old with 2800 people Kenyah umaq b& Tanjung Manis, settled only a few years ago, with 300 people Kenyah umaq taw Villages on the Telen River Linguistic Group of People ! I Long Noran, new village with 510 people Kenyah l&ppoq kulit Long Segar, new settle- 4 ment with 210 families and 2 mission churches Kenyah umaq j alan ~e'h'e's Liah Bing, village more than 100 years old with 750 people Modang I I Klinjau, Telen, and-wahau Rivers. I Long Wehyah, new settle- ment with more than 105 people Modang Miau Baru settled in 1961, now has 1300 # people Kayan umaq le?san In comparison with villages in the head waters of the Mahakam, the above kamponq are relatively new settlements. Their inhabitants are, except for those in Muara Anchalong, who originally came from the "apoq Kayan," or the Upper Mahakam and Kayan river systems. Among some Dayak groups, the immigration to the Telen and Klinjau took a long time. With the Kayan of Miau Baru, it lasted several years and was a very difficult journey--by motor I O Kayon and paddle-boats, by foot through jungles, sometimes staying in a place for months to gather food and build their boats in which they travelled. Although these Dayak are nominally Christians (some groups were converted in Kutai I 1945, before they moved down the Mayakam), they have preserved in certain ways and i,n varying degrees their I old cultures. The Modang of ~eh6sLiah Bing make up about the oldest settlement in these two rivers, and their rituals and customs are held intact. Each village that the workshop visited provided a welcome ceremony and an elaborate music program in which the music culture was well represented. It was of course impossible to examine in detail the different social contexts under which these musics were performed, but, on the other hand, these presentations brought quickly to the visitors specific information and a panoramic view of the music in the Klinjau and Telen River areas. Welcome Ceremonies and Programs In Muara Anchalong (Mixed linguistic groups: Kutai, Bugis, Banjar)

A welcome ceremony (tepung tewar) was arranged by the government officer (chamat) of the district. The guests KALIMANTAN TIMUR: were made to sit in a new bamboo platform built in tiers. Distribution of Linguistic Groups. Each visitor was blessed with leaves (daun dadap) of the dada tree to give strength, and yellow rice (beras kuning) Their corresponding musical to cfean the body. Coconut leaves (memakai plas) , soaked instruments are listed in the table. in coconut.water (a~rkelapa), were made to brush lightly the fegt of each visitor. Then, a program of Suku Kutai sv music followed: 3, tong luk tLgguk, percussion tubes struck with a stick. 4. nqgluy, song for the feast of a child, sung by a chorus 1. tari kanjar, welcome dance by six girls with musical of seven women and three men. accompaniment on the bronze xylophone (saron), a 5. tomboya, a lullaby, sung by the wife of the kepala adat. double-headed drum (kendanq), and a suspended gong 6. gong and drum patterns. o (gong). 2. kanjar laki-laki, another dance with music played on Scenes of a Harvest Celebration (&raw ell^) the saron, kendanq, and gong. 3. tari jepen, dance by three children with music of the 1. szng (mortar): about ten men and women pounded rice three-string bowed lute, and in two long mortars, one with three holes and a shorter gambus, kendang, gong. one with two holes. 4. . tari belian, dance by one man accompanied by the saron, gong, and kendang. 2. p&n&ling IE~mah ling, shifting and sieving pounded 5. tari jepen laki-laki, dance by three men with musical rice amidst shouting and beating of gongs and drums. accompaniment on the qambus and kendang. 3. pah6n, a tug-of-war between one man and five women. Each side took its turn to win. In Long Bentuq (Linguistic group: Modang) 4. tgmbkm bataq, a dance in small steps, accompanied by a drum and gong. The welcome ceremony (tepung tewar) which was dedicated to 5, hudoq, a fertility dance performed by thirteen men, Pok Jeke, began with the sacrifice of a chicken which was seven of whom wore masks and costumes made of banana to prevent spirits from disturbing the proceedings. The and palm leaves. Those with masks had the names wan visitors formed a line and as each one walked past the head- tb'nqqap, wan ponlis, wan h&poy, wan yak, wan manliu, man or authority of local traditions (kepala adat), he waved wan wadyao, wan &woa, and wan p6nn~ng. They representel feathers of the tengkoq bird over his head. With a chicken's animals or characters who chase malevolent spirits egg, he touched their foreheads to get rid of bad spirits preventing a good harvest. HU~O~without masks are that may lurk inside their bodies. A receptionist stepped slaves or messengers of the masked hudoq. They carry forward and, as a symbol of unity, she tied a bracelet with seeds of rice, root crops, fruits, sugar cane, and one bead around the wrist of each visitor. coconut to the villages. 6. jong nyelong, a song by a big group of men and women. Music Program I (before dinner) A ~6lianCeremony. 1. Kway hgn was danced by nineteen girls and six boys to the accompaniment of a long tubular drum (tdwung) and The dance was led by two male mediums who were followed by two suspended gongs (&ong) as entertainment for a six women playing on bamboo tubes. One bglian waved an egg child's ritual, a wedding, or an ancestor's worship. over the whole body of the sick person in order to catch 2. t&b&'m batag, a dance to celebrate a victory in a the bad spiri.t. The egg could not be broken, lest the headhunting raid. spirit escape and get inside the body of other people. The 3. jong nye'long. About 25 women danced to a choral offerings of the ceremony were uncooked white rice (bras), singing in celebration of Lraw anak, a feast in honor a chicken (jip), and a long knife (mandaw). of a child. I 4. kanjZt p&atay , a warrior 's dance performed by four men. Y Games of Gasinq, Giant Tops Music Program I1 (after dinner) Adult men play this game. One man spins his top and each other man successively tries to hit it or knock out any 1. l&nq mi-ng b'ngqZt, "a sad expression," played by two top spinning on the ground. If one missed, others followed. ring flutes (lukunwut) one after the other, The man's top which was the last one spinning won the game. 2. luang kkdjaw , "lament for the dead," music for the jew's harp (tong ~uw&)played by three women, In Long L~~Es(Linguistic Group: Kenyah umaq bhm) 2. lesung undat. A group of.about twenty young boys and girls pounded rice in a long wooden mortar with an As the long boats of the workshop team approached the elongated trough. They shouted, screamed, and beat village, the visitors were made to land on the river bank gongs (ggong), long drums (jatun ), and bamboo tubes opposite the village. Two long boats came and ferried ( jatung but) in an atmosphere oFgeneral merriment. the guests across to a floating pier or raft of giant logs, A man with a mask and a blow-pipe, udoq punan ke/zput, on which the visitors disembarked. Each person, one behind representing the Punan people, appeared and simulated the other, climbed a ladder, really a steep log with notches, ,' food gathering and hunting. The rice was pounded for step by step on each notch, to the top of the log from where a long time, until it became a fine grain. After the group touched land. A welcome ceremony followed. One sifting and sieving, it was mixed with sugar and cookc by one, as the visitors passed by and stopped in front of \ to a proper consistency in an iron pan. Small portio~ the kepala adat, he waved a small chicken over their heads were molded with the palm of the hand and wrapped in to chase away evil spirits. He sprinkled water on their banana leaves, ready for serving. feet to make their stay a happy one. Then, the group was led to a longhouse, on to one side of a wide passageway In Tanjung Manis (Linguistic Group: iCenyah umaq taw) where the rest of the ceremony and program took place. Program. Music Program 1. Reception. The whole troupe was led into the longhouse 1. A long line of men in colorful costumes walked in slow where guests were offered sugar cane, papaya, bananas measured steps, led by the headman who also initiated tea, and sticky rice. a responsorial singing. When the line reached the 2. A replica of the hornbill, suwi tkmanggang, was carried visitors, each man with a small tube of honey (tgllang in a slow procession of five men and five women from layuk) offered each visitor a drink. a house in the village to the longhouse located midwa: 2, kanjst juluq, a welcome dance performed by about twenty- between two points opposite the village. As the three men and women. headman received the bird, its feet were placed 3, jatung utang, a wooden xylophone, a solo performance grasping a bar tied across the mouth of an open with no dance. jar. The bird is a symbol of peace and the chain 4. kanjst p6patqya warrior's dance by two women accompanied linking it to the jar signifies the unity of all by the music of four sampsq . the Kenyah people. 5. kanjzt kuwaq. TWO women with big hornbill feathers tied 3. The song of Hule Huning is a war song, sung by two to each hand, danced on a large gong lying on the floor. brothers, Euning and Jima, to encourage the Umaq Taw 6. kanjst tgnq6n lgttdh. The dance is similar to the in a battle they fought with the Kenyah Umaq Bakung. preceding number. The Umaq Taw won and the song was given the name of 7. kanjgt kuwaq 16tt8h, danced by seven girls with hornbill Hule Huning. feathers tied to each hand. Musical accompaniment on 4. parap, the presentation of holy water by a messenger of the xylophone (jatunq utang) . the Sultan of Kutai to the Rajah of Umaq Taw in d. 8. kanjgt uddq tkmenggang, a dance by two men brandishing \ peace pact. The action of presenting was executed in long knives (baing) and wearing masks representing a slow dance, in very stylized movements, and it took the hornbill. Two long drums (jatung) and afterwards, a long time for him to traverse the hall and approach two lutes (sampeg) played the musical accompaniment. I the headman, who represented the former Rajah. He accepted the glass of water and slowly drank it. The Another Program dance was accompanied by a choral music and the sampzc I 5. kanjst pGpatay, a warrior's solo dance accompanied by 1. pepatay , simulation of a battle between two camps, with the music of two sampbq. five men in each camp. The two sides were separated 6. kanjkt lgttijh. Eighteen women danced to celebrate a by a gong with its open side lying on the ground. peace-pact with the accompaniment of two sampgq. -93-

I 7. mapyan kLmpaw. In another peace-pact, women, wearing In Long ~&ar (Linguistic Group : Kenyah umaq jalan) I ' wide hats, danced in three rows, six women in each I row, and with music played by two sampsq. Welcome Ceremony and Musical Program 1 8. kanjzttkllu julut. Ninemeninthreerowsdancedfor a- peace-pact. 1. udoq characters greeted the guest* in a square of the 9. kway mGkat, a dance mimicking the mgkat bird searching village. These were: udoq taing, a gigantic figure for food in the forest as a symbol of a free life and , of a wild boar borne by several men; udog kitaq, who peace in the countryside. he dance was performed wore a wooden mask with lateral ornaments; udog by twenty girls. kibah, with a mask of embroidered materials and beads 10. kanjst bahing, a solo warrior's dance with sampeq covering a basket; and udok maok, small characters accompaniment. with no masks. 11. udang gkddut, a girl's dance, imitating shrimp 2. jatung julut. ROWS of dancers welcomed the guests. walking backwards. 3. julut uding. In this dance, the lead woman wearing a 12. kanjzt ujah limpah. Five men representing udk head-dress of hornbill feathers was followed by 11 characters each with a polewith which they pounded the women playing their jew's harps (uding) and three ground, danced to the musical accompaniment of a women playing their bamboo zithers (lutong). group of singers. 4. datun julut pgtsuq pgtsuq kina. ROWS of dancers portr: 13. udaq kita and ud6q kiba. Five boys and girls wearing the story of Umaq Jalan's change of abode from the AT two types of masks danced to protect the growing rice Kayan to the Telen River. The dance was accompanied I from harm and destruction. a wooden xylophone (jatung utang) , a long drum (jatur 14. tiddaw, a lament for solo woman's voice. and suspended gong with boss (tawak). 15. tiddaw, a lament played on a flute. 5. datun siswi siswi. School students danced a new chorec 16. uding, jew's harp. graphy to the accompaniment of the sampzq. 6. m6djong kina. This dance represented the activities oi In Long Noran (Linguistic Group: Kenyah 16ppoq kulit) the people when they first moved to the Telen from tk Apo Kayan. Music Program 7. lelgng, social dancing with the participation of guests 8. kanjzt pgpatay, warrior's dance executed by two men. 1. kanjst juluk,entertainment dance after harvest, performed 9. kanjzt gong. Two women danced around a large gong lyir by about 25 girls. Hornbill feathers were attached to on the floor and after a time, one of them danced on each hand, and the musical accompaniment was played by the gong itself. two samp0g. 2. kanjgt liwah,a dance of welcome by sixteen women imitating In ~6hgsLiah Bing (Linguistic Group: Modang) movements of the hornbill. Two sampzq played the music. 3. kanjzt mamat. Nine girls danced to celebrate a victory Welcome Ceremony. after a headhunting- raid, with sampEq as musical accompaniment. As the team stepped into the village, it was immediately 1c 4. kanjgt b6ng6nwan anaq ne musang. Thirteen children danced to stand as a group in front of a large gong with boss (89~ a new choreography created by teachers of the public lying on the ground. Three members were made to place thej school. right foot on the face of the gong. The headman started ar 5. kanjgt p&patay,a warrior's dance performed by one man with I invocation, after which he sprinkled small handfuls of yell hornbill feathers tied to the left hand and a long-knife rice on the ladder's steps. With a small knife, he sacrifj held in the other hand. a chick and wedged it into the fork of a split bamboo pole 6. kanjgt julut kuwaq, a farewell dance. Guests and hosts stuck in the ground. He smeared his forefinger with the I blood of the chick and touched a fingertip of each member c I danced in a circle to the music of the sampzq and a choral singing (mgnaloq). the team. Young women stepped forward and tied a red strir with a red and blue bead around the forearm of each partici Music and Dance Program. b. &raw anak, celebrations in honor of the children of well-to-do families. 1. siah s&tpEq,lute music. C. 6mtal or kawin, marriage rituals. 2. nag kEdj6n siah onq, a dance. d. potong rambut, a hair-cut for young boys. 3. sawte'nq, a solo dance. 2. &raw kepala, feast of the head of tRe village held 4. jonq nyelonq, dance for a harvest celebration. only on special occasions. 5. tumbam bataq, dance performed by 18 women and three men 3. ;raw blontonq, feast of wooden effigies representing for a harvest ceremony. village ancestors, constructed at the edge of the 6. h6dSq, a dance with four masked men: sag, tonggop, village where the forest begins. The celebration pahnzy, and w6h jeq. is done rarely through the years with no fixed interval of time. Important Feasts 4. gnjuk, rituals to cure the sick. Two varieties exist: nag 15m emtao, native Modang ritual, and enjuk For about eight months of the year, all the working people emtao haloq, of Banjar and other influences. of the village go to the jungle to fell trees or cultivate clearings and prepare them for planting rice of other crops. Instrumental Music The rest of the year, they go .back to the village where they observe a number of festivities mostly related to the rice Gongs are the. principal musical instruments with names of harvest. The principal yearly ceremony, naq gdat piag (nag= specific rhythms to accompany dances in ritual and recrea- to make; kdat=tradition; praZ=unhusked rice), and other cere- tional activities. Some rhythms are exclusively for use monies or rituals are: in rice rituals, while most beats apply to Craw anak festi- vities. The sampzq is seldom played and is most likely 1. Yearly celebrations after the harvest: borrowed from the Kenyah groups. No flutes or zithers were a, nag 6dat plag seen in this village. i, naq pos gygy. This consists principally of preparations for the feast. Men bring rotan from the Vocal Flusic jungle to the village in open boats. ii. undinq, calling of the spirits to participate in 1. t:luy nag lorn nyak SO is a leader-chorus singing by the feast. Food is laid before two sticks driven into women, sung through the night for draw anak and the ground in front of the rice granary. other festivities. iii. dunqtunq bgruwah. A group of families honor their 2. Cmbos &paq plag pertains to a group singing by men, dead with prayers and dances. women and children to end the rice thanksgiving feasts. iv. bop jinqk'yah. Sheds with open sides and roofs covered with coconut leaves are built along the river 3. t61uy long wai are songs sung in groups, mostly by women bank throughout the length of the village. This is for goodwill and harmony among the people and in honor for the people to sit and watch a mock fight in the of visiting guests from another village. river between two camps of men in long-boats. At the same time, amidst great rejoicing, young men and women ! In Long Wehyah (Linguistic Group: Modang) in the sheds throw, pour, or sprinkle water on each other's heads, faces, or bodies. The main attraction in this village was a complete rendition v. k61dung, procession of women dressed as men move I of the h6doq dance ritual, from the time the dancers 15 times through the length of the village. prepared their costumes of palm leaves inside the forest, to their entry on both sides of the village's extremities vi. 6ndam jim pantunq 6leSyanq. A pig is burfed in the village. After this ceremony, people may cut grass in i and their concentration in the center of the village, in their clearings, but large trees should not be felled. front of the men's communal house (dwEyang). Dance postures and symbolic gestures were executed by masked and unmasked vii. 6ndam jim mae moq. A pig is buried in the ladanq 0. forest, after which prayers are offered to prevent characters similar to those of the Kenyah groups in the accidents such as trees falling on people. Klinjau and Telen rivers. I The four types of gongs played at the men's communal house 1 were different from each other in profile, mainly in the I width of their rims and the slant of the rims as they turn inwards. A long drum (tgwung) always accompanied a gong playing. As in ~eKesLiah Bing and some Kenyah groups, the flat gong (m6hbiang) was not played. It was used as a tray in marriage and other ceremonies.

In Miau Baru (Linguistic Group: Kayan umaq lekan) (I) W w Music Program. a A 1. Announcement, played by four suspended gongs: Three -_I taw6k and one 6gung. > (nose flute) with four plus "h" stops. The W 2. s6lingut z first stop is in the middle of the flute. $2 3. tong, jew's harp of the plucked variety. z j 4. sapl, four-and three-stringlutes. I - I 5. mkbang, flat gongs. 6. long, a leader-chorus singing of men. 2 0 7. gong playing for huaBa dances of five young girls. g z ?j Some musical instruments known to and described by infor- U 2 Ld 1 mants but not actually played during the visit: (I) IX 3 I I-Y 1 1. sglingut bag, mouth flute. 0 2. kgdutung, a bamboo zither. 3. buloq tangbut, a xylophone with six segments in a row b w a laid across both legs of the player. -I W 4. tangbut qok, a hand xylophone with four blades held m r between the five fingers of the left hand, and struck a + 0- by a stick in the right hand. Two people may play on W two sets to produce eight sounds. m 5. t6gera pit, a bamboo clapper attached to a pole which IX stands in the middle of the rice field. A long string tied to the pole stretches across the field to a shelter where a man can pull the string to sound the clapper, and drive birds from the ripening grain. 6. buluq laluq, a bull roarer agitated by the wind. On the.following page is a table identifying and summa- rizing information about the musical instruments of the groups visited by the team. CI' :0150. The following remarks may be made about the preceding table: 5. The mouth organ is played only among the Kenyah in Long Sdgar . 1. The Modang, Kenyah and Kayan, which represent a sepa- rate musical group of several Dayak villages, are related to 6. Some instruments among the Kayan (nose flute, bamboo each other more than they are to the Kutai, Banjar and clapper, xylophone segments placed between the fingers) Bugis of the village of Muara Anchalong (see maps), where were described by informants, but only the nose flute was musical instruments such as the saron, gambus, and kendang actually played. These are important instruments not found are not found among the Dayak group. On the other hand, ! among the Kenyah and the Modang of the region, and may be Dayak instruments such as the sampgq, thwung, and kkdingut present in other parts of Borneo. are not used by the Kutai, Banjar and Bugis. 7. Music instruments in the table may be located in 2. Suspended gongs (&suns, tawak) with a high boss and a Maps 1 and 2, by looking at the village or linguistic group wide turned-in rim are common to all the groups and consti- to which they belong. For example, among the Modang of tute one of the most important musical instruments in East Long Bentuq in the table, the long conical drum (No. I), Kalimantan. They are related to suspended gongs played short cylindrical drum (No. 2) , gong (No. 4) , percussion alone or in a group of other suspended gongs among the Iban tube (No. lo), jew's harp (No. 13), and ring flute (No. 21) and Land Dayak in Sarawak (Maceda 1962), among the Kadazan, are those found in the village of Long Bentuq in Map No. 1, Murut, Dusun, and Bajau of Sabah (Frame 1975), the Palawan and among the Modang in Map No. 2. In another Modang group, and Tagbanwa of Palawan, and the Manobo, Tagakaolo, Bilaan, in the village of Nehes Liah Bing, the same fnstruments are Bukidnon, Mansaka, Subanun and Tagabili of Mindanao (Univer- played as well as iron tubes and the lute, sampzq. However, sity of Philippines 1978). Together, they make up a musical no ring flutes are used in ~6hesLiah Bing. In Map No. 2, family different from the family of gongs laid in a row the Kenyah villages are shown near Modang villages along (kulintang) which are played with suspended gongs, drums, the Klinjau River. In spite of this proximity, Kenyah or a bamboo pole. The kulintang are found in the Tanjung musical instruments, like the plucked lute (sampsq) and the area of East Kalimantan (Departemen Pendidikan 1976), the xylophone (jatung utang), are not popular in the Modang Iban of Sarawak (Maceda 1962), the Bajau and Kadazan in village of Long Bentuq. Among both language groups, musical Sabah (Frame 1975), the Magindanao, Maranao, and Yakan of instruments which resemble each other in type do not have Mindanao, Taosug, Samal and Badjao of Sulu, and in Banda, the same name. The Kenyah call the long conical drum, Moluccas (Columbia LP 1940). jatung, and the suspended gong, tawaq, while these instru- ments are known among the Modang as t&wung and 6qunq respec- 3. The lute (sampSq) is a very popular instrument among the tively, with variants in vowel openings. Kenyah and Kayan. It has three to six strings which are grouped into two musical functions: drone and melody. The Vocal Music and Dances sampeq is not present among the Modang of Long Bentuq, and it is scarcely used among the Modang of Nehes Liah Bing, A call and response singing and group dancing related to where it may have been borrowed from the Kenyah. harvest ceremonies, head-hunting, peace-pacts, processions and entertainment are a common feature among all the Dayak 4. Flat gongs without a boss are used as trays to carry 1 groups. Group singing as well as inst5umental music accom- ritual paraphernalia; they are not used as musical instru- pany group and solo dances. In Long LeqZs and in other ments, except among the Kayan of Miau Baru, where they are Kenyah villages, a man intones a slow melody, and the male suspended from the left hand and struck with a stick in the L choir follows. right hand. Flat gongs are important musical instruments among all Igorot groups in northern Luzon, and are less used In contrast to a male chorus among the Kenyah, a female in Bataan province, Philippines. They are equally signifi- group predominates among the Modang, where overnight session: cant instruments in Vietnam, northern Thailand, and Cambodia of singing accompany 6raw anak feasts (celebration given by (Maceda 1976) . rich families) and ceremonies of good will. In the same village, still another choral singing including men, women, and children (e/mbos epaq plag) ends the harvest festi- A more precise and planned study could have been achieved if vities. The text of those songs are known only to a the workshop limited itself to one or two villages, and if small group of women. One of them dictates softly the there were fewer participants who were left alone to them- words of the song in monosyllables and in monotone, selves to mix with and learn from the inhabitants without any before another woman soloist sings these same words, special programs. A visit to the many *llages however did followed by a chorus singing the last words of her line. give a panoramic view of the music culture. Curing rituals (gnjuk) are usually performed by one person, a woman or a man, in a particular singing style, but I Most participants have tape recordings of the music. Article: training and initiation of new mediums involve group singing. reports, and long-playing records to be published would bring this music to a larger reading and listening audience. Dancing in groups to form circles or rows of lines one in front of the other are usually an affair of the women, but Notes in closing ceremonies and general entertainment, men, women and children mix and dance counterclockwise in a circle to 1. The author was able to stay in Kalimantan until June 4, the accompaniment of gong music. Dances are generally slow, 1977. Notes from Muara Anchalong to Long Segar were provided with variations of an alternate swinging of the left and mostly by Mr. I Vade Bandem. Information in them is helpful right hands. Solo dances performed by a man or woman on the in indicating field work in Kalimantan where only a limited floor, or more especially, on top of a gong lying flat on bibliography exists. the floor, involve intricate movements of kneeling, bending 2. The following marks are used in a preliminary orthography and pivoting while displaying large, beautiful hornbill k=a; @ =L,; e=e;i-~ =3; 0 =O; ng=Q ; q =?; j =d~. feathers tied to the hands. Other dance positions imitate the hornbill as it hops or spreads its wings. Even a fight between two warriors armed with long knives is executed with A Recent Bibliography on Music in Borneo arabesques as well as sudden jerks reminiscent of gestures Bandem, I Made, I Wayan Geriya, R. Wiranto, F. Burhan, 1977, of birds. Hudoq dances by masked men with costumes of banana and palm leaves portray symbolic characters connected with "Social and Cultural Background of Peoples of Kalimantan the origin of rice and the continuity of its cultivation. Timur," Paper presented at the Workshop on Kalirnantan Timur; Departmen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Kalimantan Timur 19761 Significance and Accomplishments 1977, Kum ulan Naskah Kesenian Tradisionil Kalimantan Timur, ~amari&mmard M., 1975, "4. Preliminary Survm This was an unusual music workshop which tried to put into Several Major Musical Instruments and Form-types of Sabah, practice in rather difficult surroundings some theories of Malaysia," BRB Vol. VII, No. 1, pp. 16-24; Galvin, Very Rev. field music research. It gave the participants, especially A.D., 1966,Tome Baram Kenyah Songs," Sarawak Museum Jour- those who had little notion of what music research is, a nal Vol. XIV, pp. 6-14; Galvin, Very Rev. A.D.,71968, "Xiiiiat direct experience in the field. It emphasized the need to Chants and Ceremonies, (Upper Baram)," SMJ Vol. XVI, bring to the urban world--in the form of mitings, recordings, pp. 235-248; Kunst, Jaap Ed., 1960s "Indonesian Music," long- and performances--the music, cultures and thinking of many playing record, The Columbia World Librar of Folk and Primi- groups of people in the vast rural areas of . --tive Music, ed. Axn Lomax; M=,d1~62-"fia - I Recgrding Sea Dayak Music," SMJ Vol. X, pp. 48k-500; Maceda, The workshop proved that an actual participation in a field Jose, 1976, "Flat Gongs in thePhilippines," Paper read in investigation is the quickest way to know how to apply theo- the 30th International Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and ries of field music study. Technics of recording, transcrip- North Africa, Mexico, August 3-8; Rubenstein, Carol, 1973, tion of song texts, gathering ethnological data, and learning t "Poems of Indigenous Peoples of Sarawak: Some of the Songs performance technics, were some of the specific facets of and Chants," SMJ Vol. XXI, No. 42, Pts. 1 and 2; Sandin, Bene- work. The experience of actually living in the village and dict, 1966. "Aaribas Iban Death Dirge," SMJ, Vol. XIV, pp. imbibing a cultural atmosphere in the jungle cannot be dupli- 15-80; Sandin, Benedict, 1974, "Iban Music~TraditionalDancr cated in a conference hall. I and Music of Southeast Asia, Kuala Lumpur, Kementerian Per -jaranaysia, pp. 320T2-6; Seeler, Joan Dewitt, 1975, Kenyal- -105- Dance, Sarawak, Mala sia A Descri tion and Anal sis, M.A. BORNEO NEWS ms, Universiidk~a~i, Mano:: onemi. J .;. . 1974. "The ~raditionalMusical ~nstrumentsof-~abah, " ~raditional Regional News Dance and Music of Southeast Asia. Kuala Lumpur, Kementerian maranMalays=, pp. 32/-3F~niversityof the Philip- VICTOR T. KING has been granted a sum 8f money by the ~ines.De~artment of Music Research. College of Music. 1978. Centre for SoutheastAsian Studies in the University of . & " Catalogue of Music in tapes. Hull to visit JAN AVE of the Rijksmuse~voor Volkenkunde t in Leiden. Professor King and Drs. Ave are working on a Research Council Newsletter "Bibliography of References on West Kalimantan (West Indo- nesian Borneo) and the project is nearing completion. To The first issue of the "Sulawesi Research Council News- date, they have collated well over 800 items on diverse letter" was forwarded to the Editor by John Sutter. The subjects. Council intends to publish the newsletter which will be "devoted to Sulawesi research and development." "One of Kaliman tan the important functions which such a newsletter may be able to perform is to improve communication between Indonesian NIKITA SIBEROFF is a member of the CEDRASEMI (Centre researchers and those from overseas." Persons interested d'Etudes et de Recherches sur 1'Asie du Sud-Est et le in learning more about the Newsletter are encouraged to Monde Insulindien), 6 rue de Tournon, 75006-Paris, France write W. Donald McTaggart, Center for Asian Studies, Arizona (Director, Dr. Georges Condominas), and is planning to State University, Tempe, Arizona 85281, USA. carry out research in the upper Mahakam River region, Kalimantan Timur, His research will include an ethno- Fifth International Symposium of linguistic survey of the region, a study of the ethno- botany, and a study of shifting cultivation. Tropical Ecology Sarawak The Fifth International Symposium of Tropical Ecology will be heXd in Kuala Lumpur from April 16-21, 1979. The theme JAMES MASING left Canberra on May 19 to undertake research of the Symposium will be "Ecology and Development," with on Iban Timang. Mr. Masing is now a Research Scholar of emphasis on the biophysical and socio-economic aspects of the Department of Anthropology in the Research School of land-use policy and planning; legislation; education and Pacific Studies at the Australian National University, and manpower; montane, lowland, hill-country and island resources; is at present doing research among the Baleh Iban both on conservation; and evolution. Special sessions will include the Timang of the major Iban Gawai and on the vocation of related topics, such as rural settlements and ecosystems; the Lemambang. He will be staying in Sarawak until about primitive tribal ecosystems; urban centers and ecosystems; August, 1979, when he will return to the A.N.U. to work on aquaculture; dipterocarpaceae; ricefield ecosystems; and his Ph.D. thesis. strategies for eco-development. Correspondence should be addressed to Professor J.I. Furtado, General Secretary, BOOK REVIEWS, ABSTRACTS Organising Committee, V International Symposium on Tropical Ecology, c/o Department of Zoology. University of Malaya, & BIBLIOGRAPHY Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Professor Furtado has indicated that the Organising Committee plans to publish the pro- BOOK REVIEW ceedings of the Symposium. Vinson H. Sutlive, Jr. The Iban of Sarawak, in the series Worlds of Man: Studies iSuIturar~colog~,Edited by Walter Goldschmidt, Arlington Heights, Illinois, AHM Publishing Corporation, 1978. The Iban of Sarawak by Dr. Vinson Sutlive, Jr. captured my 71mmediateTnterest because it attempts to present and analyse this special group of Iban. the broad spectrum of the Iban's world and culture in less than 200 pages. In spite of the author's brief overview of The division of Iban social organization into units of the , I find his material very informative and his concentric circles, with the family a8the primary unit. presentation pleasant to read. His interpretation of the occupying the centre position, is a new concept in analy- Iban culture.and its paraphernalia offers many very useful sing Iban society. The author's contention that, "Within insights to any student of Iban culture. ! each circle the principle of interaction was reciprocity; beyond each circle the expectation was exploitation" (p. Dr. Sutlive's long and close association with the Iban, 29) requires serious consideration by students of Iban especially of the Sibu region, gives him a marked advantage culture . in understanding their ways of life. In Chapter 4, entitled "In the Hills" (pp. 61-89), the author makes a most signi- In his brief account of the Iban concepts of Petara (gods) ficant observation about the Iban attitude to rice farming and Antu (spirits) Dr. Sutlive states that "the most when he writes: "Rice is not merely a crop or food to the popular if not the most important of the Iban gods is Iban. Rather, hill rice cultivation has been considered by ~eling"(p. 100). This statement I have found to be them as the distinctive feature of their culture" (p. 62). incorrect, at least among the Iban of -the Baleh region. It is, in short, not only a way of earning a living, but a Among these people, Lang Sinqalanq Buronq takes the way of life. highest position in honour and dignity. Sandin holds this to be the case among the Iban of the Saribas region also The Iban's practical and functional attitude in their reli- when he writes: "Most honoured by the Iban are sinqalanq gious beliefs is realized by the author when he sums up their himself and acceptance of Christianity as follows: Burong simpulang Gana (Sandin 1977:3). Dr. Sutlive's account of the concept of a longhouse, Iban The Christian faith is not accepted in place of egalitarianism, mobility, cooperation and competition, and but rather in addition to traditional beliefs other various aspects of their world and culture, though and practices (p. 188) . succinct, will be very useful for those who wish to become This, I feel, is a very important factor in understanding the acquainted with the Iban of Sarawak. For further reading Iban's reluctance to discard their old traditional beliefs. and other interpretations of the Iban way of life, those To them, religion is a means of achieving practical ends, and interested may consult the books and papers listed in the so the acceptance of two religious beliefs is looked upon by bibliography that Dr. Sutlive has provided. (James Masing, the Iban as two varying but compatible ways of bettering Australian National University) their lives. Lela Garner Noble, Philippine policy Toward Sabah: A Claim Iban mobility, as Dr. Sutlive correctly points out, was in to Independence, The AssociationAsiantudies, Romp1 part spurred by the need for new land for their rice crops. z. XXXIII. Tucson. The Universitv of Arizona Press. 1977 But it was further encouraged by the Iban value system which (Map, acknowledgements, ~iblio~raph~,Index) . accorded immense prestige to pioneers. "The pioneer culti- i vator of old jungle," writes Pringle, "like a successful This book traces the Philippine Republic's claim to Sabah warrior is a figure of tremendous prestige in Iban society" I (formerly British North Borneo), officially announced by (Sandin 1968:xv). In the traditional days, pioneer-culti- President Macapagal in June of 1962, and the extent to whict vators were also successful warriors, and thus they acquired I Philippine policy in pursuit of the claim was a demonstratic not only new tracts of land on which successful cultivation I of the'politics of national integration; an effort by a was possible, but trophy heads, loot and captives which fledgling government dependent on the United States for milj helped to increase their wealth and standing in the community. tary and economic support to improve its national image and Thus, the author's concept of Raja ~erani(p. 27) to describe demonstrate its independence in the Southeast Asian region. The British state of North Borneo was incorporated into the policy." Establishing the claim against Britain and Malaysia Federation of Malaysia in 1963. Because of the addition of could be perceived as an independent policy that was non- Sabah to the Federation, the Philippine claim was consis- American in conception and direction. Although consistent tently opposed by Britain and Malaysia until 1976 when.the with history, past foreign policy and current interests, pursuit finally stopped. Noble states that the policies and the claim was pursued over the next decakle and a half but perceptions surrounding the claim developed dialectically never in such a way to make a settlement possible. Diplo- matic relations were officially severed between Malaysia and and it is the principal purpose of the study to trace the I different perceptions and the conflict they engendered, which the Philippines. Nor did the furor surrounding the Sabah in turn, produced new perceptions,.and hence, new policies. I claim subside with the installation of the Marcos regime in She argues that the policy explanation is intimately tied to the Philippines in 1968; renewed relations between the coun- British and Malaysian perceptions of the claim, its costs, I tries were again suspended when Malaysia accused the Philip- and the Philippine national/regional image. pines of attempting to infiltrate Sabah--the so-called Corre- gidor incident. Hence, the claim dominated Philippine policy Employing a wide range of sources, including government docu- in Southeast Asia for 15 years. It not only created problems ments and publications, private collections, newspapers, for Ma.laysia, but it also had a critical impact on ASEAN. periodicals and books as well as evidence gathered from interviews. Noble details the various stages in the develop- The author, a political scientist, carried out the research ment of the Sabah claim as the legal-diplomatic wrangle on which the book is based some 14 years ago. In the process dragged on for years, through a winding series of policy of preparing her study for publication she has not taken changes. The twists and turns at every stage of policy advantage of more recent published work on the nature of the development emerge; the traditional claim of the Sultan of Taosug (Sulu) Polity, on ethnic-inter relations in the Sulu/ Sulu and his heirs, the press campaign and the inauguration Mindanao region, and the Sultanate's reaction to western of a national policy, the failure of reconciliation between incursion and colonialism by Mednick, Kiefer and Majul. As Malaysia and the Philippines, the Corregidor incident, and a consequence, Noble's discussion of the historical role of the ultimate restoration of neighbourly relations between the the Sulu Sultanate is weak. She readily accepts previous two countries in 1976. interpretations of the Sultanate's past; some statements are historically unverified, e.g., . . . in the fifteenth and ~ribrto 1962 the claim to Sabah was identified with the sixteenth centuries . . . the Sultan of Sulu exercised influ- Sultans of Sulu, their heirs and lawyers. Northeast Borneo ence from Sulu westward to Borneo, and northward and eastward had been the core of the Sulu Sultanate's littoral and to Luzon, the Visayas and Mindanao" (p.11). Other statements riverine procurement trade in the late eighteenth and nine- draw incorrect conclusions about the nature of traditional teenth centuries. In 1878, to prevent this area from falling Taosug politics and society from the sources; e.g., "The into Spanish hands, the Sultan of Sulu transferred his rights terms of the treaty (of 1805 with the East India Company) to North Borneo to a private syndicate in exchange for a were irrelevant. The Suluanos regarded North Borneo as a promised annual payment of five thousand three hundred dollars. convenient pawn, its sacrifice temporarily necessary for cont: In the twentieth century the heirs of the Sultan of Sulu nuing the larger game: when they had the power to do so, they continued to press their claims to North Borneo. I reasserted control" (p 12) . The overall interpretation is I unleavened somewhat by the author's uncritical acceptance of Towards the end of 1961 an active press campaign began, spear- previous interpretations of certain historical events in the headed by The Philippine Free Press advocating that the 1 context of the claim. Nevertheless, it must be stressed that government itself should lay claim to Sabah. When Macapagal, Noble has made a valuable contribution to the study of Philip- contrary to expectation, officially announced the ~epublic's pine foreign policy and regional relationships with other claim against the British, the dispute became a matter of ! Southeast Asian states. The book is well presented and the widespread domestic importance. This policy for the "new basic thesis on the relationship of the Sabah claim in era" was meant to shake off the image of the Philippines as changing the Filipino national image from dependence to a "puppet" of the U.S. Alliance. Those who opposed the independence is substantiated. (Jim Warren. School of Social Amerlcan presence saw as an alternative an "Asia for Asians Inquiry, Murdoch University) ABSTRACTS Anthony Brooke, the Rajah's nephew who was administering the state at that time, agreed to the appointment of a The following is a summary of the Ph.D. dissertation of General Adviser whose powers were extremely limited but Robert H.W. Reece, The Cession of Sarawak to the British whose position was regarded by the Colonial Office as crown in 1946, Australian National University. March 1977. providing a foot in the door. There wa* also the feeling An abstract of Dr. Reece's dissertation appeared in the among the Colonial Office bureaucrats that it would be Bulletin 10:1, pp. 50-51. easier to manipulate Anthony than his uncle. When the General Adviser was not allowed to give advice and Anthony The cession of Sarawak to Britain in 1946 was both the was dismissed by his uncle, the Colonial Office's hopes of culmination of a process which had begun with the appoint- gradually increasing its influence were frustrated. The ment of British Residents in the Malay States in the 1870s Rajah's surprise announcement of a constitution in early and the beginning of a post-war consolidation of British 1941 provided an opportunity to modify the 1888 Treaty and interests in Southeast Asia. For almost 100 years, the replace the General Adviser with a British Representative Colonial Office was happy for the Brooke family to rule equipped with more substantial powers. But it was the Sarawak. There was little interest in acquiring a piece Japanese invasion and subsequent Allied military admini- of territory whose limited economic potential would make stration which finally provided the Colonial Office bureau- it yet another charge on the British government. As crats with a long-awaited opportunity to decide Sarawak's British subjects, the Brookes could generally be relied future. upon to conform with imperial policy and to discourage other powers from becoming.involved. Although there were External pressure brought Brooke rule to an end, but by the some doubts about the quality of Brooke administration, it 1930s it had run its course. First there were the problems was recognised that their authority over their people was endemic to alL dynastic regimes which sooner or later pro- a unique phenomenon which could only serve British interests. 1 duce a weak or bored ruler. Vyner Brooke was a more popular The relationship between. the two governments as defined by i Rajan than his martinet father had been, but he was indeci- the 1888 treaty of protection precluded the introduction of I sive and could not delegate authority effectively. His the Malayan Residential system and made it difficult to reign displayed all the weaknesses and few of the strengths bring pressure to bear on the Rajah. British intervention I of personal rule. Nor was the arrangement whereby his was limited to safe-guarding the rights of British subjects, younger brother Bertram shared responsibility calculated to although there can be little doubt that intervention would improve matters. In such a political vacuum, it was inevi- have been quick and decisive had there been a pressing need. table that first the Rajah's private secretary, Gerard Mac- Bryan,and then his nephew, Anthony, should compete with the In the late 1930s a number of factors combined to bring senior bureaucrats to exercise the Rajah's power. Like other about a change in British policy. Concern about administra- dynasties, the Brookes were also plagued by conspiracies over tive standards in Sarawak and Britain's effective inter- the succession which had not been settled by the time the national responsibility for the state suggested a degree of Japanese arrived. Although it was by no means certain that control over its internal affairs by means of an amended the Rajah would hand over to another member of the Brooke treaty. Sarawak's participation in the International Rubber family, his distrust of Anthony was an important factor in Restriction Scheme and its inclusion in British defence determining Sarawak's future. planning after 1935 had also begun to end the state's iso- i lation. Finally, it was becoming increasingly apparent that A solitary effort was made in the early 1930s to rethink the Rajah was on the point of either divesting himself of Brooke administration with a view to ultimate native self- his sovereignty or of transferring effective responsibility government. The Le Gros Clark Report of 1935 was a blueprint to another member of his family. However, there were still for a scheme which would have brought more Ibans into the difficulties in the way of intervention. The Rajah was government service and vastly improved the rudimentary educa- extremely elusive and unwilling to commit himself in any way. tion system. However, financial problems arising from the Nor did the Colonial Office wish to be seen to take the ini- Depression, together with the inherent conservatism of Euro- tiative. An opportunity presented itself in early 1939 when pean administrative officers, thwarted this scheme which was seen as threatening the perpetuation of their power position. The only change was in the direction of bureaucratic centrali. zation which would have meantthe eventual dismantling of subsequently confirmed by annexation without any reference the decentralized Resident and District Officer system. The to Parliament. In the final analysis, neither party was gradual development of a business--likeand centralized , particularly interested in Sarawak. Cession was victory for bureaucracy was inevitable but it, too, was resisted by the Edward Gent and the bureaucrats of the Colonial Office who European officers who saw it as a frontal attack on their had been trying since the late 1930s toa"tidy up" Sarawak position. where standards of administration were regarded as being inferior to those prevailing in British colonies. This With Anthony Brooke as their champion, the European officers I policy was strongly supported by Lord Louis Mountbatten and made a counter-attack which secured the dismissal of the top the War Office who were concerned to strengthen the defences bureaucrats in early 1939. But it became clear during of Britain's Southeast Asian dependencies against the new Anthony Brooke's subsequent term as head of the government I phenomenon of nationalism. that his solution to Sarawak's problems consisted of little more than a restoration of personal rule and the old admini- Together with North Borneo, Sarawak became Britain's final strative system as established by the second Rajah. There colonial acquisition. However, it was acquired not so much was no indication that as fourth Rajah Anthony would do any- in a spirit of imperial expansion as one of colonial consoli- thing more than revive what he saw as the traditions of dation against the insecurities and uncertainties of the Brooke rule. If he had succeeded his uncle after the war, post-war world. Britain had adopted a "hands-off" attitude it is difficult to see how he could have coped with the I towards Sarawak as long as there was no serious threat of significantly altered situation which had been brought about third-power involvement. But the Japanese invasion meant by the Japanese occupation. that it could no longer afford the risks involved in not having full internal control. In 1945 Vyner Brooke had reached the age of 67 and was I unwilling to return to the task of rebuilding what was Originating from the same planning office as the Malayan thought to be a war-torn Sarawak. His brother, Bertram, Union, the annexation of Sarawak was brought about with was physically unable to take his place and the Rajah was similar speed and lack of scruple. Had it not been for the doubtful about Anthony's suitability for the position. As agitation mounted by Anthony Brooke and the anti-cession early as 1938 and again in 1942 while he was in Australia, faction in England through press and parliament, cession Vyner had been willing to surrender his sovereignty in might have been managed smoothly enough. Instead, however, return for a satisfactory financial settlement. But he was the first attempt had to be scrapped and an effort made to now faced with the prospect of footing the bill for both the i legitimize the arrangement by obtaining the consent of the military administration and post-war relief and rehabilita- two bodies re-established under the 1941 Constitution--the tion. Although we cannot wholly reconstruct the Rajah's I Council Negri and the Supreme Council. As a sop to British r'easons for deciding to cede his sovereignty to the British I press and parliamentary opinion, two M.P.s were despatched Crown in October, 1945, material considerations and the to lend respectability to what was in reality a carefully problem of the succession seem to have dispelled whatever stage-managed exercise. Even so, a little more attention residual resistance he may have felt to a Colonial Office was paid by the Colonial Office to the "interests of the take-over. At the same time, it is likely that he saw no natives" than by Anthony Brooke and the anti-cession faction middle way between Brooke rule and rule by the Colonial Office. who were doing battle with the Rajah and the Colonial Office t in their name. When, in spite of the bribery and intimi- The Labour government appeared to be committed against the 1 dation of Council Negri members there was still a native restoration of Brooke rule and to a policy of "consolidating" ' majority against cession, the Colonial Office hesitated in Britain's colonial interests in Southeast Asia. Nor was the 1 its course. In the meantime, however, one of those extra- Conservative Party prepared to make an issue of Sarawak, ordinary accidents of history had made cession a fait except in the context of Labour's attempt to break up the accom li. Due to the sickness of a coding clerk,=able large, landed estates. On the advice of L.D. Gamans, who & Secretary of Stare calling a halt to proceedings later emerged as the champion of the Malay sultans against was not deciphered until after the instrument of cession had the Malayan Union, they declined to oppose cession which was been signed by the Rajah and the British government's representative. Nor was it clear what course the Colonial I self-government as foreshadowed in the 1941 constitution. Office could have taken if its ability to manoeuvre had Unlike the traditional elite, they were even willing to not been so unexpectedly removed. Negotiations with Anthony share political power with the Ibans whom they saw as their Brooke, acting on his uncle's behalf, had broken down in allies. In its first expression, Sarawak nationalism took early 1945 over the application to Sarawak of the Foreign the form of native coalition in defence dgainst post-war Jurisdiction Act. Chinese assertiveness and Fritish bureaucratic imperialism. I Cession was the final resolution of the relationship between For most and Ibans, cession posed an extraordinary Sarawak and Britain, the consummation of a long-drawn out dilemma, a dilemma which illustrated how deeply the Brooke imperial affair. It also spelled the end of a European I monarchy had taken root in the soil of northwest Borneo. On dynasty which had successfully established itself over the I the one hand, loyalty to the Rajah required that they should diverse peoples of north-west Borneo. The "White Rajahs" obey his wishes and accept cession, On the other hand, had lent a romantic and exotic dimension to European imperi- loyalty to the Raj and the principal of succession required alism in Southeast Asia but history had finally shattered that they should oppose its abolition. Brooke rule had in their splendid isolation. Nevertheless, cession was much fact done very little for the Ibans in the way of educational more than a minor event of imperial history. It was the and other improvement, nor was there significant political catalyst of a new train of events which transformed Sarawak representation for this largest of Sarawak's ethnic groups in from a loose confederation of diverse cultures linked by spite of their growing economic strength. There were pockets little more than loyalty to the Rajah into something much of resistance to Brooke authority until the late 1930s, more like a nation-state. stemming both from residual opposition to alien rule and I resentment aroused by ham-fisted administration. Neverthe- The reactions of Sarawak's different ethnic groups to less, the question of loyalty was fundamental for all except cession provide the clearest indication of the strengths and those few who could see the benefits of education and an end weaknesses of Brooke rule. Under the Brookes, the Chinese to Malay monopoly of the second level of government admini- were allowed to engage in trade and small farming, thus gene- stration. Only a handful of Kuching Ibans opposed cession rating the revenue upon which Brooke rule depended. However, and shared the educated Malay elite's vision of independence their prospects for economic advancement were limited by land and self-government. regulations which protected native ownership and the diffi- culties involved in obtaining Sarawak citizenship. For all 1 The anti-cession campaign failed for a number of reasons. except the Sarawak-born who were well established both economi- Unlike the Malay rulers who opposed the Malayan Union, the cally and politically through the kapitan china system, colo- Rajah appeared to be the initiator of cession and ignored all nial status possessed the attraction of improved economic I possibilities and citizenship rights along the lines of those appeals from his subjects to retain his sovereignty. He provided in the Malayan Union constitution. Indeed, it was at could exploit the loyalty of the Malays and Ibans as well as first assumed that Sarawak would form part of the Malayan counting on the support of the Chinese. Unlike Malaya, where Union and it was not until May, 1946, that this impression Malay opposition to the Malayan Union was solid, Sarawak's was dispelled. Malay leadership was split by the support which one leading member of the traditional elite gave to cession. Unlike The general interests of the Sarawak Malays lay with the Malaya, where the differing attitudes of the Malays and Chi- perpetuation of Brooke rule which had given the traditional I nese to the country's political future threatened to boil elite a position of political power and social prestige only over into racial strife, in Sarawak the main political subordinate to that of the Brookes and their European officers. struggle took place within the Malay community. Apart from Consequently, it was they who provided the initial leadership a small group of educated Ibans in Kuching who supported the of the main anti-cession party which demanded the restoration anti-cession movement, the Ibans and the Chinese were onlooker: of Brooke rule. Inevitably, however, there was a conflict to the conflict. However, the support given by the up-country with the new educated Nalay elite who saw the restoration as Ibans to the new colonial government suggested that physical a means of preserving Sarawak's independence and achieving action by the Malays would bring about a dramatic and bloody reaction. At the same time, the anti-cession party in Britain could not match the big guns which the opponents of the While it seems harsh to label the Brookes and their Malayan Union trained on the British government. Further- officers as keepers of an anthropological garden, there more, British commercial interests in Sarawak had favoured was something essentially feudal and self-serving about greater British control in the belief that this would allow their administration. They were instinctively opposed to easier access to Sarawak's resources. socio-economic change because they sens6d that it would undermine their power position vis-a-vis the natives. They Although the anti-cession campaign was unsuccessful in held a vested interest in perpetuating the system of benign reversing cession, it provided Sarawak with its first poli- paternalism which had existed under Brooke rule. "The tical issue and its first political parties. The political interests of the natives" apparently required that Euro- development achieved during the immediate post-war years peans should remain indefinitely as their guardians. In was brought to a halt in 1949 with the assassination of the this sense they were all "White Rajahs," or "little tin second British governor and the subsequent collapse of the gods" as Vyner Brooke disparagingly referred to them in anti-cession movement. But when political life was resumed 1946. Their position prevented them from conceding any- in the late 1950s, it was still largely based on the earlier thing more than lip service to the principle of trusteeship pattern. And since Sarawak achieved nominal independence and the ultimate prospect of native rule. And when Sarawak through its membership of the Plalaysian Federation in 1963, was finally colonized and foreign interests began to extract the anti-cession movement has also provided the basis of a its timber and other resources, the Ibans, whose protection nationalist tradition and the means of legitimizing the was the particular concern of the Brookes, were least power of the educated elite who have preserved Malay hegemony equipped to benefit. The history of Sarawak is significant in that it epitomizes BIBLIOGRAPHY one of the dilemmas attendant on imperialism--how to bring about economic development without disrupting the indigenous Appell, G.N., 1968a, "A Survey of the Social and Medical culture and unleashing forces which would eventually bring Anthropology of Sabah: Retrospect and Prospect," about political change. In the rest of colonial Southeast Behavior Science Notes 3:l-54 Asia, the relentless drive to exploit natural resources and 1968b, "~thno~raphicProfiles of the Dusun- consequent socio-economic change rendered this dilemma Speaking Peoples of Northern Borneo," Ethnolo 8:212-27 academic, but. Sarawak did not seem to possess significant , 1976, "The Emergent StructurdRungus economic potential. While the Brookes made clear their Property System: Social Structure, the Opportunity determination to prevent the economic exploitation of their Structure, and the Contrastructure." Paper presented people by foreign speculators, the speculators were not at the Borneo Research Council Symposium, Contributions greatly in evidence. Non-exploitation wasas much by to the Study of a Changing Social Environment, 75th default as by design. 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"An Outline of Kavan Grammar Oceania 46 :306-27. in J6ro"me Rousseau,'ed., he Peo les of centgal Borneo,' , 1976b, "Transition and Maloh Birth," Folk Sarawak Museum Journal Sp=a&, 301. 22, 21r . - - Crain, Jay Bouton, 1910, The Lun Da eh of Sabah, East Malay- , 1976c, "The Maloh Language: A Vocabulary sia : Aspects of Marr~e~ddkarExchangen.D. and Summary of the Literature," Sarawak Piuseurn Journal Esertatlon, Cornels"- - 24:137-164. Deegan, James L., 1973, Change amon the Lun Bawang, A Borneo , 1976d, "More on Maloh Designs," Sarawak Peo le, Ph.D. dissertationd-ton Museum Journal 24:166-171. Dixon*, 1972, Rural Settlement Sarawak, Ph.D. disser- ,1977, "Unity, Formalism and Structure: tation, Oregon. Comments on Iban Augury and Related Problems," Fidler. Richard. 1971. "Some Games in Kanowit Bazaar." Bi'dra en 133:63-89 (with rejoinder by Peter Metcalf). ~arawak~useum Journal 19 :331-47: Rling~al,1974, The Safibas Mala s of Sarawak: Their 778,"Religion and Festivals in a tulti- Social and Economic- anlnatloniiSYstern of Val- Cultural Bazaar Town," in Sarawak: Lin uistics and rDGertation. H* - Develo ment Problems, Publication NmGii,~udies Komanyi, Nargit Ilona, 1973, The Real and Ideal Partici ation iZidbGr1d Societies, pp. 183-223. in Pecision-Elakin of I~~w~:Ts~o-a Lo:;- Fortier. David Harry, , Culture and Chan e among Chinese Euse CommundErx, East >fzlays~a,dh.D. Lsser- ~gricultura~sett:Zft ims~or&rneo,-- ~h. D. tv dissertation, Columbia. tation. Kew YorkUniversi.- - - . ------Freeman, J.D., 1953, Family and Kin among the Iban of Sarawak, ~eigh:~ichael B., 1971, The ~e;elo ment of a Political Ph.D. dissertation. CamlEZdRe. Or anization and LeadZFs&w~,-~ hlaysia, , "Iban ~ugur~," ~i'dra en 114:141-67. -tationii.- Gill, Sarah Hall Sharples, 196MedAspects of Sarawak McKay, David A., and Torlen L. Wade, 1970, "butrition, Art, Ph.D, dissertation, Columbia. Environment and Health in the Iban Longhouse," Southeast Grii~stra.Bouwe Gerard. 1978. "The Transition from Shifting Asian Journal of Tropical Medicine and Public Health -A cultivation to cash ~rops.Changes in a Land Dyak L2 -69.- - Village," in Sarawak: Lin uistics and Develo ment Medway, Lord, 1976, Book Review of Jones, Gwilym S., and Problems, Publication &ieSiniild Diana B. Jones, A Biblio-ra h of the Land Mammals of Socletles, pp. 127-147. southeast Asia, indeiiiii36ii~n725: 323-4. Harrison, Robert, 1971, An Anal sis of the Variation among Rousseau, ~6rBmn974a,"The Bamea,"~n Jerome Iiousseau. Ranau Dusun Communi~edS~a~-- mavsia . Ph .D . ed. , The Peo les of Central ~brneo,. Sarawak Museum aissertation. Columbia. .Journ~S&Is sue 22, NOT Hess, Doris ~laine,1963, Readin Motives, Interests and , 1974b, "A Vocabulary of Baluy Kayan," in Habits of Rural Adult-+ I an Literates in Sarawak: A JerBme Rousseau, ed.. The Peo les of Central Borneo, StudtCAElTE Production -of PrintedTedia, P~.DT Sarawak Museum .Journa13e&.sue 22, No. 7 +---Lssertatlon, Syracuse. Sather, Clifford, 1971, Kinshi and Dcmestic Relations among Fellows of the Borneo Research Counci1 the Ba-au Laut of NdEneo, Ph.D. dissertation, EV& EV& The privileges of Fellows include (1) participation in the , 1974, "Kampong Selanyou: Social and Econo- organization and activities of the Council; (2) right to form mic Organizatio,n,,of a Rice-growing Village in committees of Fellows to deal with spec2al research problems Sarawak," in Jerome Rousseau, ed., The Peo les of or interests; (3) support of the Council's program of fur- Central Borneo, Sarawak Museum Journal Apecla Issue, thering research in the social. biological, and medical v6r-TTZZ,No.3. sciences in Borneo; (4) subscription to the Borneo Research Schneider, William M., 1978, "The Biik Family of the Selako Bulletin. Dayak of Western Borneo," in Sarawak: Lin uistics and Develo ment Problems , Publication Numbht~es The Fellows of the Council serve as a pool of knowledge and &rld Societies, pp. 148-182. expertise on Borneo matters which may be drawn upon to deal , n.d., "The Selako Dayak," in Victor with specific problems both in the field of research and in T. King, ed., Upland Peoples of Island South East Asia, the practical application of scientific knowledge. forthcoming . Schwenk, Richard, 1975, Village and Re ional Determinants of Fellowship in the Council is by invitation, and enquiries Famil lnnovativenes s anon thekban Sarawak , 1 are welcomed in this regard.

Mdia.- -~ Ph.D. disserdn~03.- i , 1978, "~~ricu1t;ral Development in the INFOILMATION FOR AUTHORS Upper Rejang Valley," in Sarawak: Lin uistics and Develo ment Problems, ~ublication-k--FNum er T ree, Studies Research Notes: These should be concerned with a summary of &rld Societies, pp. 100-126. research on a particular subject or geographical area; the Wnl-h-iang, 1912, Polycommunalism Nativi- results of recent research; a review of the literature; zation: A_ Com arative Stud ot Bureaucratic ~r-ons analyses of state of research; and so forth. Research Notes -in Sarawak- irissertation, Toronto. difper from other contributions in that the material covered d should be based on original research or the use of judgment, experience and personal knowledge on the part of the author --THE BORNEO RESEARCH COUNCIL (contd. from p. 56) in the preparation of the material so that an original conclu I sion is reached. and medical sciences in Borneo; (2) to permit the research community, interested Borneo government departments and Brief Communications: These differ from the foregoing in tha others to keep abreast of ongoing research and its results; no original conclusions are drawn nor any data included based (3) to serve as a vehicle for drawing attention to urgent on original research. They also differ in consisting primari: research problems; (4) to coordinate the flow of information of a statement of research intentions or a summary of news, on Borneo research arising from many diverse sources; (5) to either derived from private sources or summarized from items disseminate rapidly the initial results of research activity; appearing in other places that may not be readily accessible and (6) to facilitate research by reporting on current condi- to the readers of the Bulletin but,which have an interest and tions. The functions of the Council also include providing relevance for them. They will be included with the contri- counsel and assistance to research endeavors, conservation butor's name in parentheses following the item to indicate thc activities, and the practical applicatiorz of research results. source. Summaries of news longer than one or two paragraphs will appear with the contributor's name under the title and Support for the activities of the Council comes from subscrip- prefaced by "From". tions to the Borneo Research Bulletin, Fellowship fees, and contributions. Contributions have played a significant part Bibliographic Section: A Bibliography of recent publications in the support of the Council, and they are always welcome. will appear in each issue of the Bulletin, and, consequently, reprints or other notices of recent publications would be gratefully received by the Editor.