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Defiantin the

The Wiesbaden Collecting Point (above) was Defense of one of three remaining facilities in late 1946 for holding recovered cultural materials in the U.S. 3 “Monuments Women” Push for Postwar Reforms zone of occupation. Top: An interior view of the Wiesbaden Center. It held works from the vast by bryce mcwhinnie collections of 16 Berlin state along with 17 other prominent German collections.

fter the last shells exploded and the dust had settled on World AWar II, work entered a new stage for the Monuments, Fine & Archives (MFA&A) Section of the U.S. Army’s Civil Affairs Division— now popularly known as the “Monuments Men.” The MFA&A units were select groups of art historians, architects, archivists, artists, and curators who were handpicked from America’s cultural institutions to actively lend their knowledge in order to preserve and protect Europe’s monuments and works of art.

24 Prologue Summer 2015 Most enlisted voluntarily, several braving the front lines without machine guns or adequate supplies, overcoming the odds stacked against them to pro- tect defenseless works of art from devastation and preserve Europe’s cultural patrimony during the war. After the war in Europe ended in May 1945, the MFA&A’s attention focused on the restitution of everything that had been displaced by the Nazis’ obsession with art. Repositories were found in castles and salt mines, many overflowing with looted art. Under direction from Gen. Dwight D. Eisen- hower’s headquarters, the MFA&A established collecting points within the U.S. zone of occupation to safeguard millions of objects while they were investigated and prepared for eventual repatriation to their home countries. By the end of 1946, only three of the main central collecting points remained: Munich, Offenbach, and Wiesbaden. Through these collecting points passed Europe’s greatest cultural treasures. Entire art reference libraries and photography stu- dios were assembled on-site to aid in the Valland was in constant analysis of incoming inventory. Conserva- tion laboratories cared for works at greatest danger . . . Nazi officials risk. Every possible resource was exhausted in order to return items home in the swiftest . . .would have surely and most favorable condition. killed her had they known Rose Valland’s Detailed Records Key to Finding Looted Artwork the depth of her espionage.

The MFA&A was established in 1943 by the American Commission for the Protection and Salvage of Artistic and Historic Monuments in War Areas, known as the Roberts Commission for its chairman, Supreme Court Justice Owen Roberts. While the vast majority of MFA&A officers were male, a few “Monuments Men” were female. Many of these young American women entered the war through the Women’s Army Auxiliary Corps (WAAC) and the Women’s Army Corps (WAC) before applying for coveted posts in the MFA&A at the war’s end. Yet, American women have been largely absent from recent World War II– era cultural heritage scholarship. The most prominent woman afforded consis- tent mention has been Rose Valland, the French heroine at the Jeu de Paume . As the artistic patrimony of passed through the doors of the Jeu de Paume, she eavesdropped on German conversations and secretly kept meticulous notes on the destinations of train shipments.

Defiant in the Defense of Art Prologue 25 She witnessed the frequent shopping trips During her work with the MFA&A, Stan- that would later be transferred to the Wies- of Hermann Göring in his selection of looted den rose through the ranks from second lieu- baden Collecting Point when it opened. By art for both Adolf Hitler’s planned museum tenant in the Women’s Army Auxiliary Corps September 1945, she was transferred again to at Linz and his own vast personal collection. to officer-in-charge at Wiesbaden—all within the G-5 Division of the European Theater of Her records produced a paper trail that led to three years. She worked closely with Valland (by Operations. After her promotion to captain, not only the enormous cache of looted art at then an art representative with the French First she was named temporary officer-in-charge Neuschwanstein Castle in Bavaria, but also the Army) at Wiesbaden, and the two developed a of the Wiesbaden Collecting Point upon the discovery of further repositories and the even- real camaraderie while Standen was director. redeployment of its former director, Capt. tual return of France’s greatest treasures. Valland Standen’s academic experience directly pre- Walter I. Farmer, in March 1946. was in constant danger of being discovered by pared her for a prolific career in the MFA&A. Standen described setting up a collect- Nazi officials, who would have surely killed her An Oxford graduate, she worked for the ing point as “an almost superhuman task.” had they known the depth of her espionage. Society for the Preservation of New Eng- Established in 1945 by Farmer to be the cen- However, there were three unsung female land Antiquities before studying at the Fogg tral collecting point for all German-owned American MFA&A officers, who, like Val- Museum at Harvard University under Paul works of art, Wiesbaden held works from land, put their personal interests in jeopardy Sachs, future prominent member of the Rob- the vast collections of 16 Berlin state muse- in order to protect priceless art. Capt. Edith erts Commission. Just one year after becom- ums along with 17 other prominent Ger- A. Standen, Evelyn Tucker, and Capt. Mary J. ing an American citizen, in early 1943, she man collections. Regan all entered service under the age of 40, joined the Women’s Army Auxiliary Corps. and each of these women left her own mark After being referred to MFA&A officer and Perfectly Working Unit on postwar cultural heritage restitution policy. Harvard professor Mason Hammond, she Receives a Major Jolt Each held a firm belief in justice for art in was selected as a fine arts specialist officer in occupied territories, and they all possessed June 1945. One of her first assignments was Farmer recruited an American architect, the courage to act in defiance of a practice to inspect the art objects being held at the a photographic team, conservators, and they found morally intolerable. Standen, Reichsbank in —the same objects administrators to document and care for the Tucker, and Regan each recognized an opportunity to reform post–World War II restitution policy and defied their superiors for the common good of cultural heritage protection. These are their stories. Capt. Edith A. Standen: A Woman on the Way Up

Capt. Edith A. Standen was the only woman to sign the Wiesbaden Manifesto on Novem- ber 7, 1945. Called “the only act of protest by officers against their orders in the Second World War,” it denounced the U.S. Govern- ment’s decision to transfer 202 paintings from the Wiesbaden Central Collecting Point in to the of Art in Washington, D.C., for safekeeping.

Capt. Edith Standen (left) with Rose Valland at Wies- baden. Standen was named officer-in-charge in March 1946. Valland had spied on Nazi transport of French artworks through the Jeu de Paume, and her secret notes on the destinations of train shipments helped with later restitution work.

26 Prologue artworks. The Wiesbaden Collecting Point was a well-oiled machine that stood as a symbol of success for the MFA&A. Standen later remarked that, when she later took over for Farmer, she inherited “an organization in perfect working order.” Farmer established extensive security mea- sures at the collecting point, and the staff was dedicated to the safety and integrity of the objects under their care. It therefore came as a serious blow when Farmer was hand-deliv- ered a telegram received from Seventh U.S. Army headquarters on November 6, 1945. The telegram ordered “immediate prepara- Capt. Walter I. Farmer organized Wiesbaden into an effective center that included conservators, photogra- phers, and administrators. He opposed the shipment of 200 works of art to the National Gallery by gathering tions be made for prompt shipment to the U.S. staff signatures on a document known as the Wiesbaden Manifesto. of a selection of at least two zero zero (200) German works of art of greatest importance.” haven for these objects: the gallery housed Such protestations were ignored, and the The order was the product of a secret plan in the headquarters of the Roberts Commission, National Gallery sent its representative, Col. the works for months, personally approved by while its board of trustees included the chief Henry McBride, to Wiesbaden to supervise President Harry S. Truman as early as July. justice of the United States, the secretary of the shipment. Standen was ordered to sub- Because “neither expert personnel nor satis- state, and the secretary of the treasury. mit information on the masterpieces at the factory facilities are available in the U.S. zone Marburg and Wiesbaden collecting points. to properly safeguard and handle these price- Eisenhower’s Advisers Wholeheartedly objecting to the plan, less works of art,” argued Gen. Lucius Clay, Were Never Consulted Standen put minimal effort into her the deputy military governor of Germany, response. She listed “only things I saw with they must be sent to the United States, where The MFA&A, along with the Roberts Com- my own eyes, gave them fifteen paintings better resources and personnel were available. mission back in Washington, was not initially . . . all belonging to museums outside our Clay divided Germany’s works of art into consulted about the plan to move German art zone. I rather hated doing it.” Yet, in a quiet three classes and supplied his recommenda- to the United States. When word finally did victory for the MFA&A, one of their own tions for their respective fates: Class A (art reach the MFA&A at its Frankfurt headquarters officers (and former National Gallery staff seized by Germany from countries or private on July 29, 1945, Lt. Col. Mason Hammond member), Lt. Lamont Moore, was chosen owners without compensation), Class B (art immediately protested to headquarters. In addi- to accompany the shipment. It is clear from taken from private collectors with some level of tion, he defied the order of secrecy regarding the their correspondences that Moore was a dear compensation), and Class C (art placed within plan and relayed a copy of Clay’s memorandum friend of Standen’s, and the two valued and the U.S. zone by Germany for safekeeping). to the director of political affairs. trusted each other’s opinion throughout While Classes A and B should be returned Also never consulted on the plan was their respective careers with the MFA&A. It to their original owners, Class C was con- John Nicholas Brown, Eisenhower’s adviser would have come as a comfort to her and sidered German public property. Therefore, on cultural matters, who sent multiple let- her colleagues that Moore accompanied the these works of art fell under U.S. control and ters pleading for the plan to be abandoned. works of art to the United States. should “be returned to the US to be invento- His August 9 letter to Clay is a line-by-line Colonel McBride, along with Moore and ried, identified, and cared for by our leading deconstruction of the original memoran- Maj. L. Bancel LaFarge (chief of the MFA&A museums” and “be placed on exhibit in the dum, in which he references Clay as being section of the Seventh Army under General US.” Chillingly, Clay added that these works “under a grave misapprehension” for doubt- Clay), arrived at Wiesbaden on November 7, of art would be “held in trusteeship for return ing the MFA&A’s quality, while calling the 1945. The official order called for “at least 200” to the German nation when it has re-earned plan “manifestly impossible” and “not only works of art to be packed and ready for shipment its right to be considered as a nation.” immoral but hypocritical.” (Brown’s son, J. by November 20. The numerous MFA&A offi- The in Washing- Carter Brown, was the National Gallery’s cers were powerless to stop the shipment, and ton, D.C, was inevitably chosen as the safe director from 1969 to 1992.) their mood was palpable. Standen mentioned

Defiant in the Defense of Art Prologue 27 Eyck (5), Lorenzetti (2), Holbein (3), Rubens (6), Masaccio (3), Lippi (2), Verocchio (2), Pous- sin (2), Velasquez (2), and Vermeer (2). For the MFA&A, the dangerous shipment of such an incredible collection overseas for no legitimate reason was inconceivable. Most MFA&A Officers Sign Wiesbaden Manifesto

Farmer invited the 35 MFA&A members available in Europe to assemble in his office on November 7. There, Capt. Everett Lesley penned the five paragraphs that became known as the Wiesbaden Manifesto. Though not all Above: Workers at Wiesbaden open crates and inspect artworks. Edith Standen and Rose Valland observe in the back. made it to Wiesbaden on such short notice, 32 Below: Part of the list of artworks sent from Wiesbaden to the National Gallery in Washington, D.C., shows officers ultimately gave their names in support works by such masters as Lucas Cranach the Elder and Jan Van Eyck. The collection also included works by of the protest. Of these, 24 signed with their , , and Rubens. official signatures, three gave their names as an expression of agreement but did not “feel at lib- erty to sign,” five officers were listed as having sent private letters to LaFarge, and the remain- ing three could not be contacted in time. This internal revolution was “the only act of protest by officers against their orders in the Second World War,” Farmer later wrote. The document was sent to LaFarge at MFA&A headquarters. In the interest of protecting his friends and colleagues, he hid it in his desk and never sent it on. Nevertheless, after returning to his teaching post at Harvard, Lt. Charles Kuhn published the Wiesbaden Manifesto in the January 1946 issue of College Art Journal. Kuhn’s article, combined with multiple reports on the transfer in the American press, sparked a heated ethical debate that did not fade until the 202 paintings were eventually returned to Wiesbaden after a blockbuster exhibition in Washington and a national tour to 13 American cities. “the state of utter misery we are all in now” and reveals the staggering importance of this col- The third paragraph of the document speaks even that “Col. McBride has threatened us all lection to not only the German public but to of the declared Western Allied responsibility to (in a nice way) with court martials.” Europe as a whole. The shipment included works “protect and preserve from deterioration . . . all Though the National Gallery’s original wish list by (1), Manet (1), Fra Angelico (1), monuments, documents or other objects of his- included items from multiple collecting points, Hals (6), Giotto (1), Tintoretto (2), Tiepolo (3), toric, artistic, cultural or archaeological value.” the many complications of such an involved Titian (5), Rembrandt (14), Bronzino (3), Gior- Later, in her own words, Standen remarked shipment forced McBride to limit his selection gione (1), Botticelli (6), Raphael (3), Watteau (3), that: “The greatest priority to us was the well- to Wiesbaden. The final list of 202 paintings Van der Weyden (5), Dürer (5), Bruegel (2), Van being of art of all kinds and of any ownership.”

28 Prologue Summer 2015 was Evelyn Tucker. She harbored an opinion on everything, and she voiced each convic- tion without apology or frills. After joining the WAC, she was a secretary/ stenographer at Hermann Göring’s war trial before the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg. She was then the administrative assistant at the Reparation, Deliveries, and Res- titution Branch in Salzburg, Austria, upon its activation in February 1946. Tucker was later a Fine Arts representative with the RD&R, keeping inventory records of the branch’s art objects and personally investigating countless restitution claims within the jurisdiction of the U.S. Forces, Austria (USFA). Artworks are returned to Wiesbaden in 1949 after being exhibited at the National Gallery in Washington, D.C., and in 13 other American cities. Her many field reports reveal a woman who never stopped moving. One detailed In addition to their concerns for the safety tates of a higher ethical law made it incumbent weekly report mentions the shipment of sci- of art, Standen and the other supporters of the upon them to refuse to take part in, or coun- entific skeletons stolen from the University Wiesbaden Manifesto believed that a large-scale tenance, the fulfillment of these orders.” Pain- of Strasbourg, a search for a person of inter- removal of German art to the United States fully aware of the hypocrisy of the situation, est across six neighboring villages, and a trip would forever damage the integrity of the Allied they called themselves “no less culpable than to the art depot to examine a set of paint- mission to protect cultural heritage. In Septem- those whose prosecution we effect to sanction.” ings—all before taking the Friday afternoon ber 1945, Hammond had warned on behalf of Standen’s signature is the seventh on the train to Linz under a “pea-soup fog.” the entire MFA&A that the shipment would Wiesbaden Manifesto. She continued to dis- While she worked with the MFA&A, Tucker align the United States with the Nazis, “who tribute copies to various offices with a per- recognized many shortcomings in its policy and equally used the pretexts of protection and of sonally signed cover letter nearly a month organization and committed herself to their the unsuitability of other nations to own art after the paintings had left Wiesbaden. As reform. She blatantly reported the missteps and objects to justify their of art objects.” temporary officer-in-charge of the Wies- mismanagement of her superiors and actively baden Central Collecting Point, she oversaw investigated the hushed subject of looting by National Gallery Plan Seen the restitution of thousands of art objects. American officers. She criticized what she saw As Bad for U.S. Relations Standen is the only female member of as a disorganized and confusing plan for restitu- the Roberts Commission to have earned tion, setting many of her colleagues against her After the shipment left Wiesbaden, Ameri- the Bronze Star for her service, as did 10 and eventually costing her the position. can MFA&A officers found it hard to face fellow signees of the Wiesbaden Manifesto. Her piéce de résistance is her Final Sta- the workers at the collecting points. “You In 1997, just a year before her death, she tus Report filed February 16, 1949, after can’t imagine how hard it is to justify in the referred to her role in the MFA&A as “a her position was terminated. In the report, eyes of other people something that you dwarf standing on the shoulders of giants.” Tucker levies many complaints against the think horrible,” Farmer remarked. In her character, devotion to her task, and Army, which in her opinion blocked her every In their protest, the supporters of the Wies- her belief in justice, Edith A. Standen was path and never afforded her the support she baden Manifesto referenced the prosecutions anything but dwarflike. Certainly, she was required to finish her job. From her words, it of individuals for art crimes during the war— one of the giants. is clear that she was long past mere frustration namely those who seized German-owned art and had crossed into the realm of disgust. under pretext of “protective custody.” Evelyn Tucker: A Woman On the first page alone, she sarcastically They powerfully pointed out that much of Committed to Action refers to the Army’s treatment of her as “a the indictment of these criminals rested on the matter of regret” and sees her dismissal as an Allied belief that “even though these individu- The most outspoken female voice in post– omen of their “deplorable” approach to the als were acting under military orders, the dic- World War II cultural heritage restitution work only she was qualified for.

Defiant in the Defense of Art Prologue 29 Austrian claims, she sifted through lists and records to create an inventory of how many still remained in Munich. Tucker tiredly remarks that she “can only make a wild guess as to what we still have there . . . certainly in the thousands, with values running into the mil- lions.” She later returned to Munich on August 9, and established the procedure for Austrian items to be segregated into five categories to make their return easier. Also at Munich, Tucker experienced first- hand the emotional roadblocks to Austrian art restitution, which Herbert Stewart Leonard, director of the center, called “political dyna- mite.” The 160 German workers at the center had recently handed Leonard a 45-page pro- test of the center’s restitution policy by way of a chief staff officer, who then resigned. The German workers vehemently believed that Austria had no right to restitution unless it could prove the objects had been confiscated or taken under duress. Tucker angrily wrote that such prejudicial sentiments were “devel- oping from an attitude into policy.” Further- more, Germany had no “moral right (not to Evelyn Tucker, working in the U.S. Zone of Austria, was highly critical of the MFA&A program in her final report mention orders from Washington)” and that of February 16, 1949. The Army “did not attach enough importance” to her work, she wrote, to enable her to “bring it to a successful conclusion.” the whole situation was “unanswerable.”

She makes a final plea for improvement in U.S. zone of occupation. She collaborated Tucker’s Field Reports Reveal the Army’s treatment of the Austrian monu- with various foreign agencies and witnessed Sharp Differences with Superiors ments agencies with whom she had painstak- firsthand the delicate balances of power ingly built a strong working relationship. She involved in sending art objects home. Yet To reform these prejudices and ease the res- dramatically warns that, if relations are not she quickly became frustrated with what she titution effort, Tucker sent notes to Leonard, improved, “you will discover that a nation is saw as an inefficient and confusing method reminding him of the USFA position on fine extremely jealous of its cultural heritage and for restitution—intensified by an endless arts matters. As the chief of the MFA&A section these offices will work against you instead of web of protocols and jurisdictional disputes. for Bavaria, Leonard held the precarious role of with you.” While one could read this 31-page In her field reports, she highlights these representing both the commanding general report with raised eyebrows and see naught deficiencies and confidently gives her opin- of the USFA and the commanding general of but a woman past her breaking point, it is not ions for reform. Of particular frustration the Office of Military Government for Bavaria the measure of the woman. was her weeklong visit to the Munich Cen- (OMGB). As director of the collecting point in Rather, Tucker’s entire career with the tral Collecting Point in early February 1948. Munich, he was regularly caught in the middle MFA&A was laced with defiance. She discovered that looted paintings were not of intense jurisdictional disputes. filed under a specific artist’s name but were Despite Leonard’s superior rank, Tucker made Tucker Seeks to Bring categorized by the claimants, and one needed it her business to stand up for the best interests of Reform in Austria that name in order to find a specific work. Austrian cultural heritage. In her notes, she ref- Tucker mentions that a search as specific as erences his power to sign USFA receipts out of As a representative of the MFA&A within “Dutch Government, claim no. 10” was not Munich as “a dual capacity” and reminds him of the USFA, Tucker traveled widely across the sufficient. Trying to find items on her list of the directive from the Joint Chiefs of Staff. This

30 Prologue Summer 2015 mandate established the policy that any fine arts tude among some American soldiers that rors” removed from Stift St. Florian between removed from Austria between March 13, 1938, they were entitled to such souvenirs as pay- 1945 and 1946 for use in American billets. and May 15, 1945, were to be returned without back for their wartime hardships. In these efforts, she was repeatedly obstructed. question and regardless of the nature of their sale. In addition, the U.S. Military Detach- Many Army personnel had misconceived Tucker’s field reports detail her tumultu- ment took a large chest of 2,500 gold coins notions of the role of restitution officers and ous working relationship with Leonard, which belonging to the Salzburg Museum from treated them with suspicion and criticism. finally reached its peak with his dramatically the Hallein salt mine. Many high-ranking One colonel cautioned her that his fellow offi- phoning in his resignation to headquarters dur- officers removed items from repositories cers “were rather sensitive about their villas and ing one of their arguments. She states that they and property warehouses to furnish their didn’t like RD&R people coming around and had become “two operators working largely personal offices and apartments. In Tucker’s looking for things or removing them.” The villas, from the same pot, under different directives.” eyes, this was wholly contradictory to the resorts, and clubs of high-ranking officers seemed In her work to reform postwar restitution pol- mission of the MFA&A and tarnished the curiously off limits. She had been informed of the icy, Tucker was not afraid to report the missteps international public image of the U.S. Army. locations of many priceless items, such as a Mil- of her superiors and fellow MFA&A officers. To further investigate the involvement of let painting at Villa Trainblick and a Van Dyck at She mentions her frustration at her superiors’ American troops, she made lists of art objects the general’s villa in Linz, but no investigations unauthorized restitutions out of the Salzburg kept in officers’ clubs and the personal offices of had been made at these places to determine the warehouse as well as their many inconsistencies generals. Much of her final report is devoted to of these objects. in protocol. Many times, she would clear an art listing these items in detail and pressing one last She was the first restitution officer admit- object for restitution but later discover that it time for their return. She reported that Lt. Colo- ted into the Nazi guest house turned Allied remained in the vault rooms. officers’ club, Cavalierhaus, only after At Schloss Fischhorn she tried to securing written permission from the untangle “the errors caused by MFA chief of staff in Salzburg. Tucker again officers” such as why two paintings “What do you saw no logic in this. She called the inac- remained at the castle despite having cessibility of these collections to fine arts been listed on a transport receipt to the officers “reprehensible.” Her job was to Polish government. At the Alt-Aussee want this locate and identify looted objects in the salt mine, over a dozen works inspected U.S. zone of Austria, but she was, in her were listed on conflicting inventories as own words, “forbidden to check the one having already left the mine. information for?” best source.” When a junior officer was falsely accused of having stolen a number of paint- nel Smith removed seven rugs from Schloss Mit- Tucker’s Job Encounters Many ings from the collection of Frederic Wels, it terstill for use in his Salzburg apartment, and four Roadblocks, Much Resistance was a highly publicized embarrassment for the Louis XV chairs were located in Villa Warsburg, USFA. Tucker helped investigate the situation the villa of the commanding general in Salzburg. Tucker remained remarkably persistent and cleared his name. However, she made sure Through her own investigations, Tucker despite every roadblock set in her path. She that all blame for the situation was placed on the became incensed that many of the paint- often felt overwhelmed, but still she fought lieutenant, who “moved things around, mixed ings used as décor by American personnel for her voice to be heard. them up and apparently kept little records.” In had already been released for restitution to At every turn, she needed clearance from a her eight-page report on the matter, she declared their home countries. She lists eight paint- superior or someone else’s signature in order that “he has only himself to thank for the suspi- ings released to the Austrian government to act on time-sensitive matters. Tucker writes cion which has been thrown on him.” on December 19, 1947, and 14 released to of having to convince one major to give her Hungarian agencies on January 5, 1949, all a set of unclassified papers after he asked: Looting by U.S. Troops of which still remained in use by the USFA “What do you want this information for?” Draws Tucker’s Ire as of her final report in February 1949. Another officer expressed reluctance to sign In another section labeled “Special Prob- her paper because he wanted to think it over Tucker was especially vocal in regard to the lems,” she exposes the shipment of five truck- and write to the general. True to form, she hushed problem of looting by American loads full of “large paintings, large furniture, records her response: “I said I did not see why military personnel. There remained an atti- and objects of art, and huge mir- Generals had to become involved.”

Defiant in the Defense of Art Prologue 31 In the field, Tucker obsessively tracked Regan who was informed of their suspected this report was her opportunity to effectively down leads. She pushed and shoved past a location. She then interviewed the middle- advocate for reform. stubborn housekeeper to gain entrance to man, Wolf von Appen, and confiscated While a superior officer requested her sug- Schloss Fischhorn and rooted through the the paintings from the art dealer, Herbert gestions, her report is nevertheless a work of shed in back of Castle Leopoldskron to see Klewer, who had purchased them illegally. defiance. She went above and beyond what her investigations through to the end. Such a role as the eyes and ears of the was asked of her in outlining a job in which Her outspoken nature caused many to MFA&A established Regan as a trusted she felt underappreciated, unaided, and mis- decide she was difficult to work with, and source of information and put her in the understood. Her sub-section was disorga- her relentless meddling set the U.S. Army position to make informed suggestions for nized to the point of confusion, and she was against her. Yet, for Tucker, these were wor- improvement. repeatedly denied the help of just one clerk thy sacrifices for a cause that needed a cham- In mid-January 1947, her MFA&A sec- to assist her in a sea of claims. pion. In persistence and passion, she was an tion chief, Richard F. Howard, requested In her special report filed January 28, unmatched force that could not be silenced. a detailed report of her activities during 1947, Regan outlined her frustrations but roughly the previous year. In addition to managed to withhold the outright disdain Mary J. Regan’s Research expressed in Tucker’s final report. However, Aids Officers in the Field she made no attempt to hide her frustrations over the lack of attention afforded her cases Similar frustrations and roadblocks were and the deaf ears on which her recommen- also encountered by Mary J. Regan, a Har- dations inevitably fell. vard graduate and captain in the Women’s In the first paragraph, she called for a clar- Army Corps. After working as a high school ification of the Art Intelligence Sub-Section art teacher, she enlisted in July 1942 and itself, stating that without “a clear definition devoted herself to tireless action in the WAC. of the nature of intelligence work within At the war’s end, she quickly volun- MFA&A, cases of all kinds have been gath- teered for service with the MFA&A and was ered together,” thus creating confusion. assigned the post of fine arts specialist officer The central files, she said, were stacks of at the Repatriation, Deliveries and Restitu- papers strewn about with missing pages to tion Division in Berlin. There, she worked be found throughout other folders. She rea- alongside Standen, who had arrived a mere soned that these jumbled documents should three months earlier. By the end of 1946, be sent to the Berlin Documents Center, Regan was assigned the duties of art intel- which had recently become the Central ligence research officer in the MFA&A Art Mary J. Regan served as an MFA&A art intelligence Documents Center for the American zone. Intelligence Sub-Section. research officer, providing information for active If all intelligence files were housed in a cen- monuments officers to protect cultural property. As art intelligence research officer, she pro- tralized location, they would be better orga- vided the information necessary for active nized, more accessible, and thus a better aid MFA&A officers to effectively protect cul- 15 required inclusions, she was to provide in not only restitution cases but also in the tural property and monuments. Her official “a brief analysis of your position as you see prosecution of art looters at trials in Berlin. field reports reveal her correspondence with it, with your analysis of the possibilities of In wading through the disorder of her foreign offices, management of intelligence exploiting it, the gaps in information, and subsection, Regan was on her own. Lack of documents, and updates on the proceed- the probable source for filling such gaps.” assistance was admittedly a fact of life for ings of high-profile looting cases. They even every monuments officer since the inception include the whereabouts of suspicious art Regan Takes Aim at Disorder, of the Roberts Commission. Supplies, trans- dealers in the American zone of occupation. Confusion in Her Sub-Section portation, and extra hands were understood Regan made sure the monuments officers as luxuries to be improvised. in the field were up to date on the current As soon as she became a monuments officer, Yet, Regan was alone to the point of being customs regulations for art objects. When Regan had recognized the same disorganiza- overworked. She firmly stated to her superi- three paintings were stolen from a store- tion and inadequacy in the MFA&A that ors that “the number of cases on hand and room of the Kaiser Friedrich Museum, it was had so frustrated Tucker. In Regan’s eyes, likely to arise are too numerous for one intel-

32 Prologue Summer 2015 ligence officer to investigate or solve. . . Either this fact must be recognized and accepted, or a policy should be made which would reduce the number of cases.” Regan’s Recommendations Ignored or Never Put into Effect

She recommended a card index system to cata- log the numerous civil censorship intercepts that, while useful for future reference, did not warrant immediate individual attention and were essen- tially crowding the system. She reiterates that she had already submitted a request for the help of a clerk to complete the 1,200 cards necessary almost a full year prior—which was ignored. Regan also insisted that officials pay more attention to the Intelligence Sub-Section. It was one matter to be working amid under- staffed disorganization; however, if her cases never saw any action, the work of her sub- section would never progress. The whole business of postwar restitution was delicate; mishandled or delayed restitutions could lead to a host of diplomatic tensions.

True to her organized nature, she kept Mary Regan was frustrated by the disorganization of records and the workload in which “the number of cases detailed notes of her cases. While summa- on hand and likely to arise are too numerous for one intelligence officer to investigate or solve.” rizing her activities for the past year, Regan stated that 200 of her cases had seen some In general, Regan’s recommendations for and finding art objects looted, stolen, hidden, sort of action, but around 150 remained improvement within the Art Intelligence Sub-Sec- or claimed by Germans or other nationals, pending. In addition, of the 509 civil censor- tion were either ignored or never carried out. Her or for prosecuting Nazi art personalities and ship submissions she reported, only 251 cases report is peppered with phrases like: “It is believed looters.” In Regan’s estimation, it was an inad- had been assessed by the Claims Sub-Section. this was never completed” and “Instances of fail- equate description of her intelligence work and At the end of her report, Regan included ure to do what is recommended above, are very presented an outdated and confusing defini- a 10-page list of the 154 art intelligence numerous.” The simplest change she advocated tion of the present MFA&A effort. cases currently under her investigation. Of for was a rewriting of the intelligence paragraph in This simple suggestion was symptomatic these, 80 were awaiting answers from vari- Title 18 of Law 59, which set forth the policies of of her advocacy for increased clarity regard- ous people or government officials, and 71 the MFA&A regarding cultural objects in the U.S. ing intelligence work and her own frustra- were labeled as “investigation proceeding.” Zone of Occupation of Germany. tions with its disorganization. Yet, in the Such numbers made for a disappointingly Regan asked that the updated policy men- next revised draft of Title 18 on February low amount of activity seen on her cases. tion the MFA&A’s responsibility for “searching 12, 1947, no discernable revision can be

To learn more about. . . • The work of the “Monuments Men” in searching for riches hidden by the Third Reich, go to www.archives.gov/pub- lications/prologue/2013/summer/. • The Allied discovery of cultural treasures in a German mine after World War II, go to www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/1999/spring/. • Restitution of Nazi looted art, go to www.archives,gov/publications/prologue/2002/summer/.

Defiant in the Defense of Art Prologue 33 found for the intelligence section aside from Capt. Mary J. Regan’s contribution to the Note on Sources putting one word in quotation marks. reform of postwar restitution policy cannot pale Further information regarding the postwar Like Standen and Tucker, Regan dealt in comparison to that of Capt. Edith Standen and efforts of the MFA&A can be found in Record with the problem of looting by American Evelyn Tucker simply for lack of drama. She was Group 239 (Records of the American Commis- personnel firsthand. Yet, Regan was the sole never involved in a mass protest of military orders sion for the Protection and Salvage of Artistic and Historic Monuments in War Areas) and woman who investigated it in an official and never inspired any of her superiors to phone Record Group 260 (Records of the U.S. Occu- capacity as part of her job description. in their resignation. Still, she recognized a serious pation Headquarters, World War II) at the In her report to Howard, she mentioned deficiency in her subsection and consistently advo- National Archives at College Park, Maryland. Integral to postwar cultural heritage research she had been sent multiple cases of looting by cated for reform. Her suggestions were repeatedly is the Ardelia Hall Collection, named in honor American soldiers, namely from Wuerttem- ignored; nevertheless, she continued to maintain of the devoted woman who compiled them while berg-Baden, Schloss Bentinck, and Schloss highly detailed notes to support her claims. working as arts and monuments adviser for the U.S. State Department. As a former MFA&A Neuenstein. Though she does not mention At the same time, she held a negative view officer and chief of the Office of International the sender’s identity, references to American of the Wiesbaden Manifesto on the grounds Information and Cultural Affairs, Ardelia Ripley looting at these same locations can be directly that it violated the military oath she and her Hall kept detailed records of the reports of her fellow MFA&A officers, their restitution efforts, matched to field reports filed by Standen. fellow monuments officers had sworn to obey. intelligence reports, and inventories of the col- As with her contemporaries, she believed However, the concluding sentence of her special lecting points. She was also a great source of sup- that looting by American personnel was an report reveals a similar core sentiment: port for Evelyn Tucker, and the two exchanged many correspondences during their efforts. embarrassment that the U.S. Army failed to The compiled documents related to the effectively prevent or control. She poured this It is recommended that international discus- Wiesbaden Manifesto, including the once-clas- frustration into her work and kept meticu- sions be initiated to solve the intelligence sified correspondence regarding the shipment of 202 paintings to the National Gallery and Lt. lous records on the topic. In her report, she problem presented by the removals, generally Lamont Moore’s final report, can be located in includes the document entitled “Art Looting accepted as illegal, of German art treasures the file Shipment of Works of Art to the United by American Personnel (ALBAP),” a list of by governments and individuals of occupying States (“202”), July 1945–October 1946, Records Concerning the Central Collecting Points the 24 sets of documents in the intelligence powers, whether the objects removed are con- (“Ardelia Hall Collection”): Wiesbaden Central files directly related to American looting. sidered as “War Trophies”, or “Reparations.” Collecting Point, 1945–1952 (National Archives Microfilm Publication M1947, roll 70). The many field reports of Evelyn Tucker have their own file, MFA Field Reports (Miss EPILOGUE Tucker), Records of the Reparations and Restitu- At the core of each of these acts of defiance stood a firm belief in justice for art in occupied tions Branch of the U.S. Allied Commission for Austria (USACA) Section, 1945–1950 (National territories. Capt. Edith A. Standen (1905–1998), Evelyn Tucker (1906–1996), and Capt. Archives Microfilm Publication M1926, roll Mary J. Regan (1915–2010) each possessed a sacrificial commitment to cultural heritage 151). Her Final Status Report can be found in protection that directly influenced their actions. the file Final Status Reports on Art Restitutions, roll 148 of the same microfilm publication. With no thought for the loss of their positions or professional reputations, each acted in Mary J. Regan’s special report, including defiance of decisions or policies they found to be incorrect. Each recognized an opportunity the intelligence files composing Art Looting by for reform in post–World War II restitution policy and possessed the courage to speak up to American Personnel (ALBAP), can be found in Records Concerning the Central Collecting Points her superiors in defense of what was right. (“Ardelia Hall Collection”): OMGUS Headquar- In their calls for reform, they were relentlessly persistent. Despite many bureaucratic ters Records, 1938–1951 (National Archives roadblocks, they felt an obligation to see their tasks through to the end. They remained Microfilm Publication M1941, roll 16). devoted despite the patterns of disorganization and inefficiency that often left them dis- heartened. Author Each living into her nineties, these brave women remained committed to preserving art Bryce McWhinnie’s research and cultural heritage. Standen worked studying textiles at the Metropolitan Museum of Art specializes in the protection of for over 20 years until her retirement in 1970. Regan (later Mary Regan Quessenberry after art and cultural heritage during her 1965 marriage) taught humanities at the University of Florida and St. Petersburg Junior armed conflict. After studying art crimes and cultural heritage protection with College in Florida. Tucker opened an art gallery in Miami Beach before returning to action the Association for Research into Crimes Against working on a Navajo reservation with the New Mexico Office of Health and Social Services. Art (ARCA) in Italy. Currently, she is a research What must surely be the legacy of these women is their outstanding examples of tireless intern with Foundation for action in pursuit of the common good for displaced works of art. the Preservation of Art in Dallas, Texas. This is her first article for Prologue.

34 Prologue Summer 2015