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Case Study Hygiene in Three Communities. a Case Study of Behaviour Related to Hygiene

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Case Study Hygiene in Three Communities. a Case Study of Behaviour Related to Hygiene The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Journal of Social Development in Africa (1990), 5,1, 59-71 Case Study Hygiene in Three Communities. A Case Study of Behaviour Related to Hygiene. M F C BOURDILLON+ ABSI'RACI' The purpose of the sociological study was to look at behaviour related to hygiene in some detail. Because of the difficulties of obtaining information about something as private as hygienic practices, the study could focus only on a few families, looking for descriptive qualitative, rather than quantitative, data - even in the few cases studied, there were severe limitations to what could be observed. This article describes what was observed, and relates it to some of the data collected in the microbiological study. Introduction This study took place in conjunction with a microbiological study on the practice and effectiveness of different forms of hand-washing. In particular, the researchers wished to see the effect of distributing mukombes, a water container which delivers 200 ml of water for hand-washing when tipped. The study was conducted in three areas: a traditional village in Chihota Communal Land, a peri-urban area (Epworth, near Harare), and three selected commercial farms. Those involved in the microbiological study also administered a survey questionnaire, in which informants were asked to respond to a number of questions relating to hygiene and general background, to which the researchers added their own observations. The research assistants spent three weeks continuously in the field in December 1987. In each case five or six families were selected for detailed observation. The families were chosen because they were thought to be of interest by the microbiological researchers, and to represent a wide range of styles of living. After apreliminary visit and interviews, the research assistant spent three full days with the family concerned, to observe and learn about practices related to hygiene. The evenings and early mornings remained outside the scope of direct • This study to<*: place in coo.junction with a microbiological study on the pnctice and effectiveness of different fonns of hand-washing, carried wt by Eva Kaltenlhaler.na Fdix Olawin, of the Blair Research Institute in Harare. The actual field work wu undertaken by three students from the Department of Sociology at the Univenity of Zimbabwe, Winnie Mukofekwa (Epworth), Flormce OIidarnahiya (Chihota), and Faith Manwa (fanns). + AslOciate ProfcslOl', Department of Sociology, Univenity «Zimbabwe, POBox MP 167, Mount Pleasant, Harare, Zimbabwe. 60 M F C BOlU'dillon observation. In Epworth, the period of observation was shorter. The research assistant returned to Epworth in March for a week. At the end of May, after the mukombes had been installed for some time, all three returned to their respective areas for a week of further observation. The traditional village In an earlier study of a number of areas in Zimbabwe, it was observed that 80% of the members of 52 households bathed daily. In only three of these families did any members fail to wash their hands before observed meals. No one washed after defecation (Government of Zimbabwe, 1985). The observations in the present study suggest that bathing is less regular in all three communities; that hand washing before meals is only very rarely missed; and that hand washing after toilet use has in the past been very rare. Comparing the three areas in the present study, hygiene practices were more regular in the traditional village than in the other two areas. The microbiological study showed coliform counts from hands to be significantly lower in the traditional village than in the other two areas. Nyamungaya Village is situated approximately 60 kms by road from Harare. Field observations were for the most part confined to one section of it, comprising 34 homesteads. Each homestead comprises of a number of single-room houses used as bedrooms or kitchens, and sometimes also a two-roomed dwelling occupied by the household head. The buildings are for the most part built of plastered brick, with cement noors and corrugated iron or thatch roofing. The homesteads are usually fenced, and include an acre or two of gardens for fresh vegetables and a little grain, and are spaced roughly 150m from each other. Buses to and from Harare pass along a nearby road, and also give access to the nearest clinic, which is a20 minute ride away . The economy is based on a combination of wage labour and subsistence agriculture. It was difficult to contact household heads other than at weekends, when many came home from their work in Harare to visit their families. Differences in wealth are apparent from house styles, and ownership of livestock and agricultural equipment In December, thirteen of the thirty-four homesteads had pit toilets, all but one recently built according to the improved 'Blair' design. A further seven families were planning to build toilets, and had at least got so far as to dig a hole. Others simply used the surrounding bush. With two exceptions, the toilets that had been built were clean and in good condition in December, and the two exceptions were clean in May. In one case, the holes were kept covered, which in the Blair design increases the possibility of contamination by flies. Generally, the wealthier people in the village have toilets. Although government supplied cement, many could not afford the bricks nor the cost of hiring a builder. No cement was supplied between December and May ,when cement was generally in shoftsupply ,and no new toilets were completed, although some progress had been made on some of those that had been started. Near one part of the village is a shallow pan whicb holds surface water during the rainy season. In the dry season,. the water table in the pan is sufficiently high for a series of shallow wells to be dug in the sandy soil to collect water. These are moved towards the centre of the Case Study: Hygiene Behaviour 61 pan as the water table falls. Between December and May a borehole was drilled to serve those far away from the traditional wells. There are a number of ways in which Nyamungaya village is not typical of the remoter villages of rural Zimbabwe. As a result of its relative proximity to Harare, a large number of household heads can work in the city, coming home at weekends with a regular wage to supplement the subsistence agriculture of the rural area, at the same time minimising their expenses in the city. This is readily seen in the number of good quality brick houses in the village, and the number of toilets that have been built. Related to economic factors are the higher educational levels in the village. At least fourteen out of 23 husbands had received secondary education. The education of men in the peri-urban and farm areas were similar to each other and significantly lower than in the traditional village: 16 out 50 male household heads in Epworth and on the farms were reported to have received secondary education, with 15 cases unknown!. There was little difference between the three areas in terms of the education of women: marginally fewer farm wives had received secondary education than in the other two areas. There is no evidence that education is related to good hygiene on an individual basis: there was no correlation between coliform counts and education. But possibly education on the part of household heads generally results in more receptivity to new ideas in the community as a whole. A third distinctive characteristic of Nyamungaya village is its village health workerZ. This lady is enthusiastic about her job, and the relatively high standard of education among the people makes them willing to accept the practices she advocates. This contrasts with the many cases in poorer areas in which the choice between women with sufficient education for the role is extremely limited, and the person who acquires the post often does so largely to advance her status and for financial advantage. Consequently. she is likely to arouse only envy in the eyes of other women. In Nyamungaya by contrast. the village health worker is respected. and expressions of envy. though occasionally heard, are minimal. The low levels of faecal coliforms encountered in the village seem partly due to good health education. Fourthly, the neighbouring pan means that water is more readily available to many of the villagers than is usual in communa1lands. Since the water comes directly from the ground. there is little danger of bilharzia. And since the wells dry out and are moved seasonally, contamination, should it occur, is relatively short term. Nevertheless, the wells are not protected, even in the wet season when the water level is high and they could attraCt animals looking for drinking water. People do their laundry a short distance from the wells to prevent directdrainage into them; nevertheless, the distance is often not great and contamination is possible. In December, some people had to walk over half a kilometre to fetch their water (not a great distance in comparison to some rural areas'). Three families were obserVed for four days each in December, and a fourth family was added in the May exercise on account of the high coliform counts recorded for its members. In all cases, hands were regularly washed before meals, even in the case of small children. This traditional pmctice was never omitted during the observational research.
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