ALARIC FAULKNER Besides supplying fish for export , these men were to keep the island "farmed out in Sir Ferdinando's name to such as shall there fish. " For their protec­ Archaeology of the Cod Fishery: tion against the French and Indians , they had built "a strong palisado of spruce trees of some ten feet Damariscove Island high, having besides their small shot, one piece of ordnance and some ten good dogs" (James 1963:15-16). With the hope of learning more of ABSTRACT this occupation and its successors, the author di­ In the 17th and 18th centuries, seasonal fishermen from rected an intensive survey of Damariscove in the France and England practiced nearly identical methods of summers of 1979 and 1980, sponsored by the dry curing codfish on the coasts of North America. The Maine Historic Preservation Commission. The complex measures taken in cleaning , salting and drying the documentary and archaeological research at this cod were followed with ritual fidelity. The well-preserved and related fishing stations in Maine has led him to product was exported to the warmer climates of the Antilles and Mediterranean where it found a ready market. Structures examine the archaeology of the cod fishery in for this land based operation were rebuilt annually, each general. camp requiring a vast area of drying racks and a specific set As it was the lure of the cod fishery which of wattle walled buildings, roofed with bark and sod or else brought Europeans to the Northeast, the history covered by the ship's sails. These structures should leave and archaeology of this industry should be of diagnostic post mold configurations. A sedentary fishery, leaving more permanent remains, paramount importance in understanding the proc­ evolved along with colonization in the 1620s, as at Damaris­ ess of colonization here. Very little archaeological cove Island, off the coast of Maine. In New England , the work has been done on the early English fishery, winter fishery provided employment compatible with agri­ and even less is known of its French and Acadian culture. Damariscove offers an early example of this mixed counterparts. This is not due to any want of sites, economy and an opportunity to examine its role in promot­ ing early settlement. Distributions of clay pipes recovered in for in Maine at least 20 17th century fishing the initial Damariscove survey indicate a marked shift in settlements have been located. With growing inter­ settlement focus from the harborside, prior to the Indian est in the role of the cod fishery in promoting Wars of 1676 to ca. 1725, to upland locations thereafter. settlement, the need for a reliable historical and This most likely reflects abandonment of the cod fishery in archaeological model of the industry has become favor of sheep raising as the dominant economic pursuit. apparent. A prototype, developed here, relies far more heavily on historical information than ar­ chaeological data, but this is bound to change. Introduction This version should be useful in site identification, and in the recognition of key features and artifacts Damariscove is the last in a series of islands which associated with early cod fishing stations. It also juts into the sea from the Damariscotta River implies specific patterns of refuse disposal which estuary , about one-third of the way " down east" may be tested archaeologically. along the coast of Maine (Figure I). The islands Comtemporary records of the cod fishery in the and peninsulas of this submerged coastline are of 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries are numerous, and particular historic interest, for it was here that the in some instances are remarkably detailed. In de­ English made their first successful settlements in scribing the layout of a fishing station and the Maine, based principally on the cod fishery. activities which are involved in the processing of Damariscove was the earliest of these settlements, the cod, the author has drawn heavily on the best supporting in 1622 a year-round population of 13 French and English primary sources. These in­ fishermen employed by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, a clude the writings of Nicolas Denys (Ganong member of the Council for New England who was 1908), Duhamel du Monceau (De la Morandiere eventually to become sole proprietor of Maine. 1962), James Yonge (Poynter 1963), Thomas 58 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 19

, f\1.ner U. VHJeron " iTh,umeap, .. ~ !\SqUlUell :t ..:> o '" U RafmJo n.he..... ;,I'

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FIGURE 1. Islands near the mouth of the Damariscotta River, mid-coastal Maine.

Knight (1867), John Josselyn (1865), John Down­ Early French and English Fishing Strategies ing (Baxter 1889:372-376) and John Winter (Bax­ ter 1884). Illustrations derived from these and The history of the cod fishery in North America other original sources are reproduced here to com­ goes back to the early 16th century when the plete the model. waters off Newfoundland were fished by French , ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE COD FISHERY 59 Portuguese, English, and Spanish Basque crews . shore facilities and a minimal investment in equip­ By mid-century , the English and French were the ment. The fishing was all done from the mother principal contestants for this fishery, a rivalry vessel, and the catch was simply cleaned on deck which continued through the 17th century with the and then salted in the hold (Figure 2). Thus, with a expansion of the fishery into Acadia and New relatively small vessel and crew, it was possible to England (Innis 1940:13-23) . Most fishing sites to make a brief voyage to nearby fishing banks and be encountered arhcaeologically, then, will be return with a product ready for market (De la either French or English. Morandiere 1962:145-160). Fishing captains in the cod fishery were The dry fishery, because it involved establishing equipped to pursue one or the other of two basic base stations on shore, is of particular archaeologi­ processing methods. The catch could be cured wet cal interest. Appropriate sites required not only by cleaning and salting it on board ship, or it could nearby fishing grounds , but also a protected harbor be dried on racks or flakes on shore. The wet on with room for setting up stages on which the fish green process, as it was also called, was the were unloaded and cleaned, flakes for drying the simpler of the two strategies, for it involved no catch, shelters for the crew, and a storehouse for

I•

FIGURE2. Method of the green cod fishery. Seen from the back on deck are the fishermen, behind them the dressers, and below decks the salter. In the detail below, working at the splitting table, are at left a header and at right a splitter. At the far right is a fisherman working behind his spray hood. Aprons over the barrels keep the workers on deck relatively clean and dry (after De la Morandlere 1962: Plate VII: courtesy of G. P. Maisonneuve et Larose). 60 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 19 provisions. Fishing was done from a number of consumption (De la Morandiere 1962:345, Louns­ small boats brought over on the mother vessel and bury 1934:144). was therefore limited to the waters within a few Prior to 1600, the French and English practiced hours sail of the base station. This precluded both techniques in the Newfoundland fishery. The fishing for the largest cod along the offshore French fishermen, however, were based in numer­ banks, but smaller cod were best suited to this ous scattered ports with substantial local markets, process anyway, as it took many weeks of curing and they preferred the green process. Any attempt to dry the flesh thoroughly (De la Morandiere to dry the cod was conducted after the return, but 1962:35). the results did not compare in quality to the true One advantage to the dry cure was that it re­ dry cure. The English fishing industry, con­ quired only about half the salt of the green process centrated in a few West Country ports, had a (Ganong 1908:527). This was of consequence to limited domestic market and salt supply, and so the English, who lacked the port facilities needed favored the dry process . When the Spanish market to manufacture salt in quantity and were forced to opened up after the defeat of the Armada, English purchase it from the continent (Innis 1940:51). West Country fishermen were equipped to meet Also, in the dry fishery, any excess salt was stored this new demand. London merchants soon became at the processing site for future use; it therefore did important middlemen, sending out sack ships to not compete with fish for cargo space on the return buy up the surplus Newfoundland catch and take it voyage (De la Morandiere 1962:67). to the Mediterranean. But by 1600 the French Dry fishing was also more productive in some fishermen of the Biscay ports were also dry pro­ respects than was the green fishery. According to cessing in earnest and were in competition with the Denys, writing of the Acadian fishery of ca. 1670, English for a foothold in Newfoundland (Innis a 200-ton ship outfitted for green curing required a 1940:51-52). crew of about 25 men and boys, and it might be Two significant developments in the early 17th expected to return in three or four months with century were the expansion of the cod fishery into 45,000 fish. A comparable ship in the dry fishery Acadia and New England, and the beginning of required twice the crew, and the voyage might last sedentary fishing at semi-permanent installations twice as long, but the vessel would generally occupied throughout the year. Bartholemew Gos­ return with 200,000 fish, more than four times that nold, in his 1602 exploration of the Gulf of Maine produced by the green cure strategy (Ganong and New England shores proclaimed "better fish­ 1908:527). Thus the profitability of the dry fishery ing and in as great a plentie, as in Newfoundland" depended considerably on labor and provisioning (Burrage 1906:331-332). Such reports induced costs, as well as the expense of capital equipment. seasonal fishermen to travel another 1200 km. The greatest advantage, however, was the (746 mi.) or so beyond the Grand Banks of New­ superiority of the dried product. The finest grade foundland to exploit the new fishing grounds . of merchantable cod could be expected to last for Thereafter, the coasts of Maine and Acadia were years, and regularly commanded high prices in the contested by the French and English until the Mediterranean (Knight 1867:43 , 38). Unlike middle of the 18th century. Christopher Levett, green-cured cod, it could be transported to warmer one of the Council of New England, recommended latitudes without spoiling. Merchantable cod pro­ the "more profitable course" of permanent fishing visioned North American colonists, supplied food stations over seasonal fishing voyages after his for the military and paid for Spanish goods and 1624 visit, and his advice was well taken (Levett gold, while refuse cod was fed to slaves in the 1847:105). Damariscove, for example, was first Antilles (Innis 1940:51, 57). This dried cod, then, established in order to monopolize the cod fishery was primarily an export product, while green­ by controlling the harbors and land necessary to set cured cod was generally intended for domestic up fishing stations. In addition, the Damariscove ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE COD FISHERY 61 employees were to compete with the licensed sea­ sufficient to study just the procurement of the fish sonal fishermen and so provide a second source of as has been done by Mousette (1979) . One must revenue for their employer. Even though the examine the complete dry curing process in the licensing strategy failed for lack of enforcement, sea sonal and sedentary fisheries and its im­ most settled fishing businesses in Maine prospered plications. as efficient alternatives to seasonal fishing. The best known of these was at Richmond 's Island on Cape Elizabeth , Maine , and was first operated for Dry Cod Processing in the Seasonal Fishery a Sir Robert Trelawny by his agent, John Winter, from 1633 to 1644 (Baxter 1884). Similar ventures A striking feature of the primary documents were attempted by the French in Acadia in the describing the complex dry cod process is the middle of the 17th century , but according to De­ agreement between the French and English nys, they were unsuccessful (Ganong 1908:559­ accounts , suggesting that the fishermen of both 560). countries practiced essentially the same techniques The principal reason for the success of the throughout the early history of the cod fishery (De sedentary fishery practiced in New England was its la Morandiere 1962:161). A comparison of the potential as a winter occupation . In many areas, as 17th century Denys and Yonge accounts with Du at Richmond 's Island, the best fishing was in the Monceau's 18th century work shows them to be all months of January and February (Baxter 1884:26), but identical in key respects and in substantial whereas spring and summer fishing was the rule in agreement with Knight's description of the cod Newfoundland and Acadia (De la Morandiere fishery practiced in the Gulf of St. Lawrence in the 1962:163; Ganong 1908:562). Apparently in the mid-19th century (Knight 1867:87-89). Variants winter the cod approached closer to the Maine .of this curing method are still practiced in New­ shore to spawn (Woodbury 1880:23-26). Thus , foundland (Morison 1971:474). after about 1620, fishing became a suitable em­ A large crew was required for each ship engaged ployment for New England planters , giving a in the seasonal fishery, and each man was assigned stronger basis for permanent settlement (Innis shares in the value of the catch according to his 1940:75-76). In Acadia, however , seasonal ex­ duties and experience. While Denys places the peditions were still relatively cheaper. The em­ minimum crew size at 50 for a 200-ton vessel, Du ployees were housed and provisioned for only Monceau , writing a century later in the I770s , puts eight or nine months of the year and were returned the minimum figure at 120 for the larger 300-ton to France to spend the winter months on their own vessels then commonly in use. The latter crew (Ganong 1908:559-562). included, besides the captain, a chaplain , two The New England winter fishery developed surgeons, and more than 100 workers specializing markedly in the 17th century, and the Massachu­ in various aspects of the fishery, many of whom setts Bay Colony took ever increasing advantage of had secondary roles as seamen during the voyage . the carrying trade which it generated, so that by the Twenty men trained as stage and flake makers , end of the century the colony was becoming a carpenters, and caulkers were employed principal­ powerful commercial force in competition with ly for the construction and maintenance of the England itself (Innis 1940:197-198). The study of land-based facilities. Sixty fishermen were the mixed farming and fishing economy repre­ assigned to 12 boats in crews of five each, three sented in the archaeology of sites such as Damaris­ actually to fish, and two to tend flakes and mend cove is thus truly of regional significance in con­ equipment on shore. Eight to 10 additional fisher­ sidering the process of early colonial settlement in men were employed just to supply small bait fish New England. In order to understand the archaeo­ for the cod fishermen. Ten headers and 10 splitters logical manifestations of this economy , it is not were employed to clean and split the fish while 62 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY , VOLUME 19 from eight to 40 young boys assisted in the numer­ have diagnostic forms, as suggested by Denys' ous chores at the fishing station (De la Morandiere description of French types: 1962:162). The bar is cut into three or four pieces according to its size; Much of the food for the lengthy voyage came each piece makes one lead. Some make them round, others from the fishery itself in the form of cod and make them square, and they are much larger at one end than mackerel. Produce was obtained from small gar­ the other. The slender ends are flattened a little at the tip. dens, and meat and eggs came from poultry. The They are pierced, and . . . tied with sail thread so that they ship had to be stocked with large quantities of cannot get off. Some give more ornamentation than others , in order to show their skill (Ganong 1908:275-276). provisions. Denys emphasizes wine (to be cut with water), pork, pickled herring, biscuit, peas, beans, This work was not always performed under ideal vinegar and oil or butter (Ganong 1908:527,548­ conditions, for in the 17th century the voyage was 549). Invoices from an English fishing station of undertaken at breakneck speed in order to arrive at 1634 include the same staples of biscuits, peas, the most favorable harbors first and establish the beans, and vinegar and oil, but they also show ship's captain as admiral. It was the admiral who several hogsheads of beef in addition to the pork had the choice of areas to set up his base camp and and fish, with sack, aquavite and beer as beverages who directed the subsequent use of the harbor and rather than wine (Baxter 1884:147-148). Supplies reuse of the stages, flakes and other structures left and equipment for the fishery were numerous and in previous years (Ganong 1908:530-531; Poynter often bulky; therefore, they included only items 1963:55-56). In the Newfoundland fishery, where that could not conveniently be made from native early arrivals might be expected in March, the materials at the fishing site. These same English passage was sometimes extremely hazardous. John records include several hogsheads of pitch and tar Yonge, surgeon aboard the Marigold in 1670, for waterproofing and protecting boats, lines, and relates in vivid detail the hazards of winter storms, clothing. Also listed are sails, shrouds, anchor entrapment in seemingly endless ice floes, and lines, mooring cables, lead, oakum, hardware fit­ attempts to manage frozen sails and rigging while tings, and bait nets for outfitting and caulking the the master and the mate turned to heavy drink fishing boats (Baxter 1884:147-149). In the sea­ (Poynter 1963:124-125) . sonal fishery, the boats themselves had to be The ground plans of many seasonal fishing sta­ imported, and Denys describes partially pre­ tions probably resembled the French settlement of fabricated boats which were stowed aboard ship 1686 at L'Ile Bonaventure, south of the mouth of for the voyage and then pieced together at the the St. Lawrence (Figure 3). Here are clusters of fishery (Ganong 1908:538-541). Salt, however, temporary structures, stages and flakes, generally was the required item of greatest bulk, even in the in about the same number as the larger ships dry fishery, and seasonal fishermen used their represented . The compactness of settlement is ship's hold as a floating salt bin (Ganong probably not exaggerated, for the drying process 1908:544). required ready access to the stage area. Note the Fishing tackle was prepared en route to the two gardens, probably belonging to the admiral fishing grounds. Six hand lines were allotted to and vice admiral, and the permanent structure each boat crew, two for each active fisherman. The surrounded by crosses, which was probably a mis­ lines were first stretched and dragged astern to sion. untwist and untangle them. A barbed but eyeless Yonge describes succinctly the procedure of hook, with a flattened shank end for attachment, setting up a fishing station in Newfoundland (Fig­ was then bound to each line. Lead sinkers were ure 4): prepared from cast bar stock, and weighed 1.3 kg. As soon as we resolve to fish here, the ship is all unrigged, to 1.8 kg. (3Ibs. to 41bs.) apiece. Among the most and in the snow and cold all the men go into the woods to cut likely artifacts of the fishery to survive in the timber, fir spruce and birch being here plentiful. With this archaeological record, lead sinkers may prove to they build stages, flakes, cookroom and houses. The houses ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE COD FISHERY 63

FIGURE 3. Detail of dry cod fishing stations at L'lle Bonaventure , south of the mouth of the St. Lawrence River, ca. 1686. (courtesy of the Bioliotheque Nationale, Paris).

, 1 '

FIGURE 4. A sketch from John Yonge's Journal, 1670, showing components of a seasonal dry cod fishing station in Newfoundland. His key shows: A, "The Stage Rooffe;" B, "ye Stage head;" C, "A fishing boate ;" 0 , "A cook roome;" E, "A flake to dry fish on" (after Poynter 1963: Plate 4; courtesy of Longmans Group Ltd).

are made of a frythe [wattle) of boughs, sealed inside with them as at a key, and throw up their fish, which is split, rinds [bark), which look like planed deal [sheathing) and salted &c (Poynter 1963:56-57). turfs of earth upon, to keep the sun from caning [ruining?) them. The stages are begun on the edge of the shore, and built out into the sea, a floor of round timber, supported with Denys' description of cookhouse construction, posts, and shores of great timber. The boats lie at the head of made independently from Yonge's, is very similar: 64 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 19

The steward with some of the boys, works to build the 2 m. (6.6 ft.) intervals, the central partition of the kitchen, which is covered with large turfs arranged like tiles captain's quarters should be a palisade interrupted one upon another, so that the rain cannot enter. And from only by a doorway. the roof downwards, there are fir branches all around, interlaced [between pickets 30 em. (I ft.) apart] like the The key structure of the dry fishery was, of others. These the boys bring from the woods, as well for this course, the stage where the fish were dressed and as for all the rest of the lodgings (Ganong 1908:532). salted, the construction of which Denys illustrates in detail (Figure 5). This was a covered rectangular Denys, like Yonge, makes reference to stripping building with an open triangular platform at one the ship''as if she were in harbor in France to pass end which jutted out into the water. The entire the winter" (Ganong 1908:532). The purpose, he building was erected upon a framework of stout explains, was to provide rigging and sails to make pilings which, according to the tide differential, the other buildings in the camp-the fishermen's were as high as 6 m. (19.7 ft.) The pilings were set quarters, captain's storehouse and the stage­ out at low tide and shored and cross-braced to which were tent-like, rather than sod- or bark­ make them rigid. From side to side across these roofed. underpinnings, floor joists were placed at about The fishermen were housed in rectangular bar­ 2 m. (6.6 ft.) intervals. These joists in tum sup­ racks with walls made of pickets driven into the ported a flooring of small, round poles, as in ground at about 30 cm. (1 ft.) intervals and in­ Yonge's description above. The remainder of the terwoven with fir branches, rising on the sides superstructure resembled the housing facilities in about 1.5 m. (5 ft.) high. The sail roof was its wattle and sail construction, except that the supported by a smooth ridge pole set on posts uprights were fastened to the underpinnings rather spaced at about 2.0 m. (6.6 ft.) intervals running than driven into the ground. Also, the end wall at down the center of the structure. This frame tent the stage head was elevated above the floor, leav­ was high enough so that two tiers of fishermen ing a 60 ern. (2 ft.) gap through which the fisher­ could be suspended in rope hammocks between the men passed their catch inside to be dressed. Built posts. Each hammock served two fishermen, who into the interior of the stage was the splitting and were apparently separated from each other by a cleaning table, a chute for placing the cleaned fish, cross brace running underneath the hammock and and a large salt bin. connecting to the central row of posts. Denys notes Denys illustrates some of the paraphernalia only that the size of these quarters depended on the associated with the stage activities, reproduced size of the mainsail. From his description, how­ here in Figure 6. Two kinds of train vat were ever, it is evident that four fishermen were housed known, one of which was a planked structure for every 2 m. (6.6 ft.) of building length, and that about 2 m. (6.6 ft.) square, lined with pitch and at least 24 lineal meters (78.7 ft.) of structure elevated on legs, while the second was a specially would be needed to house most of the 50 members modified barrel. Both had mat-like partitions near of the ship's company in Denys' time. This may the front which served as strainers. Cod livers were have called for more than one barracks. thrown into the larger compartment and allowed to The captain's house, built of similar wattle and "melt" in the sun. Fluids then passed through the sail construction, was divided down the central strainer into the smaller compartment. Two taps on axis with a solid palisade partition fitted with a the front of the device allowed the liquids to be door and lock. This separated the captain's quart­ drained periodically, the upper tap for the oil or ers from the stores (Ganong 1908:531-532). train, the lower tap for blood and rainwater. Old, Where not hopelessly complicated by seasonal well-pitched boats were often rigged with strainers rebuilding, it should be possible to distinguish the to serve as train vats as well (Ganong 1908:535­ captain's quarters from the barracks by their foot­ 536). prints. While remains of support posts in the Also shown in Figure 6 are the roller barrows crew's housing should leave post molds spaced at used to drag the fish from the splitting area to the ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE COD FISHERY 65 which the fish were tossed after the salt was washed out of them, was built like a child's crib. Thereafter the fish were taken by litter to the draining platform (not shown) which was a minia­ ture version of the stage itself, having a pole floor set up on pilings and covered with an arbor of interwoven branches which acted as a sun shade. Some were rectangular, measuring about 2 m. by 4 m. (6.6 ft. by 13.1 ft.) and oriented parallel to the shoreline, while others were double-sized plat­ forms, measuring 3.7m to 4.6m (12 ft. to 15 ft.) square. The most extensive structures of the dry fishery were the flakes, drying racks supported on small poles, 1.7m (5.5 ft.) long, which were driven into the ground so that the drying surface stood waist high. These simple structures were about 1.5 m. (5 ft.) wide, the supporting poles being spaced in pairs at 1.8m (6 ft.) intervals to form long, parallel rows. Side rails and cross braces were lashed to these uprights, and then covered with stripped branches to support the cod, allowing them to be dried from underneath as well as from above. Denys estimates that from 30 to 50 of these long and narrow flakes were needed for each ship, depending on its size, making the flake area the most extensive component of the fishing station. His approximate figures for the length and breadth of this area suggest that from 400 m.2 to 2000 m.2 2 (4,301 f1. to 21,505 ft. 2) were required for each vessel's flakes (Ganong 1908:536-537 ; Knight 1867:88). Finally, a place along the beach was required to layout the dried fish and then place them in piles, in order to make room on the flakes for fresh · 'F. Jffi~.: ~,. 1.·.s.- Ir" ft~ lI t •.'f > I f. , .I,,"rn. i .s /4 ~' '' Utl~·t tJ,...• r/;'" '"d. catches. Generally this was done on a gravel oeach, especially cleaned and prepared for the FIGURE5. Construction details of a stage type used in the seasonal fishery in Acadia ca. 1672: a, pilings, shoring, purpose and lying well above high tide. To keep and floor joists: b. pole flooring with built-in splitting table them dry, fish were piled on stone platforms 2 m. [etablle] and salt bin [Saline]: c. wattle wall and tent to 4 m. (6.6ft. to 13.1 ft.) in diameter (Ganong roofing of the finished stage (after Denys in Ganong 1980:537, 557; De la Morandiere 1962:177). Re­ 1908:284). mains of such structures have been reported in Labrador by Tuck and Grenier (1981:188). salting area at the other end of the stage. Another The fishing itself was done from small boats carrying device (not shown) was a wicker litter, propelled by oar and sail and manned by a crew of used to carry the fish from the stage to the beach to three fishermen. Provisioned with biscuit and wa­ be washed. The 3 m. (9 ft.) square cage, into tered wine (in the French case), the fishermen 66 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 19

a b c

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FIGURE 6. Equipment used in the dry cod process in Acadia ca. 1672: a and b, "wine press" and " barrel" train oil vat forms; c. two views of roller barrows used to drag the cod along the pole floor of the stage ; d, cage for washing excess salt from the cod (after Denys in Ganong 1908:288).

carried out the day's work within 5 km. to 8 km. (3 English station in operation in Newfoundland early mi. to 5 mi.) or two to three hours, of their camp . in the 18th century (Figure 7). Discrepancies with Each fisherman set out his two handlines, one on Denys' description include the orientation of the each side of the boat. Cod entrails, shellfish, or splitting table and the number of salt bins, but any number of different kinds of small fish were otherwise these French and English depictions used as bait. Fishing about 1.8m (6 ft.) above the agree in detail. bottom, they were able to work first one line and Boats were tied up at the stage head, and the cod then the other, on good days bringing in the cod as hoisted onto the platform using curved iron pikes fast as they could haul in the lines and rebait the about 30 cm. (l ft.) long and fitted with long hooks. In the summer fishery they worked until wooden handles . In managing the larger cod, they about 4:00 p.m. in order to return to the stage head were assisted from above by boys using gaffs . The by 6:00-7:00 p.m., allowing time for the shore fish were then slid under the partition into the crew to clean and salt the fish (Ganong 1908:542­ splitting room. 544). The cleaning process required three specialists, The land-based operation is carefully illustrated a throater, a header and a splitter . The fish was in an inset from Hermann Moll's map of North first passed to the throater, dressed in a heavy America (Moll ca. 1713), which shows a seasonal apron and protective sleeves, who opened the belly ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE COD FISHERY 67 /

----

FIGURE 7. The dry cod process in Newfoundland: detail from a map of North America prepared for the British Privy Council by Dutch cartographer Hermann Moll, ca. 1713 (courtesy of the Maine State Museum).

of the cod from the throat to the anus . Denys tail, cut through the backbone at the tail, and then describes the throater's knife as long and pointed, worked up the other side. Thus the entire ribs and the cutting edge curving toward the point , perhaps spine, except for a few caudal vertebra, were like a modem filetting knife. The fish was then removed intact through the ventral opening, leav­ passed to the header, similarly dressed, whose job ing a single piece of flesh opened to the tail . The it was to remove the entrails, save the roe and liver spinal column was discarded through a hole in the in baskets, and then to break off the head and floor as before (Ganong 1908:545-546; De la throw it into the sea through an open hole in the Morandiere 1962:177; Knight 1867:88). Just such floor at his feet. Finally, the fish was handed to the fish cleaning remains have been recovered un­ highly skilled splitter, who stood in a barrel near derwater at various fishing sites in the Maritimes the end of the table, his apron draped outside the (Cuumba 1981), which may allow a complete barrel to keep himself clean . His knife was much faunal analysis of the cod , giving species, size, heavier than that of the throater, being straight, and season , as well as establishing a diagnostic squared off at the end, and thickened along the record of fish dressing techniques. back . The splitter grabbed a lateral fin in his mitted The cleaned fish was tossed into a chute, from left hand, and steadied the fish against a batten which it was loaded into roller barrow s and drag­ nailed to the table. He then removed the flesh from ged to the other end of the stage to be salted . The one side of the spine, working from the fin to the first of the day's fish were placed head by tail on 68 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY , VOLUME 19 the floor with the skin side down. A thin layer of apart, the cod allowed to dry on the beach for a few salt was spread over them using ajlat shovel. and hours, and then restacked. This procedure was then additional fish were added to the pile. Larger then repeated at about monthly intervals to keep cod, which required more salt, were treated and the moisture to a minimum and evenly distributed stacked separately. The process continued until the throughout the pile. Eventually the fish were entire day's catch was salted in piles, where it placed high on the beach on the circular stone would remain for a day and a half. The basket of platforms, skin down to prevent them from taking livers was carried off to the liver vat, and added to up moisture from underneath. The largest cod, or the top of the already rotting mass of livers from else some large, flat pressing stones were placed previous days. Finally, the roe was placed in a on top, their weight extracting the last bit of nook in the salt bin and lightly salted (Ganong moisture from the pile. The final stack, now ladder 1908:545-546). high, was covered with sails until time for The land crew continued the curing process on embarkation (Ganong 1908:557-558; Baxter the following day while the fishermen were at sea. 1889:375-376; Knight 1867:89). At the end of the Here, Denys' description is corroborated in every season there was insufficient time to dry the last of important detail by the account of John Downing, the catch, which had to be cured green to become an English fishermen from Canso, writing in 1676 corfish (Baxter 1889:376). Any salt remaining in (Baxter 1889:372-376). The cod from two days the hold of the ship was removed and stored on earlier were carried to the water, washed in the shore under a layer of bark and turf for future use cage to remove excess salt, and then taken to the (De la Morandiere 1962:67). The hold was then draining platform. When thoroughly drained, they partially filled with branches to serve as bedding were placed head to tail on the flakes, skin side up. for the cod, keeping it dry for the return trip After a few hours, the flesh side was turned up. (Ganong 1908:558). Care was taken, however, not to give the flesh too While there may have been some variation from much exposure to the midday sun lest it become this model of the seasonal dry fishery, very few reddened or cooked so that it fell to pieces. At discrepanices are evident in the literature. De la night the fish were turned skin up to protect them Morandiere (1962:170) alleges that the English in from the dew or rain, for if ever the fish were the Newfoundland fisheries used smaller hooks, rewetted once the drying process had begun, they which were. inferior because they could be swal­ would spoil. The highest quality fish were those lowed whole, but does not specify hook di­ dried uniformly to a translucent white. Rainy mensions or time period. He also notes a distinc­ weather put a halt to the drying process and meant tion between the early French and English cod a backlog of salted, unwashed fish which were left dressing practices, asserting that until the 18th in piles on the stage until conditions improved. century the French made round cod. splitting the Depending on the weather and management of the fish only to the anus, so that the region of the tail land operation, from 6% to 20% of the catch might was still round in section and prone to spoil for be second quality refuse fish. Usually four or five lack of adequate drying. The English carried the fair days were required on the flakes for cod of incision all the way through the tail to make jlat ordinary size to complete the first stage of drying, cod. which could be more evenly salted and dried although the largest cod took somewhat longer (De La Morandiere 1962:156). This difference (Ganong 1908:554-555; Baxter 1889:375; Knight might well be detected in analysis of caudal ver­ 1867:89). tebrae from stage sites. Various shortcuts also After initial drying, the fish were taken from the were attempted in the laborious dry curing process flakes and placed on the beach, first in little piles by both the French and the English (De la Moran­ and then in larger ones as the drying progressed. diere 1962:170; Knight 1867:42), but it is not When the larger piles began to "sweat" moisture, likely that they were widely adopted. usually after about two weeks, they were taken The construction and reconstruction of the tern- ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE COD FISHERY 69 porary, seasonal camps year after year, and the commonly financed by European investor­ resulting deforestation should be of considerable patentees such as Gorges and Trelawny , who archaeological interest in considering environmen­ sought to maintain licensed monopolies over the tal changes along the coast during the 17th cen­ fishing grounds. These gave way to companies tury. One 1622 English source noted that in New­ under local authority, as in Maine at Pemaquid and foundland there were no woods within 1.6 km. (l Damariscove. Eventually, as settlement pro­ mi.) of shore, and that substantial timber damage gressed, identured fishermen earned their freedom had been done by barking trees for roofing material and the right to fish for themselves. By the 1670s (Innis 1940:63). Denys , writing 50 years later of the cod fishery was conducted by a number of Acadia, claimed that it was necessary to travel 15 locally based enterprises of varying size, run for km. to 30 km. (9.3 mi. to 18.6 mi.) and more to the most part by independent fishermen (Josselyn secure building materials for the dry fishery 1865:153-164). In many cases, such as at the Isles (Ganong 1908:532). of Shoals and at the islands and peninsulas around Besides the wasteful outlay of labor and materi­ Damariscove, the smaller enterprises were numer­ als inherent in this annual rebuilding process , the ous, each owning or sharing its boats, stage, flake seasonal strategy had the added disadvantage of area, and perhaps a fish house for storing the catch lax security. Fishing boats left hidden in the woods and supplies (Robert L. Bradley 1982, pers. were liable to be stolen by the first to come in the comm.). following season, and the owners' marks removed. Unlike most of the patentees , these new in­ Stages were cannibalized for timber or burned; dependent enterprises seldom controlled the stored salt was stolen; train vats were destroyed, marketing of their product , and they were often and other acts of theft and vandalism were carried badly used by the Massachusetts Bay merchants out to minimize competition between fishermen , who served as middlemen. It was apparently com­ regardless of nationality (Innis 1940:67). These mon for a merchant to contract for the season's problems were somewhat better controlled by the catch and then so obligate the fishermen to him sedentary fishery. that their wages would often be little or nothing. At In the long run there may have been a distinct the time of reckoning the merchant would appear advantage in making only temporary facilities, with "a walking tavern , a Bark laden with the which helps explain why seasonal fishing contin­ Legitimate bloud of the rich grape, " and give out a ued long after the advent of the sedentary fishery. few free samples (Josselyn 1865:161). Starved for From decade to decade there were major changes entertainment, the fishing crew s would often in the migration habits of the cod and the food fish embark on a drunken bout lasting several days, on which they depended (Baxter 1889:372-373). only to find in the end that their wages had Captains in the seasonal fishery usually chose their vanished, and in some cases that their plantations base of operations carefully after having tested the were now mortgaged to the merchant (Josselyn fishing grounds, and they even made provisions 1865:162). for setting up subsidiary camps if the fishing near While this was the general pattern for the opera­ the base camp suddenly failed (Ganong 1908:551­ tion of the sedentary fishery along the coast of 552). Maine, other New Englanders , principally from Massachusetts, would regularly exploit these same fishing grounds, much in the same manner as was The Sedentary Fishery done by the seasonal European fishermen (Essex Institute 1919:263). Also, some of the local fisher­ The term sedentary fishery, as it applies to New men on the Maine coast, who fished their own England, refers to a number of different fishing waters in winter, spent the rest of the year in strategies , all of which used resident labor. In the voyages to the coast of Acadia and Newfoundland first half of the 17th century, sedentary fishing was (McFarland 1911:69-70). 70 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 19 The most complete historical record of the Other details of the station include "4 or 5 sedentary fishery in New England, as practiced for akers" of garden fenced with "pales of 6 fote the early patentees, is for the Trelawny station at heighe" planted in "Come [maize?] and pump­ Richmond's Island. Originally conceived as an kins," and a "house for our pigs" (Baxter entrep6t for commerce with settlers, traders, and 1884:32). Like Damariscove, Richmond's Island Indians around Casco Bay, its economic strength was originally fortified although the defenses were was principally as a fishing station (Baxter not described. Winter evidently took some un­ 1884:25-34) . From 1633 to 1643 John Winter, specified measures to improve security in 1636 in Trelawny's agent, employed a crew of about 40 opposition to the French military build-up at Fort persons at the station, most of them indentured Pentagoet at the mouth of the Penobscot River, young males. A few were engaged to raise crops of some 150 km. (93.2 mi.) to the northeast. The maize, peas, "English grains," and other produce, inventories of arms show many different pieces of or to tend cattle, goats, and pigs in an effort to ordnance, as well as obsolete hand weapons (Bax­ make the enterprise more self-sufficient and even ter 1884:86, 179-180). to produce a modest surplus for market. The The footprints to be expected in the excavation majority, however, were set to fishing, regardless of Richmond's Island structures, therefore, include of their aptitude, inclination or experience (Baxter not just patterns of post holes associated with 1884:50, 123-124, 164-165). temporary frame tents, but also buildings with The facilities Winter describes were far more cellars and chimney remains, and possibly stone substantial than those recorded for the seasonal foundations as well. With its 10 years of early 17th fishery: century accounts and invoices dealing with the material culture of the station, Richmond's Island I have built a house heare at Richmon Hand that is 40 foote provides one of the most complete images of the in length & 18 foot broad within the sides, besides the early sedentary fishery available. However, the Chimnay , and the Chimnay is large with an oven in each end of him, & he is so large that we Can place our Chittle [kettle] physical layout of the station remains to be ex­ within the Clavell pece. We can brew & bake and boyle our amined archaeologically, and is currently "off Cyttell all at once in him . . . [In] another house that I have limits" to excavation. For now, the preliminary built under the side of our house . . . we set our Ceves & work at Damariscove provides the best alternative mill & morter In to break our come & malt & to dres our image, one which pertains to the small, in­ meall in, & I have 2 chambers in him, and all our men lies in one of them, & every man hath his close boarded Cabbin dependent enterprises as well as to the early busi­ [bunk] . . . & in the other Chamber I have Rome Inough to nesses of the Gorges and Trelawny type. put the ships sailes into and all our dry goods which is in Caske, and I have a store house in him that will hold 2 tonnes of Caske which we put our bread and beare into, and every one of these romes ar Close with loockes and keyes Survey and Test Excavations at Damariscove unto them (Baxter 1884:31-32). Unlike Richmond's Island, Damariscove has a One would expect more permanent stages to be long history of activity in various economic pur­ used in the sedentary fishery, such as the board­ suits and has changed accordingly. Here, in 1622, roofed stages described by Downing in 1676 (Bax­ was a fortified fishing camp designed to regulate a ter 1889:374). However the Richmond's Island considerable seasonal English fishery while en­ inventory for 1638 lists a "Store of Stayge gaged in the sedentary fishery itself. The year­ Sayles," suggesting that temporary construction round business was operated by an all-male crew methods may still have been used at that date. The of 13, working for an absentee English nobleman. only other fishing structure mentioned at Rich­ By 1646, however, the island was inhabited by mond's Island was probably more permanent: a groups of independent fishermen, some with "house to put our fish in," capable of storing families, who worked for local fishing masters. 50,000 dried fish for export (Baxter 1884:169). Non-resident fishermen by this time were princi- ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE COD FISHERY 71 pally from Massachusetts Bay, and both residents doned and barren today , is a complex multi­ and non-residents were obliged to pay "a certain component site, and that it is not possible to acknowledgement" to the new patentees residing examine the 17th century fishing component in in nearby Pemaquid . In 1660, one resident had, in isolation. This condition surely holds for most addition to his house and stage, a "considerable fishing sites in Maine and probably applies to estate in fish and cattel ," indicating that the mixed many other areas as well. fishing and farming economy had become well­ established (Faulkner and Faulkner 1981:11). In 1672, 15 Damariscove familie s petitioned the Survey Methods Massachusetts General Court for government. When this was granted in 1674, Damariscove was The purpose of the 1979-1980 field work on as prosperous as any settlement in this region, its Damariscove Island was to delimit structures, fea­ tax assessment equalled only by that of Monhegan tures, and centers of activity for all periods. About (Faulkner and Faulkner 1981:1-11). half of the known structural remains were located This thriving community was abandoned in first through false color infrared aerial photographs 1676 as a result of Indian attacks during King taken in early May when vegetation growth pat­ Philip's War. Thereafter, small groups of terns were most distinct (Figure 8). Comparatively fishermen-farmers occupied the island in­ recent structures were also evident in collections of termittently until the final cessation of hostilities early snapshots, and their functions were clarified with the Indians ca. 1726. Fishing and sheep through interviews with former residents (Griffin raising were continued on a small scale through the and Faulkner 1982). Together these procedures remainder of the 18th century with a brief interrup­ accounted for the location of nearly 80% of the tion on the eve of the American Revolution when structures identified . the single resident family was burned out by a The remaining 20% were found on foot in the British naval party, and all the stock in sheep and process of preparing a detailed contour map of the pigs confiscated (Faulkner and Faulkner 1981:11­ island. The ground surface was examined system­ 20). atically and in as much detail as the dense ground In the 19th century the number of dwelling s on cover (predominantly bayberry and wild roses) the island ranged from one to three , and the pop­ would permit. On the more hospitable western ulation probably never exceeded 40 individuals . lobe of the island, with its comparatively low Granite quarrying was practiced commercially ear­ relief, contours were taken at 0.5 m. (1.6 ft.) ly in the century , much of it going into nearby intervals, whereas on the much steeper eastern side construction on the mainland . After the establish­ a 2.0 m. (6.6 ft.) interval was adequate to insure ment of a summer colony on nearby Squirrel Island thorough coverage of the landscape and to record in the 1870s, the Damariscove farm business the topography . turned from sheep raising to dairying and supply­ Test excavations conducted on this survey were ing the summer visitors with milk, produce, meat, limited in scale and in most cases were intended and fish. By this time the dry cod fishery had long simply to identify areas of 17th century activity been abandoned , and smaller fish, particularly although a few tests were made of later structures mackerel , were of greater importance. At the end and features. These excavations were made in 31 of the century , an attempt was made to tum separate locations, chosen to give a representative Damariscove itself into a resort , but it soon proved sample of a variety of topographic situations . unsuccessful. A major addition to the community Several additional factors entered into the test site was the establishment of the Life Saving Station on selection process, however , including the depth to the island in 1896, which now stands in ruins on bedrock , exposure to wind and tide, and the wishes the island (Griffin and Faulkner 1982:28-33). of the resident lobster fishermen and current It is apparent that Damariscove, although aban- landowners . 72 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 19

FIGURE 8. Detail from an aerial view of Damariscove harbor , showing remains of 19th and 20th structures. Original in false color infrared . ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE COD FISHERY 73 The mantle of marine silts and sands which The Nature Conservancy, which owns the island covers Damariscove is thin, a situation which and manages it as a nature preserve, declined predominates on virtually all of the island sites in certain test sites because they were thought to this region. Where eolian redeposition has covered endanger various wildlife habitats. In both of these archaeological remains, culture-bearing strata are cases, however, it was possible to find alternative rarely as much as 40 em. (15.8 in.) in depth, and test sites which were comparable. accumulations of 25 em. (9.8 in.) or less are more Considerable pains were taken in the 1979 sea­ usual. Thus the natural mixing of components is son to grid off and survey some of the more open frequent, and complete separation of occupations areas of the western lobe by proton magnetometry. is rarely possible. Therefore sites for test pits were Unfortunately, the anomalies discovered upon ex­ chosen after having been checked with a probe to cavation all proved to be 19th and 20th century see that they would yield at least 30 em. (11.8 in.) agricultural implements and related iron materials, of deposits. and the procedure was abandoned in the following The universe sampled by the survey was limited season. to the southern two-thirds of the island, the area covered in Figures 9 and 10. Although the area omitted from the survey boasts a large, shallow pond, the area generally is low-lying, and subject Structural Remains to submersion during severe storms. As a result, the water in the pond is quite brackish, much of the The majority of structures with surface in­ surrounding area being wetlands, and so was con­ dications were, understandably, from the most sidered to be too swampy to be the focus of 17th recent occupations. Most of the 69 structures and century activity. Similarly, no pits were placed on macrofeatures identified can be attributed to 19th the wet lowlands of the western half of the western and 20th century occupations of the island (see lobe of the island, which is regularly flooded in Figures 9, 10). These include remnants of per­ high seas. manent dwellings (2), barns (3), smaller agricul­ The eastern lobe of the island, which is rugged tural outbuildings (7), stone fences (6), and an and rises to more than twice the height of the isolated cellar-probably all features of the farm­ western lobe, was given relatively little attention stead. One permanent dwelling, a fish house, fish­ beyond surface inspection during the mapping ing camps (2) and stone landings (4) were associ­ process. Its rocky eastern side receives the brunt of ated with the fishery. Other structures and features wave action and is nearly denuded. On the other include granite quarries (6), summer cottages (3), side of this lobe, where the land slopes steeply the Life Saving Station complex (18), and various towards the harbor, there are no suitable sites for wells, waterholes and other structures used by the boat landings, and the land appears to be more entire island community (9). useful for gardening and pasture than for activities Of all these structures only two, the stone foot­ associated with the waterfront. Only three test pits ings for back-to-back stage heads at the northwest were placed on this side. The remaining test ex­ side of the harbor (see Figure 9), can be attributed cavations were located on the knobby terrain of the to the 17th century fishery. Note, however, that western lobe, in the general vicinity of Damaris­ the majority of this surface evidence is con­ cove's small harbor. In spite of these restrictions, centrated on the western side of Damariscove har­ great differences in land use were apparent from bor, where, as has been noted, the land is of low the test excavations, as will become apparent. relief and is protected from the prevailing south­ Finally, some of the prime areas for study were east winds by the higher eastern lobe. The advan­ off limits, as they were currently in use by the tages of the western side of the island were surely present-day lobster fishermen as camp sites, as obvious and compelling in the 17th century as in equipment stockpiles, and recreation areas. Also, later periods. 74 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 19

DAMARISCQVE ISLAND MAINE _._ .. -

FIGURE 9. Structures on Damariscove Island prior to 1900. ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE COD FISHERY 75

DAMARISCOVE \ ISLAND MAINE 1918 .. i • L ..

FIGURE 10. The Damariscove Island commun ity in 1918. 76 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY , VOLUME 19 Test Excavations present in abundance, many having the rouletted "belly-bowl" form or large stem bores common Excavations were made in 31 separate locations, during the first three quarters of the 17th century most of which are shown in Figure 11. Outside this (Figure 14). These pipes show a dramatically dif­ area were eight relatively unproductive units, five ferent geographic distribution from pipes left in of which were located near the southern tip of the later occupations, as is apparent from a study of western lobe in the vicinity of the Life Saving their bore diameters. Redware pipes of rouletted Station (J,K,N,Y and AA), and three of which belly-bowl form made up nearly 13% of the total were situated on the eastern lobe of the island (V, sample, but are omitted from tabulation as their CC and DD). In the main, test units consisted of 1 origin and temporal limits are not known. The m. by 1 m. or 1 m. by 2 m. (3.3 ft. by 3.3 ft. or 3.3 remaining white clay pipes can be presumed to be ft. by 6.6 ft.) pits taken to bedrock although in mainly of English origin and therefore amenable to more promising areas some of these units were dating by bore diameter (Binford 1961). expanded. More extensive excavations were con­ Shown in Table 1 are the dramatic differences in ducted to test three of the structures previously pipe bores between test units located by the harbor­ identified from surface indications, the principal side and units at higher elevations. The division farmhouse (Unit G, Str. 11A), a permanent fisher­ occurs at a break in topography separating the man's dwelling (Str. 23) and a small, isolated, gentle slopes near the harbor from the inland knolls stone-lined cellar which was apparently a storage and can be established, for the sake of con­ facility having no superstructure (Str. 37). As the venience, at the 4 m contour (see Figure 11). first two structures proved to have no direct bear­ Comparable excavation areas were opened above ing on the 17th century fishery, they will be and below this elevation, and the overall densities omitted from discussion. The cellar, measuring of pipe fragments encountered were nearly identi­ approximately 1.4 m. by 2.2 m. by 1.7 m. (4.6 ft. cal. Yet it is remarkable that the pipe bore frequen­ by 7.2 ft. by 5.6 ft.) deep, was laid up dry in cy distributions show practically no overlap (Fig­ rounded field stones, set into the steep bank of the ure 15). The 19 tests conducted below the 4 m eastern side of the harbor. While it may well have contour produced 7, 8, and 9 bore pipestems been connected with the cod fishery rather than the almost exclusively, and yielded mid-17th century farm complex, no diagnostic artifacts or faunal dates. Above that elevation, the 12 remaining tests materials were recovered in or around this struc­ produced nearly all 4 and 5 bore pipestems which ture. Its age and function, whether root or fish may date to any period after ca. 1750 when bore cellar, remain to be determined. diameters no longer decrease regularly. These up­ With the notable exception of clay tobacco land sites could be dated independently, however, pipes, the test excavations at Damariscove pro­ by abundant ceramic data. With the exception of duced only a few artifacts diagnostic of the 17th test units H and X, which yielded a few white century, let alone its fishery. Fragments of North saltglaze and Westerwald stoneware fragments of Devon Gravel Tempered and North Devon Sgraffi­ 18th century date, the tests at the higher elevations to earthenwares, and Bellarmine and early Wester­ represented occupations spanning the 19th cen­ wald stonewares were found, but in total these tury. 17th century ceramics numbered less than 25 (Fig­ Taken as a whole, the pipestem data suggest that ure 12). Metal objects (Figure 13) included a 17th century occupation was concentrated in the serrated lead disc, resembling in an unfinished area of the stages, landings, and beach at the state the toy "whizzers" found nearby in 17th harborside, and that the flakes were tightly clus­ century contexts at Pemaquid (Camp 1975: Figure tered on the gentle slopes nearby. The relative 34, no. 18). Also recovered were the head of a seal dearth of 6 bore pipestems (see Figure 15) is top spoon and a brass marlin spike. characteristic of many sites in Maine, and reflects Clay tobacco pipe fragments, however, were the reduced activity on the island during the Indian ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE COD FISHERY 77

sto ne walls s1andlng structures .. foundati ons ~ __ • fo rmer struc ture sues ~ _ ~- .- :. lest excavations A . 23 CO'lIou r Interval: 10 0 10 20 3D 4() !>Oem

FIGURE 11. Location of Damariscove test units, 1979--1980. 78 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 19

TABLE 1

DISTRIBUTION OF WHITE CLAY TOBACCO PIPE STEMS AT LOW AND HIGH ELEVATIONS DAMARISCOVE ISLAND

2 Test m of Number Density Bore diameters in 64ths in. Mean Binford units excav. of stems stems/m/ 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 bore form. date?"

Below 4m A 6 74 12.3 3 2 7 36 22 3 7.05 1662 contour D I 0 0.0 E I I 1.0 I F 2 108 54.0 8 8 2 59 28 3 6.93 1667 J I 2 2.0 2 M 3 8 2.7 3 3 2 N 3 2 0.7 I 0 4 0 0.0 P 4 I 0.2 Q 2 0 0.0 R 2 0 0.0 S 2 3 1.5 3 T 2 II 5.5 2 7 2 8.00 1626 U(bl 4 4 1.0 2 W I 32 32.0 9 18 5 7.77 1635 Y I 0 0.0 Z I 3 3.0 3 AA I 0 0.0 BB I 0 0.0 All units 4m- 42 249 5.9 12 13 13 115 79 15 7.12 1659

Above 4 m B 3 0 0.0 contour C 2 0 0.0 G/IIA 6 35 5.8 8 25 4.86 n/a H 7 27 3.9 8 15 2 5.03 1739 K 2 0 0.0 L 8 0 0.0 V 3 0 0.0 X I 3 3.0 3 CC I 0 0.0 DD I 0 0.0 23(C) 22 306 17.6 131 137 15 15 8 4.79 n/a 37 10 0 0.0 All units 4m+ 66 371 5.6 147 180 17 17 10 4.82 n/a

(a)Binford 1961. (b)Refuse from in front of an early 20th century fish camp. (clAn early 19th century fisherman's dwelling at the edge of the 4m contour.

Wars of 1676 to ca. 1725. Later settlements were occupied in the first quarter of the 19th century, concentrated on higher ground, and it is likely that suggests a shift to smaller fish such as mackerel, the dry cod fishery, with its constant tending of which would generally have been pickled in flakes and fish piles in the harborside area, had barrels (McFarland 1911:207- 208, 297-298). ceased . Certainly the fishing equipment from Whatever use the harborside may have seen, the Structure 23 (Figure 16), a fisherman's dwelling focus of 18th and 19th century settlement was ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE COD FISHERY 79

FIGURE 12. Ceramics associated with the Damariscove fishery: a and b, interior and exterior rimsherds of a tamarind jar from an early 19th century fisherman 's dwelling , Structure 23; c, North Devon Gravel Tempered sherd , with pale yellowish brown glaze on the interior, from a 17th century context at Unit A; d, mottled brown glazed gray stoneware bottle neck of Bellarmine or similar type, from a 17th century context at Unit W. determined by a nucleus of agricultural buildings, cove, only two have come to light at this time; many of which were built into the side of the knolls these are the remains of the back-to-back stage to facilitate the construction of cellars . heads noted above (see Figure II). These two Refuse and debris from late 19th and 20th cen­ triangular fieldstone projections probably represent tury fishing shanties does indeed occur by the more permanent versions of the cross-braced un­ harborside as encountered in Unit U, a test for 17th derpinnings for stages noted for the seasonal fish­ century materials which accidentally exposed a ery. The stone footings are difficult to examine, as portion of a recent fisherman's camp. However, only the top courses are exposed even at lowest these materials are found in pockets, generally in tide, but they were laid up carefully in rounded front of shanty sites, a pattern of refuse disposal boulders, 75 em. (29.5 in.) in diameter and larger. and equipment storage still practiced by the lobster The sides of these structures are still nearly vertical fishermen on the island. Interestingly, it is possible and are sharply defined, giving access to a boat to select excavations sites directly behind these drawing 80 ern. (31.5 in.) or less even at low tide. shanties, as in Unit A, and recover relatively Nothing of the landward portions of these struc­ uncontaminated 17th century materials . tures survives , as the immediate area is nearly all bare rock, but it is apparent from the submerged stonework that the stages were oriented at nearly Structural Remains of the Cod Fishery right angles to each other. Adjacent to the stages is Of all the structures that might be expected of a shallow cove set off by a retaining wall of the fortified cod fishing settlement at Damaris- unknown date, an area which may well have pro- 80 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 19 can probably be improved by eliminating the 4 and 5 bore stems from the sample. The revised date, 1651, seems to be a reasonable estimate for the median date of the cod fishery practiced at Damar­ iscove. At this time, no patterns of flakes have been recognized at Damariscove through aerial photog­ raphy or subsurface testing, but as yet no broad areal excavations have been conducted . However , isolated intrusions, which may have been post­ holes for flakes or other structures , have been recognized at test units Wand F (Figure 17). In other circumstances evidence for flakes can be distinct and long lasting, as shown in Figure 18, an aerial view of Grassy Island, off Canso, Nova Scotia. Essentially a single component site occu­ pied from ca. 1713 to 1744, Grassy Island was a British fishing settlement and military outpost (Parks Canada 1981:I; Robert Ferguson 1981 pers. comm.). Here paths created by the fishermen in

I C III I 2 3 4 5 e tending the flakes have had such a severe impact on the soil and vegetation that the layout of distinct sets of flakes is still visible. The fortifications established in 1622 by Ferdi­ FIGURE 13. Metal objects associated with the Damaris­ nando Gorges and during the Indian Wars have not cove fishery: a, iron lance found west of Structure 23, of yet been identified on Damariscove . But the total unknown date; b, bronze marlin spike, from a 17th century context at Unit E: c, serrated lead disc, tentatively identi­ absence of 17th century materials noted in test fied as an unfinished "whizzer," from a 17th century excavations and exhaustive foot survey of the context at Unit A; d, brass seal top spoon handle, from a peaks and promontories suggests that the military 17th century context at Unit W. strategy invoked did not make use of this high ground. This was also true of other 17th century settlements in Maine, particularly the Clark and Lake Company trading post on Arrowsic Island in vided the space required by this model for washing the Kennebec River, and Fort Pentagoet, a French the cod after salting. It may also have served as a outpost located at the mouth of the Penobscot landing where smaller fishing boats could have River. Probably at Damariscove it was the low­ been drawn up on shore. lying area around the stages, flakes and boat land­ Archaeological support for these inferences ings that was enclosed for protection , in spite of comes from the excavation at test Unit F (see being commanded by higher elevations . It is likely Figure II). Here, between the presumed stages, that these early defenses were intended primarily was found the highest concentration of early tobac­ to discourage raiding parties, rather than to endure co pipes, having a density of 54 per rrr' , and giving a sustained attack. Moreover, it seems to be gener­ a Binford (1961) formula date of 1667. Since the ally true of Maine's pioneer fishing and trading unusual bimodal distribution of bore diameters was settlements that protection of access to water surely caused by the separate occupations of the routes took precedence over the defense of real site before and after the Indian Wars, this estimate estate. ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE COD FISHERY 81

FIGURE 14. Clay tobacco pipes from 17th century contexts at Damariscove: a, red, oval heel, 7/64 in. bore, a surface find from the beach area at the head of the harbor; b, white, rouletted from Unit A; c, white, rouletted , round heel, 7/64 in. bore from Unit W; d, white, rouletted , cordiform heel, 7/64 in. bore, from Unit A: e, white, rouletted, no heel, 7/64 in. bore, from Unit A; f, white, relief moulded in "huntress and Crusader" motif, apparently Dutch (Camp 1975:57, 78), from Unit A; g, white, rouletted, "PE" heel (probably Philip Edwards I, ca. 1650-ca. 1669),6/64 in. bore , from Unit J at the mouth of the harbor near the Life Saving Station.

Conclusions not located in a strategic upland site, but more likely somewhere in the vicinity of the head of the As the Damariscove research was a survey, and harbor. It is also apparent that the area used by the not a full-scale excavation, it gives only a taste of 17th century fishermen could sustain at most only the kinds of questions of historical and an­ three or four fishing crews of 40 or more men, the thropological interest which can be addressed by size Denys considered typical. The distribution of the archaeology of the cod fishery . To date, one of pipesterns suggests that far from covering the is­ the most useful aspects of the survey work has land, the fishing activities were limited to an area been setting bounds to the historically derived of no more than 2 ha. (4.9 a.) in the immediate image of this settlement. A goal too often de­ vicinity of the stages . Just four areas were identi­ meaned by archaeologists unwilling to be servants fied where stages could be suitably located, and of history, it is often one of their most important evidence was found only for two . Thus the 1622 contributions. observation that there were "30 sail of ships" For example, based admittedly on negative re­ engaged in the cod fishery at Damariscove (Young sults of an intensive survey, it is reasonable to 1841:292-293) implies that they were not alI based conclude that Gorges' palisaded fortification was on the island proper. Many of these must have 82 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 19

180

160

140

120

100 frequency 80

60

40

20

0 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 bore diameter in 64ths of an inch

FIGURE 15. Pipestem bore diameter distribution from test excavations below and above the 4 m contour, showing marked separation of 17th century harborside activities and later use of the uplands.

been located on neighboring islands and peninsu­ One of the most fascinating hypotheses, las, which suggests a direction for future survey accepted uncritically in the foregoing description work. Damariscove was a convenient rendezvous of the sedentary fishery, is the presumed role of the for English fishermen and the supply vessels of the winter fishery in promoting first settlement in early first settlers of New England and Virginia and the New England. Details of the actual conduct of the focus of the local fishery, but its ability to support winter fishery remain obscure . It has been alleged fishing facilities has been exaggerated. that the fish cured in the winter were of superior It should be apparent from this review of the cod quality to those cured in the summer sun (McFar­ fishery that far more is known historically about land 1911:306). If true, the details of this process the seasonal cod fishing strategies than is known have some significance . Denys (1908:110) states about the sedentary fishery. One would expect that that on the islands of the Maine Coast the fish were the sedentary fishery would lack the homogeneity actually dried by freezing, but he does not describe of the seasonal practice, as it was apparently prac­ the process, and it is difficult to imagine drying by ticed as part of a mixed economy, say, with sublimation. If, however, the catch was cleaned lumbering, agriculture, or trading . When, for ex­ and salted in the winter, but dried in the early ample, the budding English fishing settlements spring, one would expect some form of storage were neglected during the English Civil War, it is facility to keep the fish at an even temperature in reasonable to suspect that they developed in­ the intervening period. Perhaps the cellar at dependent methods to insure their survival. Surely Damariscove, which it has not been possible to tie these adaptive responses are reflected in the physi­ directly to the fishery, served such a purpose. If cal layout of the fishing settlements of this time, this was the case, the "fish cellar" might prove to and one would hope that they can be studied be a feature common to New England fishing sites. archaeologically. Indeed this may be the function of some of the ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE COD FISHERY 83

a b c

\ e f 9

d

III III 11111" 1I1I1[llI ll llIlllIlIl lI fl llI lI llI lI llI l llI lI llI l \III IIII I\"I1 \111 1 i c 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 t

FIGURE 16. Early 19th century fishing equipment from Structure 23 at Damariscove: a-c, iron fish hooks; d-e, lead sinkers; f-g, lead jigging lures. other "cellars" occasionally mentioned in early land fisheries. Faunal analysts may also be able to documents from coastal New England sites such as determine the season of the catch directly, dis­ "Watts' Cellar" in Newburyport, Massachusetts covering what proportion was actually caught in (Faulkner et al. 1978:91-94). the winter months. Data from different periods Steven Cuumba (1982 pers. comm.) has pre­ should show changes in fish populations and dicted that well-preserved fish remains may be migration habits which are sure to have affected found in abundance off the sites of former stages in the early fishing economy . While a few records New England, as has been the case at certain sites exist for the export of groundfish such as hake, in the Maritimes. Such faunal remains obviously haddock, and pollack in addition to cod (Baxter could elucidate the nature of the winter fishery, 1884:135), their proportion in the actual catch providing they can be closely dated and identified. might determine whether certain species were It should be possible, for example , to establish saved for local distribution. Further comparisons whether or not the " small cod" purported to be the could be made with the domestic refuse of the mainstay of the winter fishery , were actually of a fishermen found on land, to reveal what use the separate species, or were in any way physically fishing population made of their own product. distinct from those of the Acadian or Newfound- Finally, it should be apparent that the primary 84 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 19

NI3EIO NI2 N il NIOEI O

TEST EXCAVATION F, EAST WALL

FIGURE 17. Profile showing typical strata and post hole at Unit F, where the highest density of 17th century tobacco pipes was found: I, 10YR3/1 very dark gray (moist) fine sandy loam, containing charcoal and 17th, 19th and 20th century materials; II, 7.5YR3/1 dark brown (moist) fine sandy loam, containing 17th century materials; III, 10YR4/4 dark yellowish brown (moist) find sand, sterile; IV, 10YR5/4 yellowish brown (moist) sandy clay loam, sterile; Features 6 and 13, 7.5YR3/1 dark brown (moist) silt loam, containing charcoal flecks, organic matter, redware and clay tobacco pipe fragments .

FIGURE 18. Aerial view of the fortified 18th century English fishing site at Grassy Island, off Canso, Nova Scotia, showing in add ition to the four-bastioned fortification, the patterns of flakes established along the shoreline (courtesy of Robert Ferguson). ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE COD FISHERY 85

literature on the fisheries, although obscure, is BURRAGE, HENRY S. abundant, and the effort made in its retrieval is 1906 Early English and French Voyages, Chiefly from worthwhile. Certainly the scant archaeological re­ Hakluyt, /534-/658. Scribner, New York. mains available so far at these kinds of sites would CAMP, HELEN B . make little sense without this kind of documenta­ 1975 Archaeological Excavations at Pemaquid, Maine /965-/974. The Maine Stale Museum, Augusta. tion. This historical model of the dry cod fishery gives a detailed framework based on contemporary CUUMBA, STEVEN 1981 Archaeological Evidence of the 16th-18th C. Atlantic accounts against which new archaeological data Cod Fishery. Paper presented at the fifteenth annual can be compared. meeting of The Society for Historical Archaeology, New Orleans.

DE LA MORAND/ERE, CHARLES 1962 Histoire de la Peche Francaise de la Morue dans ACKNOWLEDGMENTS l'Amerique Septentrionale (Vol. I). Maisonneuve et Larose, Paris.

Funding for the Damariscove Survey was provided by the ESSEX INSTITUTE Maine Historic Preservation Commission (MHPC) and the 1919 Records and Files of the Quarterly Courts of Essex National Park Service. The author is especially indebted Count y Massachusetts, /678-/680 (Vol. VII). to Robert Bradley of the MHPC for helping make field Salem, Massachusetts. arrangements with the landowners, for continued support and advice throughout the project, and for contributing FAULKNER, ALARIC, KIM PETERS, DAVID SELL, AND materials used in this article. The Nature Conservancy, EDWIN DETHLEFSEN which owns the site and maintains it as a nature preserve, 1978 Port and Market: Archaeology ofthe Central Water­ deserves thanks for allowing test excavations to be con­ front , Newburyport, Massachusetts. National Park ducted in selected areas of the island. Thanks are also Service, Inter-agency Archeological Services, due to Robert Ferguson of Parks Canada, Halifax, for Atlanta. sharing his information on the Grassy Island Fishery in FAULKNER, GRETCHEN AND ALARIC FAULKNER Nova Scotia and providing the photograph used in Figure 1981 A Documentary Chronology of Settlement on Damar­ 18. iscove Island , Maine: 1622-1918. Ms. on file, The historical research has been facilitated by the Historic Archaeology Laboratory, University of cooperation of the Centre d'Etudes Acad iennes, U­ Maine-Orono. niversite de Moncton, where some of the primary sources used in this work were found. Also appreciated is the GANONG, WM. F. (EDITOR AND TRANSLATOR) reproduction of the inset from Moll's Map of North Amer­ 1908 The Description and Natural History ofthe Coasts of ica provided by the Maine State Museum. Finally, Gretch­ North America by Nicholas Denys. The Champlain en Faulkner deserves special recognition for her part in Society, Toronto. assembling the historical documentation on the Damaris­ cove fishery and for drafting many of the figures which GRIFFIN, CARL AND ALARIC FAULKNER appear in this work. 1982 Coming of Age on Damariscove Island. Northeast Folklore Society, Orono, Maine.

INNIS, HAROLD A. REFERENCES 1940 The Cod Fisheries: the History of an International Economy. Yale University Press, New Haven.

BAXTER, JAMES P. (ED/TOR) JAMES, SYDNEY V. 1884 The Trelawny Papers. Documentary History of the 1963 Three Visitors to Early Plymouth. Plimouth Planta­ State of Maine (Vol. III). The Maine Historical tion, Plymouth, Massachusetts. Society, Portland. 1889 Downing's Account of Fish. Documentary History of JOSSELYN, JOHN the State of Maine (Vol. IV:372-376). The Maine 1865 An Account ofTwo Voyages to New-England, Made Historical Society, Portland. During The Years /638. /663 . William Veazie, Boston. BINFORD, L EWIS R. 1961 A New Method of Calculating Dates From Kaolin KNIGHT, THOMAS F. Pipe Stem Samples. Southeastern Archaeological 1867 Shore and Deep Sea Fisheries ofNova Scotia. Pro­ Conference Newsletter 9(1) :19-21. vincial Government, Halifax. 86 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, VOLUME 19

LEVETI, CHRISTOPHER POYNTER, F. N. L. 1847 A Voyage Into New England 1623-24. Collections of 1963 The Journal of James Yonge, Plymouth Surgeon. the Maine Historical Society (Vol. II: 73-109), Port­ /647-/72/. Longman's, Bristol, England. land. TUCK, JAMES A. AND ROBERT GRENIER LoUNSBURY, RALPH G. 1981 A 16th Century Basque Whaling Station in Labrador. 1934 The British Fishery at Newfoundland. /634-/763. Scientific American 245(5):180-190 . Yale University Press, New Haven. WOODBURY, C. L. McFARLAND, RAYMOND 1880 The Relation of the Fisheries to the Discovery and 1911 A History ofthe New England Fisheries. University Settlement of North America. Little and Brown. of Pennsylvania, Appleton, New York. Boston.

MOLL, HERMANN YOUNG, ALEXANDER ca. 1713 Map of North America. 1841 Chronicles ofthe Pilgrim Fathers. Little and Brown. Boston. MORISON, SAMUEL ELIOT 1971 The European Discovery ofAmerica. Oxford Univer­ sity Press, New York.

MOUSETTE, MARCEL 1979 Fishing Methods Used in the S1. Lawrence River and Gulf. History and Archaeology 22. Parks Canada, ALARIC FAULKNER Ottawa. DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY PARKS CANADA UNIVERSITY OF MAINE 1981 Grassy Island Historic Park 1(2). Halifax. ORONO, MAINE 04469