Social Licence and Tidal Energy Development in Nova Scotia, Canada by Caitlin Meredith Lawrence
Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Community Development
Acadia University Spring Convocation 2019
© by Caitlin Meredith Lawrence, 2019 ii
This thesis by Caitlin Meredith Lawrence was defended successfully in an oral examination on April 18th, 2019.
The examining committee for the thesis was:
______Dr. David Duke, Chair
______Dr. Sue Molloy, External Reader
______Dr. Zelda Abramson, Internal Reader
______Dr. John Colton, Supervisor
______Dr. Susan Markham-Starr, Head’s Delegate
This thesis is accepted in its present form by the Division of Research and Graduate Studies as satisfying the thesis requirements for the degree Master of Community Development.
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I, Caitlin Meredith Lawrence, grant permission to the University Librarian at Acadia University to archive, preserve, reproduce, loan or distribute copies of my thesis in microform, paper, or electronic formats on a non-profit basis. I undertake to submit my thesis, through my University, to Library and Archives Canada and to allow them to archive, preserve, reproduce, convert into any format, and to make available in print or online to the public for non-profit purposes. I, however, retain the copyright in my thesis. ______Author ______Supervisor ______Date iv
Table of Contents
List of Tables ...... vii
List of Figures ...... viii
Abstract ...... ix
List of Abbreviations ...... x
Acknowledgements ...... xi
Chapter One — Introduction ...... 1
Study Purpose and Objectives ...... 3 Organization of Thesis ...... 4
Chapter Two — Literature Review...... 5
Renewable Energy...... 5 Offshore wind and wave energy ...... 6 Tidal energy ...... 7 Renewable energy in Nova Scotia ...... 8 Marine Renewable Energy Strategic Plan ...... 10 Nova Scotian Opportunity for Tidal Energy Development ...... 12 History of tidal energy in Nova Scotia ...... 12 Potential ...... 12 FIT and COMFIT ...... 14 Issues and challenges associated with tidal energy development in Nova Scotia ...... 15 Halcyon Tidal Power Project ...... 15 Cape Sharp Tidal Project ...... 16 Social Licence ...... 19 Importance of stakeholder and community engagement in social licence ...... 21 Models of social licence ...... 21 Pyramid model ...... 22 Triangle model ...... 23 Three-Strand model ...... 24 v
Measurability and ambiguity of social licence ...... 26 Factors of social licence in resource industries ...... 28 Factors of social licence in small-scale tidal energy ...... 28 Factors of social licence in mining ...... 29 Factors of social licence in hydraulic fracturing ...... 30 Framing social licence in the Nova Scotia tidal energy context ...... 32 Public education ...... 33 Baseline research ...... 35 Technology and its impacts ...... 36 Community and economic development ...... 37
Chapter Three — Methods...... 40
Research Approach ...... 40 Data collection ...... 41 Research participants and confidentiality ...... 42 Data Analysis ...... 44 Trustworthiness ...... 46 Credibility ...... 47 Transferability ...... 49 Dependability...... 50 Confirmability ...... 51 Ethical Considerations...... 51 Researcher Point of View ...... 52 Dissemination ...... 52
Chapter Four — Results...... 53
Theme One—Social Licence ...... 53 Principles and definitions of social licence ...... 54 Damage to social licence ...... 56 Theme Two—Community Engagement ...... 58 Early engagement ...... 59 Meaningful engagement ...... 61 vi
Theme Three—Information and Education ...... 64 Tidal energy information ...... 64 Information sharing and support...... 66 Theme Four—Energy and Environment ...... 69 Energy and environmental considerations ...... 69 Environmental monitoring and baseline research ...... 71 Theme Five—Tidal Technology and Development ...... 74 Tidal technology in Nova Scotia ...... 74 Tidal technology industry ...... 77
Chapter Five — Discussion ...... 80
Social Licence ...... 80 Community and Stakeholder Engagement ...... 84 Public Information and Education...... 87
Chapter 6 — Conclusions and Recommendations...... 92
Context and Research Purpose ...... 92 Key Insights...... 95 Recommendations for the Future ...... 96 Education strategy ...... 96 Engagement strategy...... 96 Community and regional benefits statement ...... 96 Conclusions ...... 97
References ...... 99
Appendix A ...... 115
Appendix B ...... 117
Appendix C ...... 118
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List of Tables
Table 1. Pseudonyms assigned to interviewees in alphabetical order. 44
Table 2. Results Summary, Major Themes, and Sub-Themes 53
viii
List of Figures
Figure 1. Levels of social licence to operate 23
Figure 2. The triangle model of social acceptance 24
Figure 3. The three-strand model of social licence 25
Figure 4. A code to theory model for qualitative research 46
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Abstract
Nova Scotia is a global example of a region taking advantage of its vast tidal energy resources through tidal energy testing and development. Alongside innovations in tidal energy technology, social and economic factors must also be considered, especially the extent to which a social licence has been developed. Social licence, which is the ongoing approval or social acceptance of a project in a community, must be developed for communities to support and approve of a project or development. This research explores factors that support the development of social licence in the context of tidal energy in Nova
Scotia, Canada. These factors include the importance of public education, the significance of baseline research, an understanding of the technology and its impacts, and the role of community and economic development. Interviews with a variety of key stakeholders in the tidal energy development industry provide insight into the role these four factors play in supporting a social licence. While these four factors are significant, other critical principles include legitimacy, credibility, and trust.
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List of Abbreviations
CBA Community Benefit Agreements
COMFIT Community Feed in Tariff
FIT Feed-in-tariff
FORCE Fundy Ocean Research Centre for Energy
MREA Marine Renewable-Electricity Areas
NIABY Not in Anybody’s Back Yard
NIMBY Not in My Back Yard
OERA Offshore Energy Research Association
OEERA Offshore Energy Environmental Research Association
REB Research Ethics Board
SEA Strategic Environmental Assessment
SLO Social licence to operate
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Acknowledgements
This thesis could not have been written without the help and support of many. Thank you to my friends for their support, understanding, and encouragement. I am eternally grateful to my family for going above and beyond to help and support me through this in so many ways. Thanks to Ethan for talking me through many moments; thank you for picking up my slack and loving me anyway.
It has been a joy to be part of the Department of Community Development, thank you to everyone for welcoming me so warmly. John, there are no words to express how grateful and honoured I am to be your student. Thank you for your patience, support, encouragement, and friendship. Thank you for believing in me and in this research. I will forever be changed by this experience, thank you.
Thank you very much to my committee for your valuable feedback, insights, and advice. Finally, thank you to my participants, without them, this research would not be possible.
Chapter One — Introduction
There are growing concerns over the use of fossil fuel-based energy production as the sector is responsible for high levels of carbon emissions and impacts climate change
(Borthwick, 2016). Renewable energy alternatives are increasingly being considered and implemented globally to help mitigate climate change due to human activity, to address the depletion of fossil fuel resources, and to help ensure energy security. Renewable energy is energy that is extracted from naturally occurring processes that are continually replenished.
Examples of renewable energy sources include the sun (solar), wind, water (the ocean, and hydro power), biomass, geothermal, biofuels, and hydrogen (from renewable sources).
Marine renewable energy is one such alternative to fossil fuels that includes extracting energy from offshore wind, waves, and, the focus of this research, tidal energy. Tidal energy involves extracting energy from ocean currents and tidal ranges (Borthwick, 2016).
Globally, there are six tidal generating stations: in France, South Korea, China, the
United Kingdom, Russia, and Canada (Kempener & Neumann, 2014; O’Rourke, Boyle, &
Reynolds, 2010). Canada has high potential for tidal energy development in British
Columbia, Northern Québec, Labrador, and Nova Scotia (Cornett, 2006). Nova Scotia, located on the southeast coast of Canada, is the only place in North America where tidal energy is currently being extracted (O’Rourke et al., 2010).
Nova Scotia is surrounded by water: the Gulf of St. Lawrence, the Atlantic Ocean, and the Bay of Fundy. The Bay of Fundy is home to renowned tides, the highest in the world
(Karsten, 2013). Approximately 160 billion tonnes of water flow in and out of the Bay each tide (Province of Nova Scotia, 2013a). The Bay of Fundy has high potential for tidal energy
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development because of the extreme tidal height and fast current speeds (Karsten, Swan, &
Culina, 2013; Province of Nova Scotia, 2013a).
Nova Scotia has already harnessed energy from the Bay of Fundy tides. The
Annapolis Tidal Generating Station, operating since 1984 in Annapolis Royal, is the first tidal generating station to operate in North America (O’Rourke et al., 2010). The Annapolis
Station utilizes the change in tidal range and has an approximately 20 MW (megawatt) capacity. In recent years, there has been interest in installing in-stream turbines in the Minas
Passage, an area where the Bay of Fundy narrows to pass into the Minas Basin (Province of
Nova Scotia, 2013a). In the Minas Passage, current speeds can reach up to 6 m/s (Karsten et al., 2013). In November 2016, a 2 MW in-stream tidal turbine demonstration project was deployed and successfully connected to the electrical grid (Withers, 2016a).
In 2009, Nova Scotia developed a renewable electricity plan with the goal of increasing renewable energy usage. Nova Scotia established renewable energy targets, increasing renewable energy generation and use to 25% by 2015, and 40% by 2020 (Province of Nova Scotia, 2010). Nova Scotia exceeded the target for 2015. Nova Scotia Power’s website states that, so far in 2019, 29% of electricity is from renewable resources (Nova
Scotia Power, 2019). Most of the renewable energy in Nova Scotia comes from wind (16%) and hydro/tidal power (8%) (Nova Scotia Power, 2019). The Nova Scotia government and
Nova Scotia Power feel confident that the goal for 2020 can be accomplished as well (“Nova
Scotia Power says it's on track”, 2017).
One of the key factors in moving forward with renewable energy development is social acceptance, also known as social licence (Jennings, 2009). Social licence is a concept that was developed in the mining industry in the 1990s and is used to characterize a region’s 2
acceptance or opposition to a project (Prno, 2013) A presence or lack of social licence can influence the success of a project (Moffat & Zhang, 2014; Prno and Slocombe, 2012). The
Nova Scotian tidal energy industry has encountered some difficulties in establishing social licence. While the renewable energy goals put forth by the Nova Scotia government are important in moving forward with developing projects, it is also important to consider public acceptance and support of these projects.
The term social licence was originally developed by mining industry consultants in the late 1990s, where it is known as social licence to operate (SLO) (Prno, 2013). The term was developed as it became increasingly necessary for industry to be aware of its impacts and appreciate relationships with the community (Zahara, Keeling, & Bell, 2016). A social licence is not a physical or legal licence; it is a term that describes community acceptance or opposition to a project (Hall, 2014). Although the term began in the mining industry, other industries such as pulp and paper, aquaculture, and energy have begun to utilize it (Parsons,
Lacey, & Moffat, 2014).
Study Purpose and Objectives
The purpose of this study is to better understand the development of social licence in the context of tidal energy development in Nova Scotia, Canada. More specifically this research explores factors that support the development of social licence:
▪ the importance of public education;
▪ the significance of baseline research;
▪ an understanding of technology and its impacts; and
▪ the role of community and economic development.
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By interacting with people who are involved in, or influenced by tidal energy development in Nova Scotia, this research explores how these factors contribute to social licence specifically relating to tidal energy development in Nova Scotia, Canada. It is expected that this research will help inform those involved in the tidal energy industry about the importance of social licence in the development of tidal energy in Nova Scotia. To better understand social licence in the context of tidal energy development in Nova Scotia, key stakeholders were interviewed, including: academia, community stakeholders, First Nations, fisheries, government, industry, non-profit organizations, and tidal energy developers.
Organization of Thesis
In Chapter two key literature on the tidal energy industry as well as the models and principles of social licence is reviewed. In addition, Chapter two highlights examples of factors of social licence in resource industries. Chapter three outlines the methodology used for this study and includes ethical considerations of this research and the methods used for data collection. The results gathered for this research through interviews with key stakeholders who are involved in the tidal energy industry in Nova Scotia are presented in
Chapter four. The results of this research are divided into five main themes: social licence, community engagement, information and education, energy and the environment, and tidal technology and development. Chapter five explores three areas for further discussion: social licence, community and stakeholder engagement, and public information and education. The final chapter offers conclusions and recommendations to help inform those involved in the tidal industry about the importance of social licence in the development of tidal energy in
Nova Scotia.
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Chapter Two — Literature Review
Renewable energy is increasingly viewed as an alternative to traditional energy sources that are based on fossil fuels (Borthwick, 2016). Nova Scotia has significant potential for renewable energy development opportunities, especially in the wind and tidal sectors
(Province of Nova Scotia, 2010; Province of Nova Scotia, 2012). This study examines the role of social licence in the context of tidal energy development in Nova Scotia.
The purpose of this review is to identify the historical and current context in which this research project is situated. The following themes are incorporated in this review to frame the discussion surrounding social licence within the context of the tidal energy development industry in Nova Scotia: renewable energy, Nova Scotian tidal energy opportunities, social licence, and the theoretical framework for this study.
Renewable Energy
Renewable energy is an alternative to more traditional fossil fuel–based energy sources (Borthwick, 2016; Herzog, Lipman, & Kammen, 2001). Governments are increasingly considering renewable energy sources given their concerns related to climate change (Borthwick, 2016; Province of Nova Scotia, 2010). Significant benefits associated with utilizing renewable energy sources include a reduction in greenhouse gas emissions, reducing the potential for future depletion of fossil fuel sources, and an increase in energy security (Borthwick, 2016). Renewable energy could possibly become the dominant source of energy for the world (Herzog et al., 2001). The costs of renewable energy technology and development have been decreasing in recent years as well, which is driving renewables to be more cost competitive with other traditional sources of electricity (Herzog et al., 2001).
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Decreasing costs of renewable energy technology and development are due to technological innovation, manufacturing increases, and competition (Deaton, 2016). It should be noted that while there is a need for more renewable energy sources, renewable energy will have challenges in supporting the current system, given the current global infrastructure and energy usage.
Examples of renewable energy sources include sun (solar), wind, water (the ocean, and hydro power), biomass, geothermal, biofuels, and hydrogen (from renewable sources).
(Borthwick, 2016). Marine renewable energy is a subsection of renewable energy, and these include offshore wind, wave, and—the focus of this research—tidal energy.
Offshore wind and wave energy
Offshore wind energy extraction is very similar to that of onshore wind extraction, except that the offshore wind turbine is on a fixed or floating platform in the water (Aubault
& Roddier, 2013; Borthwick, 2016). Wind energy is extracted from a turbine, which is typically three bladed with a central hub (Borthwick, 2016), and power is generated from wind forcing the blades to move, which turns a generator and produces energy. One of the challenges associated with offshore wind energy is creating technology that can withstand the corrosive environment of the sea (Kemp, Owen, Gotzmann, & Bond, 2011). Another challenge is to design and construct adequate support structures that can withstand strong currents, intense wave action and, in some cases, sea ice (Aubault & Roddier, 2013).
Electricity can also be generated from wave energy. Waves are produced from wind flowing over surface ocean waters; energy can be produced from the motion of the surface waves, or from the fluctuation in pressure below the surface (Province of Nova Scotia, 2012).
There are over 50 wave energy converter designs for extracting wave energy worldwide, but 6
more research and development is necessary to determine a cost-effective method to commercially produce wave energy (Uihlein & Magagna, 2016). Potential wave energy resources are highest at latitudes between 30 and 60 degrees, with the greatest potential on western coasts (Renewable Northwest Project, 2007). The International Energy Agency found that the cost per kilowatt for wave energy was significantly higher compared to offshore wind energy (Province of Nova Scotia, 2012). It is more cost effective to utilize wave motion that is close to shore; however, with technology advancement, this could change (Province of Nova Scotia, 2012). A significant challenge to wave energy is the variability and unpredictability of waves. Wave strength can vary significantly, depending on several factors, and is also difficult to predict (Falcão, 2010), unlike other forms of renewable energy such as tidal energy.
Tidal energy
Significant tidal resources exist worldwide (Kempener & Neumann, 2014).
Extracting energy from these tidal ranges and associated currents presents significant opportunities for tidal energy development (O’Rourke et al., 2010). There are six tidal generating stations worldwide. These stations are located in France, South Korea, China, the
United Kingdom, Russia, and Canada (Kempener & Neumann, 2014; O’Rourke et al., 2010).
Two of the most common approaches for extracting tidal energy from the ocean are: in- stream technology and tidal range technology (Daborn, 2013).
In-stream technology utilizes the force of flowing water to move a turbine (Karsten et al., 2013). Several different turbine designs exist that include horizontal and vertical axes and reciprocating devices (Kempener & Neumann, 2014). In all cases with in-stream technology, the device must have a support structure that connects the turbine with the ocean floor 7
(Kempener & Neumann, 2014). There are three types of support structures that can be used to affix the turbine to the sea floor: gravitational structures, such as large concrete or steel blocks; piling structures—large beams that are either drilled or pinned into the ocean floor; or floating structures that are tethered to the ocean floor with wires or chains (Kempener &
Neumann, 2014). Grid connection is a significant consideration when exploring tidal energy development; typically, large cables connect the turbines to onshore stations (Kempener &
Neumann, 2014).
Tidal range generation, also known as a barrage or impoundment, uses the change in water height on either side of a dam (or barrage) (Daborn, 2013). Tidal range uses similar techniques as hydro dams; the distinct difference is that tidal range utilizes tides. As the tide rises, water is held within a head pond that is located upstream of the dam. Once the tide has turned and the water has receded, the water from the head pond is released, the water moves through the turbine(s) that are housed within the dam and forces the turbine blades to spin
(Daborn, 2013). Single or multiple turbines can be placed within a dam. Electricity can be extracted on either the outgoing tide, incoming tide, or both by using a reversible turbine
(Kempener & Neumann, 2014).
A significant benefit of utilizing tidal energy technology is that the tides are very predictable; they can be predicted for years in advance (Daborn, 2013). This is unlike wind, wave, and solar energy, which are intermittent (Daborn, 2013).
Renewable energy in Nova Scotia
In 2001, over 80% of energy in Nova Scotia was sourced from fossil fuels that included coal, petroleum coke, oil, and diesel (Province of Nova Scotia, 2010). Nova Scotia has a rich history of coal production, with the first underground mine opening in 1720 in 8
Cape Breton (Sandlos & Keeling, 2015). Coal production increased until after the Second
World War, when other fuels such as diesel and oil became the dominant fuel source, mainly due to the increase in automobile usage. Cape Breton’s last underground coal mine closed in 2001, and now all the coal extracted in Nova Scotia is through surface mining (Sandlos &
Keeling, 2015).
Currently, Nova Scotia’s coal sources are significantly depleted, and most coal that is burned to produce electricity is being imported from other countries (Province of Nova
Scotia, 2010). By using imported coal (and other fossil fuels), Nova Scotia is then vulnerable to rapid changes in fuel prices, which leads to energy insecurity. There is also the recognition that burning fossil fuels increases greenhouse gas emissions, which contributes to climate change. In response to these environmental concerns, the Nova Scotia government released a
Renewable Energy Plan in 2010, highlighting commitments and targets for increasing the amount of renewable energy used by the province (Province of Nova Scotia, 2010).
As part of the Renewable Energy Plan, Nova Scotia committed to developing renewable energy sources to generate electricity. Nova Scotia increased the percentage of renewable energy-based electricity to 25% by 2015 (from 11% in 2009), and it is targeted to have 40% renewable electricity by 2020 (Province of Nova Scotia, 2010). In the plan, Nova
Scotia identified several areas with potential for renewable energy development. Wind was listed as the primary source of renewable energy, with tidal energy, solar (for heating air and water), and natural gas contributing limited amounts to achieving the goals listed in the report. The report also noted that the energy to meet these commitments and goals would come from large scale projects, supplemented by smaller scale programs. The implementation of this plan included supporting legislation and regulations, and development 9
of strategies to make the transition to using more renewable energy in Nova Scotia (Province of Nova Scotia, 2010).
Marine Renewable Energy Strategic Plan
Nova Scotia developed a Marine Renewable Energy Strategy in 2012, in anticipation of an emerging tidal energy industry and the commercialization of related marine renewable energy assets and services in Nova Scotia (Province of Nova Scotia, 2012). The mission of this strategic plan is for Nova Scotia to become a global leader in marine renewable energy technology development. The goals in the strategy included ensuring a diverse, stable, and safe electricity supply and developing knowledge and technology for marine renewable energy for local and global markets (Province of Nova Scotia, 2012). Several objectives for supporting the goals of the marine renewable strategy for Nova Scotia were developed. These include:
▪ building and maintaining public trust;
▪ addressing issues of accountability;
▪ providing greater understanding of the technology;
▪ promoting sustainable approaches;
▪ building a new industry in Nova Scotia; and
▪ collaboration with First Nations communities (Province of Nova Scotia, 2012).
To implement and develop the mission, goals, and objectives, three strategic plans were established that focused on research, development, and creating a regulatory framework. The research plan aims to examine the socio-economic impacts of renewable energy development, explore interactions between technology and the surrounding
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environment, and research technology that can increase the commercial viability of renewable energy development (Province of Nova Scotia, 2012). The development plan focuses on developing marine renewable energy technologies so that the process of development is environmentally sustainable and developing and positioning the industry so that Nova Scotia is known globally as a centre for knowledgeable and experienced developers in the tidal energy sector (Province of Nova Scotia, 2012). The regulatory plan strives to develop legislative and regulatory frameworks for marine renewable energy development to ensure environmental protection, participate in effective engagement of stakeholders that is transparent and accountable, and to build public trust and acceptance
(Province of Nova Scotia, 2012).
In April 2015, the Province of Nova Scotia introduced its Marine Renewable-Energy
Act. The Act was introduced to regulate marine renewable-energy resource development; to ensure that the construction, installation and operation of marine renewable-energy projects is conducted responsibly; and to establish the regulatory framework for marine renewable- energy development in Nova Scotia (Marine Renewable-Energy Act, 2015).
The Act provides for the effective, efficient, and responsible marine renewable- energy development through a regulatory system and programs and initiatives that encourage the sustainable expansion and management of the marine renewable-energy sector in Nova
Scotia (Marine Renewable-Energy Act, 2015). The Act notes that the regulatory system is collaborative, adaptive, consultative, and integrates technical, environmental, and socio- economic factors. Regulations associated with this Act include requirements for strategic environmental assessments, licencing and permitting of Marine Renewable-Electricity Areas
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(MREAs), and further requirements for MREA designation (Marine Renewable-Energy
Act, 2015).
Nova Scotian Opportunity for Tidal Energy Development
History of tidal energy in Nova Scotia
Nova Scotia has long been an area of interest for tidal energy development. As early as 1607, settlers were constructing tidal mills in Port Royal, along the Bay of Fundy coastline
(Howell & Drake, 2012). Approximately 25–75 KW (kilowatts) of energy was converted from these tidal mills, this is enough energy to power approximately 10 contemporary homes
(Howell & Drake, 2012). More recently, the Annapolis Tidal Generating Station, built in 1984 and located in Annapolis Royal, takes advantage of this extreme tidal range
(O’Rourke et al., 2010). Until November 2016, the Annapolis Station was the only tidal power generating station in North America. The station generates energy from a single turbine, which provides 30 GWh of electricity per year to the provincial grid (O’Rourke et al., 2010).
Potential
There 190 sites (greater than 1 MW mean power) with the potential for wave and current (in-stream) tidal energy development in Canada, 15 of which are in Nova Scotia
(Cornett, 2006). This is not surprising as Nova Scotia is home to the highest tides in the world, frequently exceeding 16 metres in height (Karsten, 2013). The area in Nova Scotia with the highest power-generating potential is in the Minas Passage in the Bay of Fundy
(Cornett, 2006). The Minas Passage has the highest potential for power generation because of the speed of the water that flows through this area, which can reach speeds greater
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than 5 metres per second (Karsten et al., 2013). The current speeds are significant in this area because of the shape of the land; the constriction through the Minas Passage increases the speed of the water coming from the Bay of Fundy into the Minas Basin (Karsten et al., 2013).
This makes the Minas Passage a unique location for in-stream tidal power development
(Karsten et al., 2013).
The Fundy Ocean Research Centre for Energy (FORCE) was established in 2009 to help facilitate in-stream tidal power development in the Minas Passage. FORCE, located near
Parrsboro, Nova Scotia, runs a testing facility for in-stream tidal turbines (Tollit, Wood,
Broome, & Redden, 2011). The test site, located in the Minas Passage, has five berths to connect turbines to the electrical grid. FORCE was established to test large, commercial scale turbines (Province of Nova Scotia, 2013b). In November 2009, OpenHydro (partnered with
Nova Scotia Power) installed the first in-stream tidal turbine at the FORCE test site.
The 1 MW turbine was removed in December 2010, ahead of schedule because of damage to the turbine that had been discovered in May 2010 (Tollit et al., 2011). In November 2016, another turbine was deployed by Cape Sharp Tidal, a partnership between OpenHydro and
Nova Scotia Power (Withers, 2016a). The 1,000 tonne, five-story turbine was connected to the electrical grid via undersea cables and began generating electricity. The turbine generated enough electricity to power approximately 500 homes (or 2 MW) (Withers, 2016a). More information about a third turbine installation is discussed below.
In the spring of 2018, Big Moon Power was granted permits to test a 100kW prototype and a second permit to expand up to 5 MW, provided environmental and performance standards and community engagement requirements were met (Ericsson, 2018).
Big Moon Power uses a kinetic keel that is attached to shore via a cable. The moving parts 13
are all on shore within a storage building, and the keel moves with the ebb and flow of the tide (Ericsson, 2018). This design generates energy on both tidal directions and has yet to show any environmental impacts. Big Moon Power is testing their tidal energy conversion device in the community of Scots Bay, which has a controversial history of tidal energy development. Big Moon Power has focused on community engagement and appears to have community support for this project (Ericsson, 2018).
FIT and COMFIT
The Nova Scotian Government developed two feed-in-tariff (FIT) programs to boost the development of tidal energy in Nova Scotia (Province of Nova Scotia, 2013b). According to MacDougall (2013), “a feed-in tariff is a guaranteed rate paid per kilowatt hour for energy producers whose energy is delivered to the provincial electricity grid” (p. 222). The first FIT program, the Developmental Tidal FIT program, was established in 2011 to help subsidize the costs of large-scale, in-stream tidal energy projects (Province of Nova Scotia, 2013b).
During turbine testing, the developers receive feed-in-tariffs for any electricity that is produced (Province of Nova Scotia, 2013b). The other FIT program, Community Feed in
Tariff (COMFIT), was implemented to aid small-scale renewable energy projects
(Obermann, 2013). COMFIT projects can be implemented by a variety of groups (e.g., municipalities, co-ops, First Nations, universities, non-profit groups, and CEDIFs—
Community Economic Development Investment Funds) (MacDougall, 2013). COMFITs allow for a diverse renewable energy industry that increases the geographical distribution of sources of renewable energy and increases energy security (Province of Nova Scotia, 2010).
A review of the COMFIT program in January 2015 concluded that projects in this program were increasing power rates for consumers. Therefore, in August 2015, the Minister of 14
Energy announced that the COMFIT program would no longer accept new applications
(“COMFIT program killed”, 2015). The Nova Scotia government cited power rate increases behind the cancellation of this program. Michel Sampson, the Energy Minister at the time, stated that the COMFIT program had accomplished its goals and served its purpose
(“COMFIT program killed”, 2015).
Issues and challenges associated with tidal energy development in Nova Scotia
Development of any type often results in conflict, and this is no different in Nova
Scotia with tidal energy development. Conflict can occur for a variety of reasons and typically arises from community concerns, such as environmental impacts, economic considerations, access or ownership issues, social or cultural injustices, and perceived discrepancies between the benefits and risks of the development (Kemp et al., 2011). Issues and conflict with developments are related to a lack of engagement and trust—two of the main, underlying principles of social licence. In the Nova Scotian context, two of the biggest controversies surrounding the tidal energy industry in Nova Scotia have been the Bay of
Fundy Inshore Fishermen’s Association’s attempt to prevent the Cape Sharp Tidal turbine deployment and the proposed Halcyon project in Scots Bay.
Halcyon Tidal Power Project
In early 2014, the United States–based company Halcyon Tidal Power held a community meeting to discuss their plans to build a 1,100 MW tidal barrage in the Bay. The proposed barrage would stretch 11 kilometres across the Bay (between Cape Split and
Baxter’s Harbour), near the community of Scots Bay, Nova Scotia (Delaney, 2014). The community of Scots Bay expressed concerns regarding this proposed tidal development
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about the changes to the natural beauty of the area and the effects of the project on the environment and the tourism industry (Delaney, 2014). A petition with over 1000 signatures was signed, asking Premier Stephen McNeil to prevent Halcyon Tidal Power from holding a marine lease on the area, and a Facebook group was formed, called Deny Halcyon Power the
Marine Rights to Scots Bay (Delaney, 2014). In July 2018, a Scots Bay resident, Ann
Huntley, said in a news article, “Halcyon treated our community like we were dumb, rural hicks”. Joel Huntley added, “it was like they came here and told us what they were going to do without asking anyone” (Ericsson, 2018).
A report on the project concluded that it would not proceed because of the following factors: lack of an identified market, significant opposition from members of the community, and the focus on in-stream tidal energy development by the Nova Scotia government
(Balcolm, Lesko, Loik, Paige, & Stoffer, 2014).
Cape Sharp Tidal Project
In early June 2016, Cape Sharp Tidal and the Department of Environment announced that they were delaying the deployment of their 2 MW turbine, in order to consult with local fishers who had heavily criticized the deployment (Ward, 2016a). The Nova Scotia
Department of Environment announced later in June 2016 that Cape Sharp Tidal was approved to deploy their turbines, but the company continued to delay, citing continued fisher consultation (Williams & Ward, 2016). In July 2016, the Bay of Fundy Inshore
Fishermen’s Association, which represents 75 fishers who fish in the Bay of Fundy, applied to have the Nova Scotian Supreme Court repeal the province’s decision to approve the deployment of two tidal turbines in the Bay of Fundy (McMillan, 2016). Colin Sproul, the spokesperson for the Bay of Fundy Inshore Fishermen’s Association, noted in a July CBC 16
interview (Ward, 2016a), that while his association would be interested in engaging with
Cape Sharp Tidal, the company’s engagement style did not sit well with him, “we just feel it’s irresponsible to do it in the off-the-record, informal manner, like they’ve requested”.
The association cited environmental concerns as the reason for their application.
Members of the association felt as though there was insufficient baseline research data and voiced concerns about the influence on the marine wildlife and habitat by the turbine installation (McMillan, 2016). The Bay of Fundy Inshore Fishermen’s Association was not alone in their concerns. A report released by the Department of Fisheries and Oceans in
December 2016 (DFO, 2016) highlighted some areas of concern in FORCE’s monitoring plan including the following:
▪ failure to monitor animal mortality;
▪ lack of knowledge regarding fish-turbine interactions;
▪ shortcomings in baseline data;
▪ failure to account for temporal and spatial changes;
▪ failure to account for scale increases;
▪ absence of mitigation measures; and
▪ absence of technological specifications.
Despite the concerns outlined by the Bay of Fundy Fishermen’s Association, the motion was denied in Nova Scotian Supreme Court in late October 2016; the judge cited no immediate risk of irreparable harm to environment as the reason for the decision (“Fishermen lose bid”, 2016). Cape Sharp Tidal installed their 2 MW turbine in early November 2016
(Withers, 2016a).
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In June 2017, the turbine that had been deployed 7 months earlier was removed. This was the first grid-connected turbine at the FORCE test site (FORCE, 2018). In a July 25,
2018 news release on the FORCE website, a Cape Sharp spokesperson noted that, since the removal, the company has been working to upgrade the turbine technology, applying the knowledge gained from the previously deployed turbine (FORCE, 2018). The third turbine deployed in the Minas Passage (second by Cape Sharp Tidal) was deployed on July 22, 2018, and connected to the grid on July 24, 2018 (FORCE, 2018). The news release from FORCE states that the OpenHydro team is conducting “operational and environmental monitoring device testing” (FORCE, 2018).
One day after the FORCE news release that the turbine had been successfully deployed, it was announced that OpenHydro filed for liquidation as its parent company,
Naval Energies, would no longer be investing in tidal energy (Davie, 2018a). In mid-August,
Emera, with a 20% stake in the project, announced that they were pulling out (Davie, 2018a).
In September 2018, another news release stated that Emera had attached environmental monitoring equipment, was now remotely monitoring the turbine, and that data was now being transferred to shore (“Cape Sharp Tidal turbine”, 2018). In November 2018, the judge overseeing the liquidation of OpenHydro revealed that in September, the turbine had been
“damaged beyond repair and was incapable of generating electricity” (Quon, 2018). Prior to this, in September 2018, Emera and OpenHydro noted that they were investigating why the rotor of the turbine was not spinning (Quon, 2018). The news of the liquidation raised concerns again regarding the development of tidal energy in Nova Scotia. Fishing gear had been damaged in the installation, and Parrsboro business owners were out thousands of
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dollars from rental properties that had been booked by OpenHydro employees
(Davie, 2018b).
While Nova Scotia is committed to renewable energy targets and tidal energy projects through its development of policies and legislation (Province of Nova Scotia, 2010; Province of Nova Scotia, 2013b), this endeavour is not without its challenges, as the Halcyon and
Cape Tidal projects show. Tidal energy development in Nova Scotia has been met with criticism and conflict (Ward, 2016b). Often, the issues that can cause conflict are connected to a lack of engagement and trust—two important principles of social licence.
Social Licence
The term social licence was developed in the mining industry in the 1990s, and has been increasingly used in a variety of contexts (Colton et al., 2016). Several definitions exist in the literature, but all have the fundamental tenet of local community and stakeholder acceptance. For example, Gunningham, Kagan, and Thornton (2004) define social licence
“as the demands on and expectations for a business enterprise that emerge from neighborhoods, environmental groups, community members, and other elements of the surrounding civil society” (p. 308). More simply, a social licence is the continued acceptance and approval of a development by local residents and stakeholders who can influence the project (Moffat & Zhang, 2014; Prno & Slocombe, 2012). Another definition of social licence from Colton et al. (2016) is as a term that can be used to characterize the community’s acceptance or opposition of project development in their region.
The terms social licence, social licence to operate, and social acceptance may have slightly different definitions but can be used interchangeably as they mean essentially the
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same thing. For this research, the term social licence is used. It should be noted that while the term licence suggests a formal, legal authorization, this is not the case with a social licence
(Moffat and Zhang, 2014; Prno & Slocombe, 2012).
The first documented use of the term social licence was in the 1990s by Jim Cooney, a Canadian mining executive (Colton et al., 2016). The term social licence has been increasingly used, especially by the resource industry. Colton et al. (2016) found that social licence was used less than 10 times in North American print media between 1997 and 2002, but was mentioned over 2000 times in 2013 and 2014. Although use of the term social licence developed in the mining industry, it has expanded and is now used in a variety of other industries, including forestry, pulp and paper, aquaculture, agriculture, and more recently, renewable energy (Parsons et al., 2014). In the renewable energy industry, the term social licence has been most commonly used in the wind energy sector, although this is beginning to change (Wüstenhagen, Wolsink, & Bürer, 2007).
Another term associated with social licence is NIMBY (Colton et al. 2016), which is an acronym for Not in My Back Yard. Sandman (2008), defines NIMBY thinking as something that people want to be built, but resist development in the area in which they live
(Sandman, 2008). Typically, a NIMBY attitude is directed at large scale developments and might include airports, prisons, and wind farms (Sandman, 2008). NIABY, Not in Anybody’s
Back Yard, is another term that is less commonly used to describe situations in which the development is something that is flawed and should not be pursued. Examples of NIABY include technologies such as hazardous waste incinerators and nuclear power plants
(Sandman, 2008). The difference between the two is that in NIMBY thinking, people are
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generally not opposed to the idea of the development, just its placement, while in NIABY, people are opposed to the development, regardless of where it is built (Sandman, 2008).
Importance of stakeholder and community engagement in social licence
Engaging communities and stakeholders is critical in project development, and can be a determinant in the success or failure of a project (Colton, 2013). To develop effective engagement strategies, it is necessary to define and identify the stakeholders and communities that are involved. A stakeholder is anyone who can influence or be influenced by a development project (Mitchell, Agle, & Wood, 1997). Mitchell et al. (1997), classify stakeholders in three ways—by their power to influence the development, the legitimacy of their relationship, and the urgency of the stakeholder’s claim. Brugha and Varvasovszky
(2000) note the importance of stakeholder analysis in determining stakeholder intentions and understanding their behaviours, agendas, and interests.
Dare, Schirmer, and Varclay (2014) argue that “good engagement practices that respond to community concerns will assist in achieving community acceptance and a social licence to operate” (p. 194). Colton (2013) especially emphasizes the importance of early and meaningful engagement in gaining credibility and shares examples from the wind industry that show delays or prevention of development due to a lack of credibility. Gopnik et al.
(2012) also highlight the importance of early and meaningful engagement for an open and transparent engagement process.
Models of social licence
Several authors have developed different ways to explain how the relationships and principles of social licence interact and what can influence a project’s social licence
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(Boutilier & Thomson, 2011; Wüstenhagen et al., 2007; Gunningham et al., 2004). While there are several different models used to explain social licence, a key theme that resonates throughout all models is legitimacy. Legitimacy is defined by Suchman (1995) as “a generalized perception or assumption that the actions of an entity are desirable, proper, or appropriate within some socially constructed system of norms, values, beliefs, and definitions” (p. 574). For a project to succeed and achieve social licence, it must be legitimate (Colton et al., 2016). It is key to note in this section that while these models are important in examining social licence, the reality of working with stakeholders and developers is important to keep in mind.
Pyramid model
Developed by Boutilier and Thomson (2011), the pyramid model lists four levels of a social licence to operate (Figure 1). The first level signifies that the social licence to operate is withheld or withdrawn, the second level is acceptance, the third is approval, with the fourth and highest level being psychological identification. Boutilier and Thomson (2011) highlight the importance of the boundaries between the levels of social licence. Legitimacy is the boundary differentiating a project’s social licence to operate being accepted, or not (withheld or withdrawn). Credibility is the boundary between a project’s acceptance and a project’s approval. Trust is identified as the boundary between a project’s approval and the final level of psychological identification. Highlighted in this model is the fact that a project may proceed (i.e., acceptance) but not necessarily have the approval of key stakeholders.
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Figure 1. Levels of social licence to operate (Boutilier and Thomson, 2011). Triangle model
The triangle model (Wüstenhagen et al., 2007), highlights three different dimensions of social acceptance (Figure 2). On a broad and general level is socio-political acceptance— acceptance of the policies and technologies by the public and policy makers (Wüstenhagen et al., 2007). More precisely, community acceptance is the related acceptance of renewable energy by community stakeholders, residents, and local authorities (Wüstenhagen et al.,
2007). Community acceptance also considers the dimension of time; the level of acceptance that a community offers to a development may vary significantly depending on what stage the development is in (Wüstenhagen et al., 2007). How a market adopts an innovation is known by Wüstenhagen et al. (2007) as market acceptance. When referring to energy developments and market acceptance, there can be a complicated relationship between consumers, investors, and producers (Wüstenhagen et al., 2007). This model illustrates a gap
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that is found in the literature, that while there is generally public support for renewable energy sources, this does not always translate into support for specific local renewable projects (Wüstenhagen et al., 2007).
Figure 2. The triangle model of social acceptance (Wüstenhagen et al., 2007). Three-Strand model
A third model for social licence was developed in 2004 by Gunningham et al., and is known as the three-strand model (Figure 3). The model was developed from studies on pulp and paper mills in Western Canada. Gunningham et al. (2004) propose that companies in high profile industries utilize a three-strand licence to operate. The first strand is the legal licence: the permits and obligations that represent the demands of regulators, legislators, and judges. Another strand is the economic licence: the requirements of upper management, as 24
well as of lenders and investors, to cut costs and increase profits. The third strand is social licence: the demands of community groups, both regional and national environmental activists, and the public (Gunningham et al., 2004).
There are direct and indirect connections between the strands in this model. In 2014,
Morrison suggested a slight adaptation, that economic licence should instead be referred to as political licence. As political endeavours are typically driven by economic factors, this difference may not be that significant (Colton et al., 2016).
Figure 3. The three-strand model of social licence, originally developed by Gunningham et al. (2004) and later adapted by John Morrison (2014). These models highlight the relationships and principles of social licence and show how these relationships are connected. It should be noted that only one of the models was developed with the renewable energy sector in mind—the triangle model; the other two
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models were developed in the mining and pulp and paper industries (Colton et al., 2016).
Because of the different ways in which the models have been published—peer-reviewed journals and industry reports/presentations— the number of times each model has been cited is vastly different (Colton et al., 2016). Models developed in academic contexts that are peer- reviewed are more frequently cited and referenced in the literature, while industry reports and presentations have not been put under the same scrutiny and are not used as frequently, despite arising from industry experience (Colton et al., 2016). This means that there is a disconnect between what is emerging in the industry and what is being chronicled in the scholarly literature. This is important to mention, because the term social licence is increasingly being used by a variety of organizations.
Measurability and ambiguity of social licence
A significant critique of social licence is that the term is ambiguous and difficult to measure (Moffat, Lacey, Zhang, & Leipold, 2015; Owen & Kemp, 2013). These challenges create difficulties in determining when a development has social licence (Environment and
Energy Bulletin, 2015). It is often clear when a development does not have a social licence.
Because the terms of a social licence are found in the expectations, values, and perceptions of various stakeholders, the term can be abstract unless quantified (Moffat et al.,
2015). Despite this, there has been no attempt to develop a tool to measure social licence, nor has there been any research to determine what percentage of the stakeholders must accept a project before there is social licence. This can cause challenges for obtaining social licence, as it is often unclear if it is present.
There are opposing views in the literature regarding measurability. Some view social licence as an important performance indicator that can be assessed (Lacey, Parsons, & 26
Moffat, 2012), while others argue that social licence will always encounter difficulties with measurability (Owen & Kemp, 2013). Because a social licence does not have the same implications as a legal licence, the incentive to measure social licence is decreased (Zahara et al., 2016). Measurement of social licence goes beyond noting a presence or absence of community protest—measurement involves meaningful partnership and engagement with stakeholders (Zahara et al., 2016). Boutilier, Black, and Thomson (2012) suggest that gaining social licence is neither a linear nor a short-term process.
Because of the ambiguity of the term and the lack of legal consequences, developers are free to indicate a social licence exists when this may not be the case (Zahara et al., 2016).
The ambiguity of social licence can sometimes result in a power imbalance; the local community can encounter difficulties in challenging the claims of the developer (Zahara et al., 2016).
The term social licence is increasingly being used in a variety of industries to address stakeholder concerns regarding development projects (Prno, 2013; Hall, 2014; Carlson,
2017). Renewable energy is one such industry that is beginning to use the term social licence, primarily in the wind industry, but the term is increasingly used in other renewable fields such as tidal (Carlson, 2017; Edwards & Lacey, 2014; Hall, 2014; Hall, Lacey, Carr-Cornish,
& Dowd, 2014; Stigka, Paravantis, & Mihalakakou, 2014; Wüstenhagen et al., 2007). While there are several models for describing social licence (Boutilier & Thomson, 2011;
Gunningham et al., 2004; Wüstenhagen et al., 2007), there are very few studies that highlight the key factors in attaining social licence. Despite significant criticisms regarding the ambiguity and measurability of social licence (Moffat et al., 2015; Owen & Kemp, 2013), social licence is still a useful framework for addressing stakeholder concerns (Prno, 2013). 27
Prno (2013) notes that much of social licence research is still in its infancy. This research seeks to expand on and further develop some of the factors of social licence in the context of
Nova Scotian tidal energy development.
Factors of social licence in resource industries
Renewable energy developers have been challenged with stakeholder concerns on how to address social licence (Carlson, 2017). Three key studies in distinct development contexts (e.g., small scale tidal energy, hydraulic fracturing, and mining) have examined what factors contribute to social licence (Carlson, 2017; Gosine et al., 2016; Prno, 2013).
This section explores the studies that have examined which factors contribute to social licence.
Factors of social licence in small-scale tidal energy
Carlson (2017), in a graduate thesis, explored social licence in small-scale tidal energy development. Carlson’s thesis examined the conditions required to make small-scale tidal energy projects feasible (Carlson, 2017). From this research, six socio-economic factors that influence social licence in the context of small-scale tidal energy were highlighted and include the following:
▪ technical capacity;
▪ environmental risks;
▪ proximity to resources and infrastructure;
▪ alignment with future community vision;
▪ impact and involvement of First Nations; and
▪ perceived community benefits.
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Carlson (2017) suggests that each of these factors of social licence has a direct influence on how a community benefits from renewable energy development. By creating jobs and training opportunities, there are direct benefits for the community economically
(Carlson, 2017). Indirect effects on businesses within the community can be seen, for example, upgrades to existing infrastructure or increased tourism (Carlson 2017). When a development aligns with the community’s future, for example if the community is aiming to decrease carbon emissions, then a renewable energy project is more likely to be viewed as beneficial for the community (Carlson, 2017). On the contrary, Carlson (2017) found that people are less inclined to accept project benefits if there are significant perceived risks to the environment. Finally, Carlson (2017) noted that “the views of Indigenous People, especially where they or their values stand to benefit or be harmed by a project, can also prove make-or- break on the perception of whether a community benefits from a given proposal” (p. 107).
Each of the above factors can be used as a proxy for determining the potential for a development to obtain and maintain social licence (Carlson, 2017).
Factors of social licence in mining
Prno (2013) analyzed four international mining operations in the United States,
Canada, Peru, and Papua New Guinea in order to identify principles that contribute to establishment of social licence. Prno (2013) found the following five principles that can be used to guide the process of establishing a social licence:
▪ context is key;
▪ relationships as the building blocks;
▪ sustainability is important;
▪ participation and local benefits are crucial; and 29
▪ flexibility and adaptability are significant.
Prno (2013) suggested that these factors be used as a guide for establishing a social licence in the mining industry and may apply to other contexts as well. The role of context in establishing social licence is key, as each mine development site and surrounding community is unique (Prno, 2013). The context can determine which issues will be significant and which strategies for resolution could be more appropriate and effective (Prno, 2013). As with the importance of context of the development, Prno (2013) suggests that relationships between the developers and the stakeholders are significant in establishing a social licence (Prno,
2013). Communities are increasingly concerned about sustainability, which, Prno (2013) found, is closely connected with the specific community and what their vision for sustainability is. Prno (2013), found that community participation and benefits were significant factors in establishing social licence, and while benefits vary from context to context, they were the primary reason for achieving social licence. Finally, Prno (2013) found that the ability to be adaptable and flexible was necessary “to manage the complexity associated with establishing and maintaining a SLO” (p. 587). Prno (2013), argues that while the five principles were strongly represented in the analysis, there are continued opportunities for further social licence research.
Factors of social licence in hydraulic fracturing
A review of the implications of hydraulic fracturing (fracking) development in western Newfoundland was completed in 2016. The purpose of this review was to provide advice and recommendations regarding hydraulic fracturing in western Newfoundland to the
Government of Newfoundland and provide balanced public hydraulic fracturing education, as per identified information gaps (Gosine et al., 2016). This report noted several factors that 30
were imperative to the development of hydraulic fracturing and if found lacking would prevent development (Gosine et al. 2016), including the following:
▪ role of public education;
▪ role of economic development and regulatory frameworks;
▪ level of understanding of science behind technology; and
▪ level of understanding of science behind ecosystem.
The report concluded that the proposed fracking development was not in the best interest of Newfoundland because the potential development lacked public education programs, an economic development and regulatory frameworks, and a lack of an understanding of the science behind the technology and the ecosystem (Gosine et al., 2016).
The decision was based on both scientific evidence and a lack of social licence (Gosine et al., 2016).
For this fracking development to be economically viable, the panel found that the development must include climate change and energy policies, as well as a consideration of regional economic plans (Gosine et al., 2016). The panel recommended the establishment of appropriate risk management procedures and an effective regulatory framework. The panel made these recommendations to ensure support for public health, environmental protection, and public confidence (Gosine et al., 2016). The panel indicated that there was a lack of scientific information about the geological environment of the region and, as a result, the technological risks associated with development were high (Gosine et al., 2016). To mitigate the lack of information about the technology and the ecosystem, the panel suggested that public education on both the scale of development and the associated risks and benefits be implemented (Gosine et al., 2016). The educational aspect, Gosine et al. (2016) notes, is of 31
special importance in establishing a social licence. The stakeholders must have adequate information that is relevant to the proposed development in order to determine whether to grant a social licence.
Studies by Carlson (2017), Gosine et al. (2016), and Prno (2013) explored factors that might contribute to a social licence. Carlson’s (2017) study focuses on community benefits, and how the factors of social licence influence them. Prno (2013) looks at which factors are significant in establishing and maintaining a social licence in the mining industry. Gosine et al. (2016), found the proposed fracking development lacking in several areas that, along with a lack of social licence, led them to determine that the development was not in the best interest of Newfoundland. Each of these studies emphasize that there are important factors that can influence the establishment and maintenance of s social licence.
Framing social licence in the Nova Scotia tidal energy context
This collection of factors and principles identified by Carlson (2017), Gosine et al.
(2016), and Prno (2013) were utilized to highlight four factors used by this research. Gosine et al. (2016) speak to the need for public education in attempting to establish social licence— to educate the public about the scale of the project, the facts of the project, and the risks and benefits of the project. The importance of baseline research and an understanding of the technology and its impacts on the environment are noted as significant in establishing a social licence (Gosine et al., 2016). As observed by Carlson (2017) and Prno (2013), community benefits or development is an important aspect in establishing social licence.
Drawing from this collection of factors (Carlson, 2017; Gosine et al., 2016; Prno,
2013) that play a role in influencing, establishing, and maintaining a social licence, the
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following four factors were used by this research to examine social licence in the context of tidal energy in Nova Scotia, Canada:
▪ importance of public education;
▪ significance of baseline research;
▪ understanding technology and impacts; and
▪ role of community and economic benefits.
This research examines these four factors of social licence in the context of tidal energy development in Nova Scotia.
Public education
Renewable energy education is recognized as needed and globally relevant (Kandpal
& Broman, 2014). Education increases awareness, changes perceptions, and is an agent for social change (Jennings, 2009). Broadly, the objectives of education about renewable energy are to provide knowledge and an understanding of the facts, principles, concepts, and technologies for utilizing renewable energy sources (Kandpal & Broman, 2014). DeWaters and Powers (2011) suggest that energy literacy will “empower people to make appropriate energy-related choices and embrace changes in the way we harness and consume energy” (p.
1699). Gosine et al. (2016) note that perceptions can be influenced by sources of information—often individuals or organizations hold ideological views and can be unwilling to accept information that does not support their outlook. This means that public education must include presenting both the benefits and risks of a development project so that it is not perceived as biased (Gosine et al., 2016). Kandpal and Broman (2014) suggest that “the role
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of a renewable energy education program should be educative, informative, investigative and imaginative” (p. 302).
As public education is also connected with trust, a lack of trust combined with a lack of public education increases the difficulty of achieving the confidence of the public and, therefore, social licence (Gosine et al., 2016; Jennings 2009). Public education is critical in social licence as it provides communities with the knowledge that is needed to make informed, clear decisions regarding developments (Gosine et al., 2016). Quinn et al. (2015) note that “ . . . it is often inaccurately assumed that a public misunderstanding or ignorance is a solvable problem, namely that providing more information will somehow move public opinion” (p. 23). Gosine et al. (2016) further clarify by noting the importance of utilizing public education to ensure that the public is making informed decisions on developments.
Jennings (2009) observes that “the need for education of the community and the vital role it plays in market development and in building confidence in renewable energy has often been neglected by the renewable energy industry” (p. 436). Kandpal and Broman (2014) note that there are both formal and informal modes of education, and that both have a place in renewable energy education. Formal education is typically associated with schools, universities, and colleges, while informal education tends to involve information from the media and or other organizations. Kandpal and Broman (2014) highlight that a combination of modes of education is significant as active participation of the public is required for renewable energy technology adoption and improving the public’s understanding of renewable energy.
In Nova Scotia, tidal energy represents a new and innovative form of renewable energy development (Province of Nova Scotia, 2013a). One of the recommendations made 34
by Offshore Energy Environmental Research Association (OEERA, now OERA, Offshore
Energy Research Association) in the Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) in 2008 involved increased public education around marine renewable energy (OEERA,
2008). OEERA recommended that Nova Scotia work with stakeholders—including industry, academics, and community and environmental organizations—to develop a public education and awareness strategy focusing on renewable energy technology (OEERA, 2008). While this has been undertaken to some extent with project specific stakeholder education—broad public education regarding tidal energy development has not occurred.
Baseline research
Often, the ecological information available for areas of potential marine renewable energy development is limited (Shields et al., 2011). This is due to the challenges associated with collecting information in high energy environments that are typical of where marine renewable energy developments are located (Shields et al., 2011). Thomassin, White, Stead, and David (2010) note that baseline studies typically are focused on biological research.
Nova Scotia Power identified several stages of biological information collection: information should be collected before installation, during testing and commercial scale installation, and post installation (OEERA, 2008). Ecosystem baseline related information is imperative in determining changes in the ecosystem due to the installation and operation of in-stream turbines (Shields et al., 2011).
The OEERA (now OERA) Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA), completed in 2008 for the Nova Scotia Department of Energy, identified information gaps in baseline research. These gaps specifically addressed the lack of baseline information about turbine- environment interactions, the socio-economic environment, and the bio-physical environment 35
(OEERA, 2008). Other issues identified in the SEA included the lack of sufficient long-term baseline data to understand ecosystem variability, the lack of information about how tidal energy development will influence the fishing industry, and the overall extent of current baseline research (OEERA, 2008). One of the main concerns cited by the Bay of Fundy
Inshore Fishermen’s Association regarding the installation of in-stream turbines at FORCE was a lack of baseline data prior to the turbine deployment (Rhodes, 2016).
Technology and its impacts
An understanding of the technology and its impact on the environment and ecosystem is critical in determining social licence (Carlson, 2017). Communities are less likely to accept the benefits of development projects if the perceived risks to the environment are high
(Carlson, 2017). Wiersma and Devine-Wright (2014), note the general lack of public knowledge regarding ocean renewable energy technology. Because in-stream tidal energy technology is an emerging industry, many aspects are still unknown (Province of Nova
Scotia, 2010). For the industry to more forward, significant testing is necessary to evaluate models and determine significance of ecosystem effects (Frid et al., 2012). The FORCE test site was established as a facility to test tidal turbines in the high current speeds in the Minas
Passage (Province of Nova Scotia, 2013b). Dr. Graham Daborn, a professor emeritus at
Acadia University, was quoted in a CBC article in October 2016 that much of the uncertainty surrounding the effects of the turbine can only be addressed by turbine installation in the water (Withers, 2016b).
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Community and economic development
Tidal energy projects can provide opportunities for community and economic development (Howell & Drake, 2012). Community benefits include any improvements to the economic, social, or environmental assets of a community or region (Howell & Drake, 2012).
Community benefits can include improvements to infrastructure, potential for increased tourism opportunities, decrease in the use of non-renewable energy sources, or funding and sponsorship contributions (Carlson, 2017). Economic benefits can include employment opportunities over a wide range of sectors, utilization of local goods and services, royalties and rents associated with land use, or a reliable source of income from electricity that is generated (Howell & Drake, 2012). Community acceptance—key in obtaining social licence, significantly depends on the benefits to the community resulting from development projects
(Carlson, 2017).
In the United Kingdom (UK), community benefits (and their provision) have become a common part of proposals for renewable energy development projects (Cass, Walker, &
Devine-Wright, 2010). The way in which these benefits are perceived by communities and stakeholders has been questioned. Cass et al., observe that community benefits can be perceived in several ways: “are they seen as an effective strategic element in negotiations around planning consent; as a right for communities whose resource is being exploited, or who are experiencing the dis-benefits of technology implementation; or as a way of bribing or buying off protestors or key decision makers” (p. 1). Kerr, Johnson, and Weir (2017) note that in the UK context, there are trickledown community and economic benefits such as employment and local expenditure. These benefits are different from those that Cass et al.
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(2010) refer to—financial packages in which the developers make payments directly to the community.
This literature review has identified that renewable energy, and more specifically tidal energy, is an emerging field. Utilizing renewable energy is especially important in decreasing fossil fuel usage. Nova Scotia has been identified as an area with high tidal energy potential
(Cornett, 2006). There is precedent for tidal energy development as Nova Scotia has established renewable energy targets to increase renewable energy production and usage
(Province of Nova Scotia, 2010). Annapolis Royal Tidal Energy Generating station has generated tidal energy with it’s barrage-style system since 1984. In the last 10 years, there has been more interest in in-stream tidal energy development, particularly in the Minas
Passage. This development has been controversial, especially with the Halcyon Tidal project in Scots Bay and Cape Sharp Tidal’s installations in the Minas Passage.
Any type of development can result in conflict, typically due to community concerns, such as environmental impacts, economic considerations, access or ownership issues, social or cultural injustices, and perceived discrepancies between the benefits and risks of development (Kemp et al., 2011). Social licence is a term that can be used to characterize the community’s acceptance or opposition to a project development in their area. Social licence is based on three main principles, legitimacy, credibility, and trust. The factors that support social licence identified by Gosine et al., (2016), Prno (2013), and Carlson (2017), were used to inform the four factors that are used to frame this research. The importance of public education, the significance of baseline research, an understanding of the technology and its impacts, and the role of community and economic benefits were explored by this research to
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examine social licence in the context of the tidal energy development industry in Nova
Scotia.
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Chapter Three — Methods
The purpose of this study is to examine social licence in the context of tidal energy development in Nova Scotia, Canada, using the following four factors: importance of public education, significance of baseline research, an understanding of technology and its impacts, and the role of community and economic development. By interacting with people that are involved in or influenced by tidal energy development in Nova Scotia, this research aimed to gain knowledge on how the above four factors contribute to social licence specifically relating to tidal energy development in Nova Scotia, Canada.
Research Approach
Any type of research is based on three pillars: epistemology, ontology, and methodology (Denzin & Lincoln, 2003; Punch 2013). Epistemology is focused on the way in which knowledge is acquired and is reflected in the researcher’s beliefs regarding the relationship between the researcher and the researched (Samdahl, 1999). Ontology is focused on the nature of reality, which is subjective, and is dependent on how it is perceived by the researchers and the participants (Creswell, 2007; Punch, 2013). Methodology “ . . . is concerned with process and method through which the researcher acquires knowledge about the world” (Khan, 2014, p. 225). Qualitative research methods were used for this study.
Qualitative methods are focused on generating common themes and theories in contrast to quantitative methods which focus on testing hypotheses using repeatable procedures that produce measurable results (Sandelowski, 1986).
This study is framed by an interpretive approach. The interpretive approach seeks to better understand reality, and thus ourselves and others, within a specific context (Bredo &
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Feinberg, 1982; Koetting, 1984). Interpretive analyses “ . . . attempt to describe, explain, and understand the lived experiences of a group of people” (Charmaz, 2004, p. 499). As Charmaz
(2004) continues, interpretive research attempts to “ . . . capture the worlds of the people by describing their situations, thoughts, feelings, and actions and by relying on portraying the research participants’ lives and voices. Their concerns shape the direction and form of the research” (p. 499). Interpretive research approaches focus on dialogue and interactions with their participants, to understand the social reality that is based on the experiences of the research participants (Wahyuni, 2012).
The interpretive approach is often contrasted to the positivist approach (Charmaz,
2004; Lin, 1998). Lin (1998) says that the positivist approach “ . . . seeks to identify those details with propositions that then can be tested or identified in other cases, while interpretive work seeks to combine those details into systems of beliefs whose manifestations are specific to a case” (p. 163). Charmaz (2004) also compares interpretive and positivist methods, noting that positivist approaches “lead to studies from the ‘outside,’ or those studies that rely substantially more on the observer’s concerns and interpretations of the research participant’s behaviour” (p. 500).
Interpretive methods were used for this study to better understand social licence in the tidal energy industry in Nova Scotia and to examine public education, baseline research, an understanding of the technology and its impacts, and the role of community and economic development influence social licence.
Data collection
Data collection methods in qualitative research are diverse, and can include a variety of research approaches (Krefting, 1991). According to Sandelowski (2000): “data collection 41
in qualitative descriptive studies is typically directed toward discovering the who, what, and where of events or experiences, or their basic nature or shape” (p. 338). Typically, information is gathered through semi-structured, open-ended, interviews, either individually, or within focus groups (Sandelowski, 2000). To collect data for this research, semi-structured interviews were conducted in June-October 2017. Participants were asked their opinions of tidal energy development in Nova Scotia, specifically relating to social licence, including public education, baseline research, technology and its impacts, and community and economic development (see Appendix A for Interview Guide). Each interview lasted approximately one hour, was audio recorded, and subsequently transcribed onto my personal, password-protected computer. One of the fifteen interviews could not be transcribed because of sound interference.
Research participants and confidentiality
Interview participants were invited to participate based on knowledge of tidal energy development in Nova. Fifteen interviews were conducted. Interviewees were initially identified and selected based on media, academic, government, and industry reports.
Participants were also invited to suggest further individuals that could be interviewed. Six women and nine men from a range of ages were interviewed and included individuals involved in tidal energy development in Nova Scotia from the following groups:
▪ Academia – academics are conducting research in many areas that contribute to
information about tidal energy development;
▪ Community stakeholders – communities in Nova Scotia are concerned about the
environmental impacts of tidal energy development, what development means for
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employment, the cost of energy, and how tidal energy development would
influence the way of life in Nova Scotia;
▪ First Nations – Indigenous communities in Nova Scotia are interested in the
potential for tidal energy development, but are concerned about the environmental
impacts and impacts to areas of cultural and traditional significance;
▪ Fisheries – fishers are concerned about the environmental impacts of installing
and operating tidal energy conversion devices, and the displacement and loss of
fishing areas;
▪ Government – there are many levels of government (i.e., municipal, provincial,
and federal) involved in tidal energy development in Nova Scotia. Government is
involved in policy development and regulatory frameworks in developing tidal
energy;
▪ Industry – these organizations are involved in supporting tidal energy
development in Nova Scotia through their role in the supply chain;
▪ Non-profit organizations – this includes organizations that have tidal energy
development in their portfolio, and are involved in advocating for the
environment and for the sustainable development of tidal energy; and
▪ Tidal Energy developers – as developers of the devices that are being tested in
Nova Scotia, these organizations are directly involved in the industry and its
progression.
I would like to take this opportunity to emphasize confidentiality for this study. Each participant was assigned a pseudonym (Table 1) and details regarding specific identifying information for any of the participants are not included. This choice was intentional. 43
Table 1. Pseudonyms assigned to interviewees in alphabetical order.
Alex Bailey Casey Chris Dale Frances Jesse
Lou Marley Pat Reece Sam Sawyer Taylor
Many of the participants for this study were extremely concerned about confidentiality and how much identifying information would be provided. The nature and size of the tidal energy industry is such that even by noting specific government departments, for example, a participant’s identity could be revealed. In conducting this research, I felt it was important to have a wide range of perspectives, and I did not want to exclude individuals or organizations because they did not want to be identified as I believe that would have significantly limited the outcomes of this research. I believe that many of my interviewees would not have participated had there been less confidentiality. Despite a wide range of perspectives and professions, I was surprised that many of the opinions regarding the factors that support gaining and maintaining a social licence were consistent among participants.
Data Analysis
Grounded theory methodology was used to support the data analysis of this research.
Grounded theory method connects the research process with theoretical development
(Charmaz, 2004). Grounded theory methods allow researchers to “ . . . conduct qualitative research efficiently and effectively because these methods help in structuring and organizing data-gathering and analysis” (Charmaz, 2004, p. 497). Grounded theory can be used in research projects that are focused on studying individuals, interpersonal connections, and the correlated effects between individuals and broader social processes (Charmaz, 2004). This
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research approach is a flexible process that connects two distinct phases of research—data collection and analysis (Charmaz, 2004).
The first step in data analysis is to code the collected data, as coding defines what information is in the data and leads to developing themes and issues that emerge from the data (Charmaz, 2004; Saldana, 2015). In qualitative research, codes are created and emerge from the data as the data are studied; this is unlike quantitative research in which the codes are predetermined (Charmaz, 2004). Line-by-line coding involves assigning a code for each line of data by defining the actions or events that are associated with the line (Charmaz,
2004; Glaser, 1978). Line-by-line coding allows the researcher to stay close to the data, and helps the researcher avoid inserting their bias into the data (Charmaz, 2004). Focused coding involves categorizing the initial codes, then drawing out the major themes and concepts that emerge from the data (Charmaz, 2004; Saldana, 2015). Figure 4 shows how assertions and theories can be gathered from initial data and codes (Saldana, 2015).
For this research study, interviews were audio recorded, transcribed, and then coded.
From the initial codes, categories and subcategories were developed. Finally, more general themes and concepts were drawn from the categories, which are covered in the results and discussion sections of this thesis.
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Figure 4. A code to theory model for qualitative research (Saldana, 2015). Trustworthiness
A criticism of qualitative research is that the concepts of validity and reliability are not addressed in the same way as quantitative research (Shenton, 2004). Talja (1999), goes further to say that the reliability of qualitative research is dependent on the “ . . . verifiability of the researcher’s interpretations” (p. 472). Several people have objected to this and have suggested ways to mitigate the lack of validity and reliability in qualitative research
(Shenton, 2004). Most notably, Guba (1981), proposed criteria that must be considered by qualitative researchers to ensure a trustworthy study. Credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability are the factors that Guba (1981) proposes are necessary for a trustworthy study.
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Credibility
Credibility adds to the trustworthiness of a study because it ensures that the results of the study are believable. Merriam (1998) views this as the level of coherence between reality and the findings of the study. Shenton (2004), outlines many ways in which a researcher can gain credibility.
Shenton (2004) first suggests “the adoption of research methods well established . . .”
(p. 64). By this, Shenton (2004) means that the research methods used in the study have been used successfully in other research. In this study, the use of established research methods will be addressed by conducting semi-structured interviews, which are typically used in qualitative research (Sandelowski, 2000).
To further strengthen the credibility of a research project, Shenton (2004) suggests
“the development of an early familiarity with the culture of the participating organizations . .
.” (p. 65). This establishes a relationship of trust between the researcher and the study participants. In this study, researcher familiarity with the area of study has already been established. As a Nova Scotian resident, tidal energy development does influence me, the researcher. My undergraduate science degree also contributed to this familiarity, as many of my courses discussed tidal energy from an environmental perspective. I have also had the opportunity to attend several community meetings about tidal energy development. Shenton
(2004), also suggests an “examination of previous research findings . . .” (p. 69). This is done to determine the similarities between the research that is currently being conducted and past research, and to enable the researcher to relate their research with that of past studies
(Shenton, 2004). This was accomplished by the literature review section of this research.
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Shenton (2004) also suggests using “tactics to help ensure honesty in informants . . .”
(p. 66). To ensure honest participation in this study, several tactics were used. First, participants were in no way obligated to participate, nor were they compensated for their participation. This was done to ensure that participants were genuinely willing to participate and freely offer data. Second, participants were encouraged to be honest and open, and I indicated that there were no right or wrong answers to any questions that were asked. Third, participants could withdraw their data from the study, for up to two weeks post interview.
Finally, the participants have been given a pseudonym, to ensure confidentiality.
Peer review and case analysis are two other factors that Shenton (2004) believes to be important in establishing a trustworthy and credible research project. These two factors were accomplished by frequent debriefing sessions between the researcher and the supervisor to discuss work in progress and ideas and theories, as well as widening the researcher’s perspective. Case analysis involves an examination of the data to ensure that all cases are addressed within the research question, and then refining the research question if need be
(Shenton, 2004). Peer review of the research project is imperative, as a fresh perspective may shed light on factors that were missed by the researcher and strengthen the methods and design in response to outside feedback (Shenton, 2004).
Regular debriefing to add credibility to the study is another suggestion of Shenton’s
(2004). By debriefing with my supervisor on a regular basis, there were opportunities for feedback and scrutiny. As per the requirements of Acadia University for a Master’s thesis, my research was presented to the Department of Community Development and members of the public. This afforded the opportunity by members of the department, my examining committee, and the public to ask specific questions related to the research. 48
Transferability
Transferability is the second criterion that Guba highlights as being an important factor in establishing trustworthiness (Guba 1981; Shenton, 2004). Erlandson, Harris,
Skipper, and Allen (1993), believe that transferability is not possible in qualitative research because of the specific nature of the context in which the data was collected, meaning that data is context specific, and the information collected cannot be transferred to another project or area of study. Denscombe (1998), suggests that despite the unique nature of each case, it is also an example of a larger population or group, and that transferability in qualitative research is possible. Firestone (1993) and Lincoln and Guba (1985) propose that by providing sufficient contextual information, the reader can relate the findings of the research to their own area of study. This view of transferability in qualitative research is popular with qualitative researchers (Shenton, 2004). By fully explaining the context, the reader can determine their confidence in transferring the findings of the study to other situations
(Shenton, 2004). Shenton (2004) suggests that the following information on the context of the study should be stated for transferability purposes:
▪ the number and location of the organizations taking part in the study;
▪ any restrictions on the type of participants in the study;
▪ the number of participants involved in the study;
▪ what data collection methods were used;
▪ the number and duration of the data collection sessions; and
▪ the period over which data collection occurred.
This information can be found throughout this thesis. By including this information, it ensures that researchers must consider the specific context, time frame, and geographical 49
information in which this study was conducted, before determining whether it is appropriate to transfer the research findings, insights, and implications to other areas of study
(Shenton, 2004).
Dependability
Dependability is another criterion that Guba highlights as an important factor for researchers to consider when conducting trustworthy qualitative research (Guba 1981;
Shenton, 2004). Positivist research uses techniques or quantitative methods to show that if the work was repeated, with the same context, methods, and participants—the results would be similar (Shenton, 2004). This is not the case with qualitative research because of the changing nature of the phenomena that is studied (Fidel, 1993; Marshall & Rossman, 1999;
Shenton, 2004). To address the challenges associated with dependability in qualitative research, Shenton (2004) suggests that “ . . . the processes within the study should be reported in detail, thereby enabling a future researcher to repeat the work, if not necessarily to gain the same results” (p. 71). To do this, Shenton (2004), identifies the following three criteria that must be included for the reader to fully understand the methods that have been used for the study:
▪ the design and implementation of the research;
▪ the details of data collection; and
▪ reflective evaluation of the project.
This information can be found in the research methods and discussion sections.
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Confirmability
The final criterion that Guba (1981) proposes to assist qualitative researchers in ensuring a trustworthy study is confirmability. According to Shenton (2004), this means that
“ . . . steps must be taken to help ensure as far as possible that the work’s findings are the result of the experiences and ideas of the informants, rather than the characteristics and preferences of the researcher” (p. 72). As such, the role of investigator bias must be reduced as much as possible (Shenton, 2004). Patton (1990) recognizes that researcher bias is inevitable. Miles and Huberman (1994) note that by admitting their predispositions and being up front about their bias, the researcher, and thus the research, becomes more transparent and therefore more confirmable. To ensure that the findings were based on the experiences and ideas of the participants, each interview was transcribed verbatim. Regular meetings were held with my supervisor as themes began to emerge from the data to ensure minimal biases.
Information about this researcher’s bias may be found in the section titled researcher point of view.
Ethical Considerations
This research was approved by the Research Ethics Board (REB) at Acadia
University, and the study adhered to the ethical guidelines of the REB. Prior to participating in an interview, all participants were required to read and sign a Letter of Intent (Appendix
A) and a Participant Consent Form (Appendix B). To ensure confidentiality and identity protection, each participant was assigned a pseudonym (see table 1).
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Researcher Point of View
As I was born, raised, and currently live in Nova Scotia, tidal energy development is an industry that influences me. I have learned a lot about tidal energy development in my undergraduate degree in Biology and my graduate work in Community Development at
Acadia University. During my undergraduate degree, I completed a special topics course in which I researched, developed, and presented lesson plans for both middle school and high school students about various aspects of tidal energy. This was in connection with the Acadia
Tidal Energy Institute, and was supervised by Dr. Anna Redden.
As tidal energy development is a controversial topic in Nova Scotia (Montgomery,
2016), I was concerned that assumptions made about my intentions or research purpose could influence participation in my study. To mitigate this, I clearly outlined to each participant what my intentions were, how my findings would be disseminated, and that their identity will be protected.
Dissemination
This graduate thesis was written, submitted, and presented based on this research, as per the requirements of Acadia University’s Master of Community Development program.
Research findings may be presented in written publications, or at conferences. A copy of the final project is available (by request) to any of the participants. A copy is also submitted to
Acadia University to be kept on record.
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Chapter Four — Results
Nova Scotia is currently exploring the use of tidal energy to increase renewable energy opportunities and address renewable energy targets in the province. Social licence is a key factor in gaining acceptance for many types of development, including tidal energy. This research is significant as it aims to better understand the development of social licence in the context of tidal energy development in Nova Scotia.
In-depth interviews were conducted with fifteen stakeholders involved in the tidal energy industry in Nova Scotia from June to October of 2017. The data from these interviews are divided into five major themes (Table 1).
Table 2. Results Summary, Major Themes, and Sub-Themes
Themes Sub-Themes
1. Social Licence 1.1 Principles and Definitions of Social Licence 1.2 Damage to Social Licence 2. Community Engagement 2.1 Early Engagement 2.2 Meaningful Engagement 3. Information and Education 3.1 Tidal Energy Information 3.2 Information Sharing and Support 4. Energy and the Environment 4.1 Environmental and Energy Considerations 4.2 Environmental Monitoring and Baseline Research 5. Tidal Technology and Development 5.1 Tidal Technology in Nova Scotia 5.2 Tidal Technology Industry
Theme One—Social Licence
This theme explores the principles and definitions of social licence as discussed in interviews with participants. Generally, participants supported the way in which social licence was framed by the four factors examined in this study:
▪ the importance of public education; 53
▪ the role of baseline research;
▪ understanding the technology and its impacts; and
▪ the role of community and economic development and benefits.
When asked what other aspects were important to gaining social licence, many participants emphasized principles such as transparency, credibility, trust, and honesty. The meanings and definitions of social licence according to participants also highlighted some of the important aspects that contribute to gaining social licence. The last section focuses on some of the damage that has occurred to the concept of social licence in the context of tidal energy development in Nova Scotia.
Principles and definitions of social licence
Participants shared that the factors examined in this research (public education, baseline research, understanding technology and its impacts, and community and economic benefits) were important in gaining social licence. Participants also indicated several principles that are significant in gaining social licence, such as trust, honesty, credibility, and transparency. The principles (i.e., trust, credibility, transparency) that were asserted by participants are noted in the literature as significant factors to gaining social licence.
Meaningfully engaging with stakeholders by building trust is an important aspect of gaining social licence. Sam observes that in order for trust to be built, developers need to listen to the concerns of the community: “listening to what people have to say about it . . . once the community sees that, and there’s been some follow up on this, or there’s a change that’s happening here, then you get trust being built” (Sam). Similarly, Frances indicated honesty and credibility as principles, accentuating their importance in obtaining social
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licence: “honesty, and that’s something that’s rare, but it’s important if you want a true social licence . . . it’s credibility too” (Frances). Bailey believes that transparency is another important principle in obtaining social licence and suggests that a lack of transparency can be detrimental for social licence in the future: “being transparent, is huge I would say, I mean if people feel like they’re going to be misled on something, they are obviously going to be harder to get on board in the future” (Bailey). These principles that were noted by participants as significant to gaining social licence are ones that are typically associated with the definitions of social licence in the literature.
Some of the principles of social licence were also emphasized by participants in their definitions of social licence. Jesse mentions trust in their definition: “. . . building the trust and acceptance of the public and other stakeholders, and First Nations to develop any project” (Jesse). Sam also includes trust in their definition, explaining that keeping the needs of the community in perspective is important: “generally, it means having community support and trust that you’re going to do the best you can do when you’re developing a project in their community, so having their needs and ideas and concerns in mind when you’re developing a large project” (Sam). Like Sam, Casey also mentions community support in their definition of social licence and explains that social licence comes from the community itself:
It means to me the approval and support for a development or any change in society,
coming from the society itself, from the community particularly . . . if it’s a local
development, it means that the development is not just operating because the industry
or government wants something to happen, but that they genuinely have the support
of the community and society around (Casey). 55
Casey highlights community support in their definition of social licence, and argues that the social licence comes from the community. Dale further suggests that social licence is from more than just the community: “. . . ongoing stable support for an activity, not just public, but we also have current users and stakeholders, and the resources users, so again the ongoing and continued support from them”. Dale’s quote emphasizes the point that community may consist of many communities and that support must come from across the range of communities. According to participants, definitions of social licence should be inclusive of community.
Many participants noted that the factors proposed by this research are important in establishing social licence, including trust, credibility, honesty, and transparency. The principles that were indicated by participants as important in gaining social licence are typically found in the literature when discussing social licence (Boutilier & Thomson, 2011).
Damage to social licence
Working toward establishing a social licence in the tidal industry in Nova Scotia has been challenging. Participants discussed the lack of social licence for the tidal energy development industry in Nova Scotia, despite efforts to gain the social licence by industry proponents. The 2016 court case against Cape Sharp Tidal by the Bay of Fundy Inshore
Fishermen’s Association emphasized the lack of social licence in the Nova Scotian tidal energy industry from the perspectives of some stakeholders. The change from a hypothetical proposition to the reality of a turbine in the water of the Bay of Fundy has also influenced the development of social licence in Nova Scotia.
As Dale observes, initially there was support for tidal energy development, however, there was also skepticism regarding the feasibility of development: “in the beginning yes, 56
there was a lot of . . . government support and stakeholder support . . . there was skepticism but not opposition, go ahead and try that, but it isn’t going to work . . .”. People were skeptical that this type of development would succeed in Nova Scotia. Alex reflects that there was social licence initially, suggesting that this changed as the potential for tidal energy development became a reality: “it’s easy, when it’s just something in the future that has a sort of interesting potential, there was nothing but social licence, but then, as reality comes to bear, and there’s all kinds of anxieties”. Dale also pointed out that one of the major turning points was when turbines were deployed in the Minas Passage in 2009: “it wasn’t until we reached a point that machines were being deployed that it became real to certain stakeholders and that’s when trouble began”.
Jesse discusses a gap in engagement since the first turbine was placed in the Minas
Passage: “one of the challenges that this industry has is that it’s taken so long, for anything to really happen, so there was a lot of excitement in 2008, 2009, and then time has gone by, and there has been a bit of a gap in going out to the public” (Jesse). Community and stakeholder engagement occurred prior to the first turbine installation in 2009, but participants observed a significant gap in engagement activity between the first and second (2016) installations.
As discussed previously, protests and media campaigns against tidal energy have been prolific, especially in the last two to three years. This opposition could be correlated with the installation of two turbines (2016, 2018). As installation progresses, tidal energy development has become less abstract and people are voicing their concerns. Jesse again reflects that there was social licence for tidal energy development in Nova Scotia, but also observes that this changed when turbines were deployed and turbines became a reality for communities and stakeholders: “as soon as you get to a certain point, when they [turbines] 57
become real, it’s much more of a thought about how this is going to affect communities or stakeholders” (Jesse).
Taylor underscores the consequences of damaging or not having a social licence:
“there’s acts of protest, there’s court cases, there’s lawsuits, all kinds of things happening”
(Taylor). Casey connects this with not in my back yard (NIMBY) thinking, “NIMBY people will support it provided it’s not in their backyard” (Casey).
This section covers principles that contribute to social licence and discusses some of the definitions of social licence cited by participants. Generally, participants felt that social licence was lacking with more recent tidal energy development activities. A gap in engagement between turbine installations was noted as damaging to the social licence for tidal energy development in Nova Scotia. The role that not in my back yard (NIMBY) thinking has played in this situation was also highlighted in this section.
Theme Two—Community Engagement
The importance of community engagement in gaining social licence was a significant theme in this research. Early engagement of communities and stakeholders was noted as being especially critical, and participants stressed the importance of engaging a variety of stakeholders including the fishing and Indigenous communities. Participants also believed that early engagement can lead to successful development projects. The quality of engagement with communities was also identified as imperative to gaining social licence.
Engaging in a meaningful way with the users and stewards of the resource was also discussed as important. Participants also shared the importance of listening to and addressing
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community concerns and emphasized the role of community liaison committees in community engagement.
Early engagement
Engaging communities and stakeholders early in the process of development was noted by participants as an important step to gain social licence. Participants believe that an understanding of the community, developing timelines well in advance, and engaging and consulting with stakeholders prior to development are important factors in early engagement.
Success in the tidal energy development industry from early engagement was also observed.
Getting to know the community through early engagement was emphasized by participants as an important factor in gaining social licence: “before obtaining social licence,
I think an industry or developer needs to really do their homework on the community itself, and they need to develop an understanding of what they are getting into” (Sam). When asked about factors that should be considered when establishing a social licence, Bailey indicated the importance of engaging communities early in the process: “early engagement, making sure that it’s happening at a point where people aren’t an afterthought” (Bailey). Jesse also highlights the importance of early engagement, stating that early engagement plays a role in providing information to communities and stakeholders about the project: “. . . providing early engagement to educate people before a project is proposed, so the steps of a project are communicated” (Jesse).
Jesse believes that timeframes and a planning process are important to keep in mind while engaging and consulting the public and stakeholders: “I think another important piece is how stakeholders and the public are consulted and what the process is for that . . . time frames, what’s the planning process for an industry to take hold . . .” (Jesse). Dale also 59
believes in the importance of early consultation especially with specific stakeholder groups, including Indigenous peoples: “. . . consulting well in advance of your intention of your project in this case, and that includes to me all levels of First Nations of course have to be involved, fishers, municipal groups, community stakeholders, government, the fishermen, need to be spoken with early” (Dale).
Taylor suggests that early engagement is key to establishing social licence: “engage early and engage continuously, and if it’s a good project, the community will support you”
(Taylor). Casey explains that early engagement does factor in to developers gaining social licence for tidal energy projects. Casey names Wales as an example of where early engagement was successful in gaining social licence in the tidal energy industry.
There is a lagoon likely to be built in Wales in the next number of years that has
tremendous support from the people of South Wales, in part because they have done
quite a good job of working with the community before they started to define a
project and that’s an object lesson for a lot of industries, you might be surprised on
the outcome if you actually work with the community in the first place (Casey).
While early engagement is imperative to gaining social licence, Taylor explains that ongoing engagement is also important, and failure to do this can be detrimental to gaining and maintaining a social licence: “it’s not just get the permission at the beginning and then say thank you very much, and see you later, there really should be ongoing communications, because otherwise your social licence starts to lose its effectiveness” (Taylor).
In working with communities, participants explained the importance of engaging well in advance of project development and believed that timelines and a process for early engagement are important. Ensuring that many types of stakeholders are engaged early, 60
including Indigenous communities and fishers were indicated by participants as significant.
An example of success in the tidal energy industry due to early engagement was also discussed.
Meaningful engagement
Participants discussed the significance of meaningful engagement in gaining social licence, which included how to approach community benefits. The importance of meaningfully engaging with specific stakeholder groups, namely fishers, was also emphasized due to the deep connection that this group has with the resource. Further examples of meaningful engagement included ensuring that communities felt that their concerns were both heard and addressed by developers. Community liaison committees were also noted as holding a significant role in supporting meaningful engagement.
Unsurprisingly, fishers as resource users were often referenced in correlation with tidal energy development in this research, and participants noted that fishers needed to be meaningfully engaged: “fishermen . . . they don’t technically own the water, but they have been stewarding it, to feel like someone’s just jumping in on their turf, if they’re not talking to them personally and not saying, how can we work this out, that’s really kind of invalidating” (Bailey). Alex explains the anxieties that fishers have regarding development, highlighting that for them, the ocean is their livelihood: “if you’re a lobster fisherman, they have extremely legitimate anxieties about any activity . . . that anxiety that here comes this other thing into the water that may take away from their livelihood is absolutely real” (Alex).
Given the deep connection that fishers have to the Bay of Fundy and the anxieties that may arise due to impacts on livelihoods, it becomes especially important to engage them meaningfully. Validating their concerns is one way to honour this deep connection. 61
“considering it [peoples’ concerns] and seeing if there is a way you can work with it, it validates people’s concerns” (Bailey). Validation is especially important in scenarios where there is a deep ongoing, multi-generational and personal connection to the resource: “we need to really listen to those voices that are the stewards of those resources . . . in a more real and more meaningful way” (Alex).
Taylor says that meaningful engagement involves communicating with stakeholders and communities about the project: “. . . engaging the communities to try to make sure that people have an understanding of things that are going to happen, when they’re going to happen, what are the potential impacts” (Taylor). In supporting social licence, it is also important that stakeholders feel heard by developers. Jesse believes that meaningful conversations about project development significantly helps in gaining social licence: “I think a huge part of it is whether communities or individuals or stakeholders feel that they have some, kind of a say in it, or there is some meaningful dialogue about a project moving forward” (Jesse).
As part of the engagement process, when speaking to people, Sam suggests engaging with project champions within the community: “if there are project champions that you can work closely with, engage with them” (Sam). Connecting with members of the community is an important step in meaningful engagement. A community liaison committee, as Sam describes, can help bridge the gap between developers and community members, and assist in engaging the community: “. . . a group of people that have an interest in the project, that are ideally from the local community, could be a cottage owner, a small business person in the community, a special interest group, recreationists, it could be a First Nations person”
(Sam). 62
In one example, a research participant shared how as a part of an engagement strategy, the community liaison committee managed programs to deliver services and benefits provided by the developer: “we set up a community sponsorship fund that the community liaison committee administered . . . to present some sort of good will toward the community, we wanted to give back to local groups, so our community liaison committee managed this sponsorship fund” (Sam). Providing benefits like a community sponsorship program as part of a meaningful engagement strategy was an area where participants disagreed. Sam highlights that benefits are imperative in gaining community support for a project: “it made a world of difference for us on the project, I found once people start seeing tangible economic impacts for the community, the community really rallied around the project” (Sam). However, Chris had a different opinion on community benefits, noting that there was the potential to feel like it is not genuine: “if it’s something controversial, and there’s some kind of a benefits agreement . . . is it a pay off?” (Chris). Chris’ comment about a payoff speaks to the potential for communities to feel disingenuous about the engagement, especially if the benefits are viewed as a payoff versus an offer of good will or part of the negotiations in using a resource. If communities and stakeholders feel like the benefits being offered are disingenuous, it can call into question the motives behind the engagement: “some people are worried that this [engagement] is just due diligence and that you’re doing this for the green light” (Bailey). This means that it is important to distinguish between engagement for the sake of engagement (because it is expected) and meaningfully engaging with stakeholders and communities to come to an agreement regarding developments.
Meaningful engagement is critical in gaining and maintaining social licence. Feeling that concerns and reservations about development are heard and addressed by government 63
and developers are significant issues in meaningful engagement. The importance of meaningfully engaging with the fishing community as direct resource users and stewards of the Bay of Fundy was also observed by participants. The role of community liaison committees and that of community champions are especially important in supporting deep and meaningful engagement.
Theme Three—Information and Education
Public information and education emerged as a strong theme in this research and is key in establishing social licence. It should be noted that, in this case, public education does not necessarily mean school-based education (unless otherwise indicated), but more generally refers to informing Nova Scotians about tidal energy development in Nova Scotia.
This type of education might include but is not limited to any one of the following methods: community meetings, information sessions, public talks, media publications and presentations, and more. Participants believed that public information and education was a critical aspect of developing social licence, and emphasized the importance of clear, unbiased information related to tidal energy development.
Tidal energy information
This section covers the importance of information and education about tidal energy development. Participants observed a general lack of awareness about tidal energy development in Nova Scotia. Participants highlighted the role of the media in providing information to the public about tidal energy, many noting misinformation perpetuated in the media. Confusion regarding who is responsible for tidal energy–related education was also
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discussed by participants who indicated the importance of providing and promoting education in supporting a social licence.
The current type of tidal energy development occurring in Nova Scotia (and globally) is new. Sawyer suggests that because of the novelty of the tidal energy industry in Nova
Scotia, tidal energy education is important: “education is a big piece of it, because it’s new, it’s brand new, nobody knows anything about it . . .” (Sawyer). Reece believes that Nova
Scotians were largely uninformed about the current state of the tidal energy development industry: “I think that a lot of people aren’t really informed about it to be honest, a lot of people, they don’t really know a lot of what’s going on, or they’ve heard mention of the projects . . . For the most part, the public doesn’t really know.” (Reece). The feeling among these participants who are well informed about the nature of the tidal energy in Nova Scotia may echo broader sentiments about the overall availability and quality of resources that inform people about the industry.
Many participants mentioned the role of the media in educating the public. While media is not a traditional source of education, in this context, the media has been a significant source of information about tidal energy development in Nova Scotia. Pat observes that the information provided is not always accurate. “in my experience, often times people are basing their opinions about the industry on incomplete information provided by media as opposed to reviewing current literature on the topic” (Pat).
Jesse spoke further to Pat’s point about misinformation in the media, and the connection between the role of the media in building social licence, noting that issues can be exaggerated by the media and stories can linger:
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In building social licence or decreasing social licence, I think the media plays a big
role . . . you’ll see small opposition to something and it gets amplified in the media,
and I feel like with this case in general that has really been true, partially because
Nova Scotia is small and doesn’t have tons of things going on. But I feel like that’s
actually progressed the story to continue and continue, and not that the stakeholders
don’t have valid points, but the media took it and ran with it (Jesse).
While there certainly is a role for the media in informing Nova Scotians about the tidal energy development industry, there are other organizations that should occupy a more significant role. However, as Sawyer suggests, there is confusion regarding the responsibility of tidal energy development education among different organizations: “who is responsible for doing what, it’s not just Cape Sharp Tidal, or FORCE, or the government, people are confused about whose role it is to do certain things . . .” (Sawyer). As Sawyer believes, there is confusion and lack of communication about the roles or specific organizations of groups.
Participants emphasized the importance of tidal energy awareness, noting that the media plays a big role in educating the public about tidal energy. This can be detrimental, as media is not always a reliable source of information. Participants also noted that there was uncertainty about who was responsible for providing information to the public.
Information sharing and support
This section focuses on tidal energy information sharing and support. Participants discussed the importance of understanding the audience when establishing an education strategy. Preparing and promoting accessible and objective information was indicated by participants as especially significant. Participants suggested that there was a correlation
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between information and support, noting that when people were informed they were more likely to support a project.
When considering an educational program, Taylor emphasizes the importance of effective communication between stakeholders and those providing the educational material:
“when anybody sets up any kind of communication or education program, they have to understand who their audience is, and they have to tailor their method so that it’s not just a one-way information dump . . .” (Taylor). Participants also discussed the importance of information sharing so that it can be accessed and understood by a wide range of people.
Casey discussed the importance of providing information in such a way that doesn’t support or oppose tidal energy but promotes better awareness of the industry overall: “not because we are pushing for tidal energy, but we are in the position of holding an awful lot of information that people can access, and because much of that info is in technical reports, it’s not really available, it’s not very amenable to people” (Casey). This quote illustrates the importance of providing information on tidal energy development that can be understood and accessed by many people.
Jesse noted the significance of objective, accessible materials in public education, specifically in relation to building social licence: “what goes to building social licence is having materials that are objective and provide information in a way that isn’t spun to say that this is the best thing that ever happened . . . and people know how to access it is really important” (Jesse). Having objective and accessible information is critical in this situation.
Sawyer explains the correlation between information about a project, and support of a project, highlighting that without information, there tends to be a lack of support:
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But I think to get younger people informed and aware of how those technologies
work, I think you can grow more acceptance for those forms, or you’re normalizing
those forms of electricity . . . it’s just going to be normal, and I imagine that support
for these things would go up or maybe there wouldn’t be many questions or concerns
around it, or it wouldn’t be as big of a deal as it is now (Sawyer).
Sawyer also speaks to the importance of familiarity with regards to renewable energy projects. Familiarity with a development leads to normalization of the development, which hopefully, as Sawyer points out, leads to support for new developments.
Finally, Jesse notes the relationship between public education and social licence, noting that public education gives people the information necessary to make decisions: “I think it [public education] could take a huge role in getting people to understand why it’s something that people are interested in, and I think it also allows people to make their own decisions” (Jesse). Jesse suggests that public education could have a significant role in establishing social licence, because people are able to make informed decisions about tidal energy development in Nova Scotia. Taylor further argues the importance of an education strategy with gaining social licence: “if you don’t have any kind of education strategy or communication strategy, you don’t have a social licence strategy, education is such a key to diminishing any unnecessary conflicts” (Taylor). A tidal energy–based education strategy would provide guidance on how and what information to share with both the general public and specific stakeholders.
This theme of information and education focuses on the general lack of awareness surrounding the tidal energy development industry in Nova Scotia and notes the role that the media plays in educating the public. Other highlights of this theme include confusion 68
regarding the role different groups play in providing public education. The importance of an education strategy that supports open communication and promotes objective and accessible educational materials was pointed out by participants. Providing accessible and objective educational material was particularly emphasized as significant because participants noted the correlation between accessible information about a development project and support for a project. Finally, participants observed that education has a role in gaining social licence and could potentially play a role in minimizing unnecessary conflict.
Theme Four—Energy and Environment
This section examines tidal energy as a potential alternative to more traditional, fossil fuel–based energy resources. Concerns related to the consequences of utilizing this resource were discussed by participants, including levels of environmental impact and project scale.
Environmental monitoring and baseline research were also significant factors discussed by participants including the importance of adequate baseline research as well as some of the limitations associated with conducting baseline research in the Bay of Fundy.
Energy and environmental considerations
The exportation of tidal energy and the reduction of reliance on non-renewable energy sources for electricity generation in Nova Scotia were mentioned by participants. The differences between wind and tidal energy were also discussed by participants who noted the predictability of tides versus wind. Participants were concerned about the environmental impacts of installing tidal energy conversion devices.
A concern emphasized by participants was the potential export of electricity derived from tidal energy: “the energy that they do get off of these turbines, is it going to be for Nova
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Scotia, or is it going to be sold to the States for instance?” (Chris). Casey also discussed the sale of energy generated from Nova Scotian tides, mentioning that the concern comes from
Nova Scotian communities bearing the consequences of tidal energy without any of the benefits:
. . . on economic benefits that can come for exporting it somewhere else, and the
public meetings that we had made it very clear that’s not going to be a selling
argument to the community that lives around here, because all they would see is that
they would lose, they would bear the environmental costs, and perhaps some social
costs, but the benefits would be going to somebody else (Casey).
Casey highlights concerns regarding how the energy generated in Nova Scotia would be used, and whether Nova Scotia bears the consequences of tidal energy development without gaining the benefits. If the energy is exported outside Nova Scotia, it limits the potential fossil fuel usage reduction, this is especially important as Nova Scotia is attempting to increase renewable energy usage.
Participants discussed the global use of fossil fuels and the potential for tidal energy to serve as an alternative. Alex underscores a significant point regarding energy usage and the damage that causes: “[one of the] issues that we’re facing as humans living on this planet, is on the one hand our use of energy, and its misuse having the potential of tragic consequences for us and all the other species that inhabit it” (Alex). Casey says that tidal energy development is a potential option for fossil-fuel reduction: “getting off fossil fuels, that has to be in everybody’s mind that it’s a major priority for this society. I don’t know how we can do that without looking at an option like this [tidal energy]” (Casey). Alex also suggests this, noting that tidal energy may have the capacity to contribute to climate change 70
management: “tidal [energy] has the potential to really contribute to our environment by addressing the impacts of climate change” (Alex). Taylor noted that the renewable aspect of tidal energy was significant in moving away from fossil fuel usage: “the fact that this is a renewable energy source is a positive thing cause hopefully that will diminish our dependence on fossil fuel energy” (Taylor).
Nova Scotia’s renewable energy goals, established in 2009 to increase electricity from renewable sources, has propelled development of renewable energy across the province, much of which has been wind energy development. Although wind energy plays a significant role in the future of renewable energy and reduction of fossil fuel usage, Casey also highlights one of the major downfalls of wind energy compared to tidal energy: “they can only build so many wind farms, and wind being much less predictable than tidal, is not as good an option in many ways” (Casey). While tidal energy may be limited to the number of turbines installed much like wind energy, tidal energy is significantly more predictable than wind energy as the tides can be predicted for years in advance. While moving away from fossil fuel–based energy sources is an important step in environmental sustainability, Chris argues the importance of not sacrificing other resources in the pursuit: “I understand the importance of finding better energy sources, but you can’t kill one resource for the other”
(Chris). Chris is referring to the potential environmental impacts from the development of tidal energy. Many people are concerned about the environmental impacts of installing devices that harness the energy of the tides.
Environmental monitoring and baseline research
The implications and impacts of installing devices that extract energy from the strength of the tides was an important aspect of the interviews. Key areas of discussion 71
included the importance of environmental monitoring, the significance of baseline research, and some of the challenges associated with conducting environmental research. These topics are significant in the Nova Scotian context, as there has been noteworthy controversy regarding baseline research and environmental monitoring in recent years. The most significant example is the 2016 Bay of Fundy Inshore Fishermen’s Association’s court case against Cape Sharp Tidal Company; one of the key concerns cited by the association was a lack of baseline research and environmental monitoring.
Pat observes the importance of environmental monitoring in tidal energy development: “in order for the industry to move forward one of the key components will be the ability of the monitoring technology to demonstrate potential interactions between the devices and marine life” (Pat). Alex states the importance of environmental impact awareness before there is significant increase in tidal energy development: “we have to have some pretty clear and convincing evidence that indicate that whatever impacts are sort of acceptable and mostly known, before scaling up” (Alex). To establish the presence of environmental impacts (or lack thereof), baseline research needs to be conducted to determine the state of the environment before tidal energy devices are introduced.
One of the most significant points discussed by participants was the importance of baseline research in the process of developing tidal energy in Nova Scotia. Sawyer explains
“if you don’t have baseline research, you really shouldn’t start a project, if you have no way to measure impacts against what you know, then you are really just making it up as you go along, so baseline research is necessary”. Many participants agreed that baseline research is imperative. The amount of baseline research required prior to a project’s initiation was less clear. Casey illustrates this conflict: 72
I don’t know that there is a very easily defined line between the amount of
information that you absolutely have to have and the amount of information that you
would like to have, I don’t think there is a clear a boundary there . . . there’s always a
bit of a gamble because understanding the environment is a very complex thing
(Casey).
Casey points out the difficult balance between the amount of baseline information that is required and the amount that is available when a decision regarding tidal energy development needs to be made. Pat notes how some decisions get made in the process of tidal energy development: “as with any project we look at the most recent science-based information and make risk-based decisions on tidal projects while continuously re-evaluating our decisions based on current literature” (Pat). Here, Pat highlights that decisions are made based on information that is available.
Understanding the limitations of baseline research is important when developing tidal energy projects. One of the limitations especially associated with Nova Scotia, and particularly working in the Minas Passage and Bay of Fundy, is the intense nature of the environment there according to Bailey: “especially when you’re dealing with an area that is high energy as Fundy, to get a really concrete image of how it’s going to work, or what the impacts are is really difficult, in terms of monitoring, that’s going to be more challenging”.
Jesse argues that challenges do not necessarily mean that a project or development shouldn’t proceed: “just because an area has limitations on how much research can be collected, it doesn’t mean that it’s a no go” (Jesse).
Some of the significant ideas that were covered in this theme are concerns with current fossil-fuel usage, with tidal energy as a potential alternative. Concerns were also 73
raised surrounding the use of tidal energy, including levels of acceptable impact and tidal energy project scale. Environmental monitoring and baseline research were also significant areas discussed, specifically, the significance of adequate baseline research and some of the challenges and limitations that are associated with conducting baseline research. Significant concerns about the environmental impacts of tidal energy development that cannot be addressed will have detrimental consequences for attempting to establish a social licence.
Theme Five—Tidal Technology and Development
This section examines the tidal energy industry. The Nova Scotian section highlights the historical context of tidal energy development with the Annapolis Tidal Generating
Station and notes the differences in tidal energy conversion devices in Nova Scotia.
Collaboration within the tidal energy development industry is examined in the second section, in which participants also emphasize that tidal energy is still in its infancy.
Generally, participants discussed disappointment with the slow progress in the industry and observe how this influenced the perceptions of tidal energy development.
Tidal technology in Nova Scotia
Nova Scotia has a significant history in tidal energy development, particularly in the last 35 years with the installation of the Annapolis Tidal Generating Station (barrage-style turbine), and the more recent developments in the Minas Passage (in-stream devices). This section discusses the historical context of the environmental impacts of the Annapolis Tidal
Generating Station and its influence on the social licence of current tidal energy projects. The differences in tidal energy conversion devices (barrage and in-stream) and how the different
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types of devices interact with their physical environment was also discussed by participants.
These differences are important to consider when attempting to develop tidal energy.
The history of the environmental impacts associated with the Annapolis Tidal
Generating Station has led, in part, to a lack of trust in tidal energy development in Nova
Scotia. This manifests in ongoing consequences to current and future tidal energy projects.
Casey believes that not only are there concerns (historically and currently) associated with the Annapolis Tidal Generating Station, there has been a history of community and stakeholder concerns about tidal energy development in Nova Scotia: “if they’re old enough have remembered not only the Annapolis, but also all the plans from the 70s and 80s that generated a lot of discussion and a lot of concern” (Casey). Marley had concerns from one of the environmental impacts associated with the Annapolis Tidal Generating Station, noting the damage that has been done to fish populations: “. . . because they’ve seen what’s happened at
Annapolis, they’ve seen all of their fisheries resources disappear because Annapolis is right there” (Marley). Casey highlights that the issues and challenges associated with the
Annapolis project are still influencing the tidal energy development industry in Nova Scotia today: “people are certainly aware of the problems with Annapolis . . . so yes, I think a lot of the push back has been amplified with regards to Annapolis” (Casey). Lou continues with this point, explaining another concern associated with the Annapolis Station:
One of the problems that the fishermen have are that the Annapolis river tidal power
system that was put in 30 years ago never came out . . . so the fishermen’s attitude is
that if you put that thing in, no matter what it does, you’ll never get it out (Lou).
While Lou specifically mentions fishermen in this quote, another participant (Sawyer) explains that this sentiment is felt by others as well: “when we talk about this turbine can be 75
removed from the water if negatives are seen that we don’t want, people are like, they said the same thing about Annapolis Royal, they said it was only a demonstration” (Sawyer).
Sawyer also explains one of the most significant differences between in-stream and barrage-style turbines—removability: “that’s a giant physical structure that’s there for at least 100 years, like that’s a dam essentially, we’ve already seen them put them [in-stream turbines] in and take them out” (Sawyer). As Sawyer mentions, in-stream tidal energy converters can be removed from the water, while barrage-style turbines are permanent structures. There are significant environmental implications to installing and operating barrage-style turbines. In-stream tidal energy technology is an alternative to barrage-style installments. Casey describes why these differences have ramifications on social licence in the Nova Scotian context: “I do think that people need to understand, if they’re going to give a social licence for this kind of development, they’re going to have to have some sense of the technology’s specific nature” (Casey).
At this stage of development, each in-stream device has a unique design and a unique interaction with the surrounding environment. There are still significant concerns regarding the impact that different designs of in-stream tidal energy conversion devices could have on fish and marine mammals, as Casey explains:
There are a couple of ways in which the precise details of the technology are critical
because these different technologies that they’re talking about . . . each one of those
has a somewhat unique footprint, and is somewhat unique in patent, and the responses
of things like fish or mammals is going to be somewhat different in each case, in
order to make a decision to assess whether we could put a large number of any one of
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those designs out here we really need to understand how the technology affects them
(Casey).
The Bay of Fundy and Minas Passage are biologically rich with unique ecosystems and, as such, the impact that a tidal energy device has must be appropriately considered.
These considerations are not unique to Nova Scotia and are questions that the tidal energy industry is facing globally.
Tidal technology industry
Tidal energy is simultaneously an old and new industry; in many ways water has been used for power generation for thousands of years, and yet new technology to harness the power of water has emerged more recently, specifically with in-stream tidal generation.
Discussions with participants highlighted that tidal energy development is a slow process.
Some participants noted that there was disappointment in the lack of progress, which influenced perceptions of the industry. In the broader sense of the tidal energy industry, participants suggested that demonstrating devices to help understand and mitigate the risks was important in establishing a social licence.
Pat observed that tidal energy is in the early stages of development: “tidal energy is in its infancy, we'll see what happens over the coming years, it could turn into a really big bolster for communities” (Pat). A consequence of the development of new tidal energy technology is the lack of communication about developments, specifically challenges: “they
[developers] have to guard some of their challenges . . . in order to protect their product, they have to be careful” (Alex). If developers shared more information among themselves, as
Alex mentions, this increased collaboration could lead to a more efficient industry: “ . . . so that we’re not always reinventing the wheel…” (Alex). Sam highlights that tidal energy 77
development is not a short-term process: “I think it’s going to take a while, tidal is just at a very different phase of development right now… but that’s all part of the process of the industry gaining credibility and practice” (Sam).
Jesse suggests that there is disappointment with the lack of progress in the tidal energy development industry, and how this disappointment manifests in the perception of the tidal energy development industry:
I look at what’s happening globally as a comparative, and it’s not that Nova Scotia
isn’t delivering, it’s a global issue with where the technology is . . . but it’s just not
happening, the development isn’t happening so I do feel that there’s disappointment,
and that also has played a role in how people are currently feeling about the industry
as well and the fact that they’ve been waiting and waiting (Jesse).
Reece also discussed the perception of the tidal energy development industry, and noted the way that tidal energy technology is promoted can influence how it is perceived:
We’ve had some really interesting companies come in that are really dynamic, these
are engineers, these are not socks and sandals people, and so it’s become more of a
sexy idea, and I think once you see that, and see the big boats and the big idea behind
it . . . it’s a cool, innovative way of harvesting the worlds energy and when people
start to position it that way, it does change people’s mind about it (Reece).
In terms of the big picture, at FORCE to date, only one company has installed three tidal turbines. Globally, there are more examples of in-stream tidal installments, but most of these have been installed within the last few years and only as demonstration projects.
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Jesse observes that there is a connection between social licence and understanding the risks of tidal energy technology. Jesse suggests that the demonstration of these technologies to determine and mitigate risks is key to the development of social licence:
. . . within the social licence piece, for people to understand what the risks are of the
technology potentially, but also what are the things that can be done to mitigate risk,
but I also think when technologies haven’t been demonstrated, it’s going to be hard to
build that social licence until people are seeing actual demonstrations of technologies
(Jesse).
Some of the major ideas that were highlighted in the Nova Scotian context are the historical consequences of previous tidal energy devices and how the differences in tidal energy technology interact with the environment in the Bay of Fundy. In terms of the tidal energy development industry, some participants indicated the new nature of the industry and a lack of communication about development. Disappointment about the lack of progress in the industry and perceptions of the industry and how they are influenced was noted by participants. The importance of demonstrating tidal energy conversion devices to help illustrate and manage risks was stressed by some participants as an important aspect of gaining social licence.
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Chapter Five — Discussion
The purpose of this research was to explore factors that support the development of social licence in the context of tidal energy development in Nova Scotia. The following factors were used as a guiding framework for this study:
▪ importance of public education;
▪ significance of baseline research;
▪ an understanding of technology and its impacts; and
▪ the role of community and economic development.
Following the analysis of semi-structured interviews conducted with key stakeholders and industry professionals and after exploring relevant literature, three key themes emerged as topics for further discussion: social licence, stakeholder ad community engagement, and public information and education.
Social Licence
Consensus existed among participants on the significance of public education, baseline research, an understanding of technology and its impacts, and the role of community and economic development as important factors in gaining social licence. When asked what other aspects were significant in gaining social licence, participants highlighted that the principles of social licence were also important. These included legitimacy, credibility, and trust, principles explored by Boutilier and Thomson (2011). The key takeaway from this research is that while the factors examined are significant, they must also be supported by the fundamental principles so that, collectively, social licence can be supported.
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As discussed previously, participants indicated the importance of broad reaching and objective public education and information in empowering communities and stakeholders to make informed decisions on tidal energy development. The literature also notes the role of education in gaining public confidence and acceptance (Jennings, 2009; DeWaters &
Powers 2014). Both participants and community consultations through the Strategic
Environmental Assessment (SEA) (OEERA, 2008) and Nova Scotia’s Marine Renewable
Energy Strategic Plan (Province of Nova Scotia, 2012) stressed the importance of an education strategy to develop awareness of the tidal energy development industry in
Nova Scotia.
The role of baseline research in gaining social licence was stressed as significant by participants who felt that baseline research and environmental monitoring are important in illustrating any environmental implications due to the installation of a tidal energy conversion device. Baseline research was indicated by Gosine et al. (2016) as meaningful in gaining valuable information about the risks associated with project development. Baseline research has been a controversial topic in the Nova Scotian tidal energy context. The Bay of
Fundy Inshore Fishermen’s Association cited a lack of baseline research as one of their main concerns in their 2016 court case against Cape Sharp Tidal (Rhodes, 2016). Participants also highlighted the importance of baseline research in gaining valuable socio-economic knowledge about stakeholders and communities.
An understanding of the technology and its impacts was indicated by participants as significant in gaining social licence as it allows communities and stakeholders to make informed decisions about the types of technology and their potential impacts. Carlson (2017) found that this factor was critical in determining social licence. The literature also 81
emphasizes that, as the tidal energy development industry is new, there needs to be significant testing of different turbine designs to determine ecosystem impacts (Frid et al.,
2012; Province of Nova Scotia, 2010). Participants noted historical concern from the installation at Annapolis Royal and its impacts and the importance of an understanding of the different types of technology and their impacts in developing tidal energy.
Finally, the importance of community and economic development was highlighted by participants. Carlson (2017) and Prno (2013) argued the strong correlation between benefits to the community and community acceptance of development projects. This also reflects theoretical development of the concept of social licence and as Boutilier et al. (2012) explain,
“if the legitimacy of benefits is granted, the project achieved a social license at the level of acceptance” (p. 10). Participants observed the potential for community benefits to be perceived as disingenuous. As the platform for discussing community benefits is typically through engagement with the community or stakeholders, early and meaningful engagement was emphasized as significant in working toward gaining a social licence.
Public education, baseline research, an understanding of the technology and its impacts, and community and economic development are important in attempting to establish social licence. But, participants emphasized that these factors must also be supported by the underlying principles identified in the pyramid model of social licence by Boutilier and
Thomson (2011). Boutilier et al. (2012) note how each of these levels are achieved.
Legitimacy is the boundary between losing and achieving minimal social licence, known as acceptance. Boutilier et al. (2012) relate legitimacy to benefits, and underscore that “unless stakeholders will receive a personal net benefit from a project, they are unlikely to grant it a social license” (p. 10). In the Nova Scotian tidal energy context, some research participants 82
had concerns about where the energy generated in Nova Scotia will be utilized. Generally, participants were apprehensive about Nova Scotia bearing the environmental and social consequences of tidal energy development without any of the benefits if the energy was exported. It is important to establish and demonstrate to Nova Scotians the benefits that will result from tidal energy development in order to work toward gaining legitimacy in the tidal energy development industry.
Boutilier et al. (2012) note that gaining credibility changes acceptance to approval, which is a more stable form of social licence (Boutilier et al., 2012). In this case, the project is viewed as legitimate as well as compatible with regional ideas of how a development or company should be operating, both in behaviour and in contributions to the regions well- being (Boutilier et al., 2012). In this research, participants highlighted the importance of informed developers that understand the connection that many in Nova Scotia have to the ocean, including the fishing and Indigenous communities. Generations of Nova Scotians have fished the waters around Nova Scotia, and have a deep connection to this resource.
Participants stressed the importance of meaningfully engagement with these groups. To work toward reaching this level of social licence, the tidal energy industry must demonstrate that their operations and motivations are in line with the province and Nova Scotians.
If a project has gained legitimacy and credibility, and if full trust is established, psychological identification can be achieved (Boutilier et al., 2012). This takes time and is the rarest form of social licence. In this scenario, there are multiple examples of initiatives to promote and protect each other’s interests, and there are established processes for conflict resolution (Boutilier et al., 2012). In this study, participants suggested that a community liaison committee can be a useful bridge between developers and community members. 83
Participants also noted the role of identifying and utilizing project champions as trusted members of the community. Perhaps there is a role for community liaison committees and project champions in establishing psychological identification in the tidal energy industry in
Nova Scotian communities. The roles that these groups might play in establishing psychological identification could be as an established mediator in the event of conflict and to encourage collaboration between communities and developers by encouraging and defending the interests of both parties.
The factors studied in this research were highlighted by participants as significant in gaining social licence, but participants indicated that the principles of social licence
(legitimacy, credibility, and trust) were also imperative to accepting and supporting developments. In moving forward, it is important to consider not only the factors studied in this research but also the principles of social licence and how these can be demonstrated through education and engagement with communities and stakeholders.
Community and Stakeholder Engagement
A second key theme that emerged from the results explores the importance of engaging with communities and stakeholders in establishing a social licence. While this study focused on exploring social licence and the factors that contribute to it, engagement emerged as a significant aspect to gaining social licence. It is through engagement that developers and government demonstrate the factors and principles that contribute to gaining a social licence (Dare et al., 2014). Gopnik et al. (2012) highlight the importance of early and meaningful engagement in promoting an open and transparent engagement process.
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According to participants, a key aspect of early engagement was communicating with communities and stakeholders about the project, including timelines for development. This promotes transparency, a key principle of both engagement and social licence (Colton, 2013).
Participants noted that early engagement was important to include communities and stakeholders in the development process and assure communities and stakeholders that they are a priority.
By engaging early in the development process, developers can gain valuable knowledge about the community and identify specific stakeholder groups and their concerns.
Brugha and Varvasovszky (2000) highlight the importance of stakeholder analysis in gaining knowledge to better understand “their behaviour, intentions, interrelations, agendas, interests, and the influence or resources they have brought—or could bring—to bear on decision- making processes” (p. 239). This information, according to Brugha and Varvasovszky
(2000), is useful to enable the realization of decisions or objectives, or to contextualize the policy and evaluate the future of policy directions, and for developing strategies to manage stakeholders. Mitchell et al. (1997) classify stakeholders into three groups, either by their power to influence the development, the legitimacy of their relationship, and the urgency of the stakeholders claim. Mitchell et al. (1997) use this model to determine salience, “the degree to which managers give priority to competing stakeholder claims” (p. 869). In this model, if the stakeholder fits into a single category, they have a lower priority for salience than one that possesses two or three of the following attributes: power, legitimacy, urgency
(Mitchell et al., 1997).
Many participants highlighted fishing and Indigenous communities as groups for targeted engagement. Fishers are resource users and stewards of the marine environment, so 85
engaging them meaningfully is important. Deliberate and meaningful conversations and greater inclusion in decision-making bodies are methods by which to demonstrate the importance of their role as stewards of the Bay of Fundy and specifically the Minas Passage.
Effective and deliberate dialogue between the fishing community and those government and industry groups supporting development of tidal energy were highlighted as important elements in meaningful engagement. The literature echoes this theme, noting that proper engagement practices that respond to community interests and specific stakeholder concerns will help with gaining community support and social licence (Dare et al., 2014).
The role of community benefits in meaningfully engaging with communities and stakeholders emerged as a key issue as well. In more established renewable energy industries such as onshore wind in the United Kingdom, there has been significant research into how community benefits are perceived. Cass et al. (2010) find that community benefits can been seen either as a bribe or payoff to protestors or decision makers, or as a rightful exchange for resource exploitation and consequences of technology installation, or as a strategic element in negotiations regarding planning consent. In this instance, as the wind industry in the UK is more established than the tidal energy industry in Nova Scotia, there are well-defined expectations that these community benefit payments will be made (Kerr et al., 2017). The perceptions of these community benefits greatly impact how the community feels they are being engaged and, as participants discussed in the results, there are concerns about the motives behind providing specific benefits or enticements in relation to engagement on tidal energy. If the motives behind the benefits are perceived as more of a bribe or payoff rather than an offer of goodwill, there is potential for the community to feel disingenuously engaged. 86
To support meaningful engagement, more formal agreements should be developed to define the types of community benefits such as the case with Community Benefit
Agreements (CBAs). CBAs are “agreements between the various stakeholders involved in a project, in particular between the developers and the host community, which can provide a range of benefits” (Glasson, 2017, p. 12). Such agreements can be valuable in changing the traditionally challenging relationships between a developer and the public to a relationship that is more deliberative. CBAs are negotiated between the developer and the community and are, therefore, unique to each situation; however, they are typically composed of one or more of the following categories: financial incentives, social benefits, or community empowerment measures (Glasson, 2017). This is an area that has had success in the wind industry in the
UK, and could be explored by the tidal energy industry in Nova Scotia.
In the context of tidal energy development in Nova Scotia, in order to move forward and gain a social licence, it is important to consider comprehensive engagement strategies.
These strategies can be a collaborative effort among key stakeholder groups, government, and the tidal energy developer. Benefits and perhaps even more formal Community Benefit
Agreements can form a component of an engagement strategy. An engagement strategy is especially important, as engaging with stakeholders and communities is how education is provided, community benefits are explored, and the factors and principles of social licence are demonstrated to stakeholders and communities.
Public Information and Education
The final theme identified in this study is the role of tidal-energy-related education and information in attempting to gain social licence. While the focus of this study was to
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explore social licence, education emerged as a critical theme that can encompass factors that contribute to social licence, such as informing the public and stakeholders about the tidal energy technology used and what potential impacts on the environment might occur. It should be noted that education does not only refer to school-based education, but more broadly refers to informing stakeholders and the public about tidal energy from a variety of perspectives. Specifically, this section addresses the lack of awareness and information regarding the tidal energy industry and development and the need for more education and information. Misinformation in the media and confusion around who is responsible for an education strategy were highlighted as barriers to gaining social licence.
In general, participants indicated a significant lack of awareness of tidal-energy- related information, observing that the public was largely unaware of the current state of tidal energy development in Nova Scotia. The literature finds that education plays a significant role in the development of renewable energy industries. Education and information about the tidal energy development allows stakeholders and the public to be more informed and to participate more meaningfully in tidal-energy-related discussions (Gosine et al., 2016).
Jennings (2009) also believes in the importance of education in promoting awareness of and gaining confidence in the renewable energy industry and says that education has been neglected by the industry.
Kandpal and Broman (2014) highlight the importance of informal sources of education, such as the media, in providing information to the public, but also note the importance of having “appropriate institutional arrangements for imparting renewable energy education” (p. 307). Participants discussed the role of media in publishing and perpetuating misinformation about tidal energy development. This contributed to the lack of credible 88
information available regarding tidal energy development and was overall detrimental in establishing trust and transparency among some research participants. Gosine et al. (2016) and Jennings (2009) suggest that trust and education are correlated, and that a lack of trust combined with a lack of public education can increase the challenge of gaining public confidence. The lack of credible information on the related impacts of tidal energy development projects perpetuates the lack of public confidence and makes it challenging to move toward a social licence.
In the Strategic Environmental Assessment conducted in 2008, OEERA (now OERA,
Offshore Energy Research Association) recommended that public education about marine renewable energy be improved and increased. Despite recommendations for an education strategy, there has yet to be any broad-based public education strategy for tidal energy development in Nova Scotia. Participants were clear that an education strategy that provided accessible and objective information was imperative to gaining social licence. A balanced approach to public education and its role in gaining social licence was highlighted by participants. To remain balanced, this public education should include presenting both the benefits and risks associated with tidal energy development.
Generally, participants noted that to make informed decisions about developments and grant social licence, communities and stakeholders needed to have a clear understanding of the technology that is being used to harness the power of the tides and how the different devices will impact the environment. Tidal-energy-related education should include basic information on tidal energy technology and the impacts the tidal energy conversion devices have on the surrounding environment. Carlson (2017) suggests that if the perceived risks to the environment are high from the impacts of the tidal conversion devices, communities will 89
be less likely to accept the benefits. As the tidal energy development industry is new, tidal energy conversion device designs are still emerging and being tested.
The role of public education in gaining social licence emerged as a significant theme for further discussion. DeWaters and Powers (2011) highlight the importance of an informed public, who would be “better equipped to make thoughtful, responsible energy-related decisions and actions” (p. 1699). Many participants identified a lack of awareness about the tidal energy development industry in Nova Scotia and stressed the importance of educating and informing stakeholders and communities about tidal energy development projects.
To make informed decisions, a collaborative education strategy that discusses both the benefits and risks of tidal energy development—including promoting an understanding of the technology and its impacts on the environment—must be developed and established. This education strategy should be multi-level, from elementary school through to college and university courses and programs. While school-based education is an important aspect of an education strategy, those not enrolled in formal education also need to be informed about tidal energy development in Nova Scotia. An education strategy should be a collaborative approach, with involvement and input from a variety of stakeholders and informed groups to ensure that broad, objective, and consistent information is produced.
Education about this important development in the Bay of Fundy is lacking, and this has contributed to a misinformed public. In this context, establishing a social licence is challenging. Without a proper education strategy, Nova Scotia will continue to struggle with gaining a social licence for tidal energy development.
In looking at the big picture, tidal energy development is a significant opportunity for
Nova Scotia to support a move away from fossil fuel–based electricity and utilize the 90
substantial tidal resources that exist in the Bay of Fundy. Participants were not against tidal energy and were generally supportive of this type of renewable energy development when established appropriately.
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Chapter 6 — Conclusions and Recommendations
Context and Research Purpose
The purpose of this research was to better understand the development of social licence in the context of the tidal energy development industry in Nova Scotia. More specifically, this research explored four factors that support the development of social licence:
▪ the importance of public education;
▪ the significance of baseline research;
▪ an understanding of the technology and its impacts; and
▪ the role of community and economic development.
Semi-structured interviews were conducted in June-September 2017 with fifteen key people involved in or influenced by tidal energy development in Nova Scotia. Key results based on these interviews were categorized into five themes: social licence, community engagement, information and education, energy and the environment, and tidal technology and development. Analysis of these themes led to the identification of three major areas for further discussion: social licence, community and stakeholder engagement, and public information and education. Community and stakeholder engagement was highlighted as significant, as it is through engagement that the factors and principles of social licence are demonstrated to communities and stakeholders.
As concerns about the use and impacts of fossil fuels on the environment rise, renewable energy is increasingly considered and implemented as an alternative (Borthwick,
2016). Examples of renewable energy sources include solar, wind, hydro, biomass,
92
geothermal, biofuels, and hydrogen. More recently, developers have looked more seriously to the ocean as a source of renewable energy. Marine renewable energy includes offshore wind, wave, and tidal energy that utilizes ocean currents and tidal range to extract energy from the ocean (Borthwick, 2016). A 2006 study by Cornett identified the Bay of Fundy as an area of high potential for tidal energy extraction because of its extreme tidal range and fast current speeds (Karsten et al., 2013; Province of Nova Scotia, 2013a). Nova Scotia has long been an area of interest for tidal energy development and is the only place in North America
(Annapolis Royal Tidal Generating Station) where tidal energy is currently extracted
(O’Rourke et al., 2010).
In 2009, Nova Scotia established renewable energy targets: 25% renewable energy by 2015, and 40% by 2020 (Province of Nova Scotia, 2010). The establishment of these targets encouraged renewable energy development, including wind and tidal energy. In 2009,
OpenHydro (partnered with Nova Scotia Power) installed the first in-stream tidal turbine at the FORCE tidal turbine test site. The turbine was removed in 2010 because of extensive damage. A second turbine was installed by the same group, now called Cape Sharp Tidal, in 2016. This turbine was connected to the electrical grid via undersea cables and generated electricity (2MW). This turbine was removed for repairs in 2017 (Withers, 2016a).
Since the data for this research were collected, significant changes in the tidal energy industry in Nova Scotia have occurred. These changes have impacted the development of social licence for tidal energy in Nova Scotia. Most significantly, Cape Sharp, a tidal energy company that to date is the only tidal energy company to install in-stream tidal turbines in the
Minas Passage, installed their third turbine in July 2018 and filed for bankruptcy within days of installment (Davie, 2018a). Several businesses in the local area (Parrsboro) were impacted 93
by this abrupt bankruptcy announcement as Cape Sharp had not paid outstanding fees for services rendered (Davie, 2018b). Additionally, during the installation process, fishers complained of damaged or destroyed lobster traps (Davie, 2018b).
The broader Nova Scotian community—fishers and other key stakeholders— expressed significant concerns about the status of this latest turbine and attempted to determine the organization responsible for monitoring, maintenance, and retrieval. (Davie,
2018a). Key stakeholders across the spectrum of tidal energy development in the province voiced concerns that the abrupt departure of Cape Sharp—and its inability to pay for a range of supply chain services rendered—has seriously impacted the overall perceptions of the tidal energy industry in Nova Scotia.
Big Moon Power, another tidal energy company, tested their kinetic keel in the Minas
Passage in 2018 (Ericsson, 2018). Big Moon is not operating at the FORCE test site; they have located their operations across the passage in the community of Scots Bay. This is significant, as Scots Bay had a historically controversial tidal energy proposal in 2014
(Halcyon) that was not supported by the community (Ericsson, 2018). Thus far, it appears that Big Moon has been accepted by the community (Ericsson, 2018). While the data for this research was conducted prior to these events, it is important to note the current state of tidal energy development and potential impacts on social licence for the tidal energy industry in
Nova Scotia.
The Nova Scotian tidal energy industry has struggled with social licence.
Specifically, significant push back occurred in recent years with the proposed Halcyon project in Scots Bay in 2014, the Bay of Fundy Inshore Fisherman’s Association’s 2016 court case against Cape Sharp Tidal, and concerns surrounding Cape Sharp’s 2018 turbine 94
installation and bankruptcy. These incidences undermine the ongoing work of building a social licence for tidal energy development in Nova Scotia. Jennings (2009) believes that obtaining social licence is one of the key factors in moving forward with renewable energy development. Nova Scotia has been challenged in building the momentum for social licence.
Yet, this concept, though challenging to measure and articulate, has become a focal point by which stakeholders and communities hold governments and industry accountable.
Key Insights
In general, participants agreed that the factors that are examined by this research are significant in gaining social licence. Participants mentioned the importance of public education, baseline research information, and an understanding of the technology and its impacts in allowing communities and stakeholders to make informed decisions. Community and stakeholder engagement was also noted by participants as a significant forum for providing information and education and as a starting point for discussions about community and economic development and impacts. Many participants stressed that engagement must begin early in the process of development and must be done carefully and with consideration of the parties involved. The role of community and economic development and benefits were generally highlighted as significant in gaining social licence; however, it was also observed that there was potential for benefits to be perceived as disingenuous. Although the factors examined in this research were emphasized as significant, research participants also stressed that these factors must be supported by the underlying principles of social licence including legitimacy, credibility, and trust. Participants were generally in favour of tidal energy development, and many noted the need to shift from fossil fuel dependency and supported
95
tidal energy as a potential alternative when approached carefully and with respect to stakeholder concerns.
Recommendations for the Future
Gaining social licence is challenging in any context. But strategies can be developed that address a range of key stakeholder and community concerns and ultimately do much to support building social licence. Industry, government, and key tidal energy proponents in
Nova Scotia should fund and support the development of several strategies that will support ongoing efforts at building a social licence for tidal energy in Nova Scotia. These include an education strategy, an engagement strategy, and a community benefits statement.
Education strategy
This strategy could include objective information about tidal energy development and baseline research and provide a general understanding of the technology and its impacts. This could be developed in collaboration with educators and scholars and distributed through both the education system and shared on government and industry websites.
Engagement strategy
The engagement strategy would be required in applying for permits for development.
The strategy would have to be approved after tidal energy proponents identify processes for stakeholder identification including consultation with First Nations, methods for engagement, and how project-related data (including potential impacts) will be shared with stakeholders.
Community and regional benefits statement
Given the discussions of benefits are often subsumed within engagement strategies, tidal energy companies should be required to clearly articulate these benefits. This might 96
include funding to support local supply chain services, support of a community liaison committee, or funding local municipal services such as recreation. Communities adjacent to tidal energy development sites may want to insist on moving toward a more formal statement of agreement akin to a Community Benefits Agreement (CBA).
These recommended strategies support the four factors explored in the research and may help support ongoing efforts toward building social licence. But it is important that the principles of legitimacy, credibility, and trust are not neglected. While these principles are not as tangible as the four factors explored in this thesis, nevertheless, they should underscore any strategy developed to support social licence for tidal energy development.
There are significant opportunities for further research in this field. In the broader sense of social licence research, there are clear gaps in the literature that could be explored.
Examples include developing a framework for accurately measuring social licence and developing guidelines for determining the presence or absence of social licence.
Opportunities exist to study the four factors and their significance in other tidal energy or resource industry contexts. Similar factors have been explored in the mining, fracking, and small-scale tidal energy industries (Prno, 2013; Gosine et al., 2016; Carlson, 2017). What more can be learned from other contexts and efforts at building social licence? How might
Nova Scotia take advantage of these lessons? Nova Scotia could significantly benefit from more social science research in the tidal energy industry.
Conclusions
Why is this research important? Increasingly, communities and stakeholders have expectations and demands on companies and developments and, when social licence isn’t
97
met, there is push back, often in the form of protests and legal action. This can significantly delay or prevent a project’s progress. Public information and education and community and stakeholder engagement are not just boxes to check but must be done carefully and with consideration. This opportunity for tidal energy development presents too great an opportunity for Nova Scotia to be delayed or tabled because of poor attention to those factors and principles that support a social licence. Understanding and meaningfully addressing the factors and principles that support a social licence is critical to advancing growth in this important development opportunity. Moving forward, it is hoped that this research will help inform those involved in the tidal energy industry on the importance of social licence in the development of tidal energy.
98
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Appendix A
Letter of Information and Consent Form Name of study: Social Licence and Tidal Energy Development in Nova Scotia, Canada Dear Madam/Sir: I would like to invite you to participate in a research study being conducted by myself, Caitlin Peace-Williams, a Master’s of Recreation Management student in the Community Development Department at Acadia University. Your participation in this study is completely voluntary, and you may withdraw your consent at any time during the interview, and you may withdraw your interview data (recordings, transcriptions, notes) up to two weeks after your interview date. The details of this study are described below, should you have any questions or concerns at any time, please discuss them with my supervisor, Dr. John Colton, or myself, Caitlin Peace-Williams. Purpose of the Study The purpose of this study is to examine social licence in the context of tidal energy development in Nova Scotia, Canada, using the following four factors: importance of public education, significance of baseline research, an understanding of technology and its impacts, and the role of community and economic development. Social licence is a term that was developed in the 1990s in the mining industry, and has since been expanded to other industries including pulp and paper, and renewable energy; social licence is the continued and ongoing approval or acceptance of a development which is granted by local community members and stakeholders.1 By interacting with people that are involved in, or influenced by tidal energy development in Nova Scotia, I hope to gain knowledge regarding how the four factors—public education, baseline research, an understanding of technology and its impacts, and community and economic development—contribute to social licence specifically relating to tidal energy development in Nova Scotia, Canada. Study Design You are being asked to participate in a semi-structured interview, which will have a set number of questions that will be asked and could vary depending on the responses you give to the interviewer (myself, Caitlin Peace-Williams). The expected duration of this interview will be approximately 45–60 minutes, although the time could vary depending on the depth of your responses. You are encouraged to give as much detail and in-depth answers as
1 Hall, N. (2014). Can the “social license to operate” concept enhance engagement and increase acceptance of renewable energy? A case study of wind farms in Australia. Social Epistemology, 28, 219-238. DOI: 10.1080/02691728.2014.922636 115
possible. Your interview will be audio-taped, transcribed, and analyzed by myself, Caitlin Peace-Williams. Confidentiality All audio recordings, notes, and transcribed interviews will be kept on a password-secured laptop, any hard copies will be kept in the locked office of my supervisor, Dr. John Colton. The only people who will have access to recordings and transcribed interviews are Dr. John Colton and myself, Caitlin Peace-Williams. Upon completion of the thesis, all of the data obtained (interviews, transcripts, notes) will be stored securely for two years before being destroyed or deleted. There are no right or wrong answers to the questions being asked. All effort will be made to maintain confidentiality including assigning pseudonyms. However, because of the small size of the tidal energy development sector, it is possible that someone may be able to determine your identity based on your answers. Please take this into consideration when deciding whether or not to participate. No information that could disclose your identity will be deliberately disclosed in this research. No compensation will be awarded for completing this interview. You are in no way obligated to participate in or complete this interview. You have the right to withdraw from the interview at any time, and you have the right to request that any information you share not to be included in the research up to two weeks after your interview. Who Can Participate Anyone involved in or influenced by tidal energy development in Nova Scotia Canada. Anyone with experience working on social licence. Thank you for your time and interest in this research project. This letter is yours to keep for future reference. If you have any questions or concern regarding your participation or about this study, please contact me, Caitlin Peace-Williams, at [email protected] or my supervisor, Dr. John Colton, at [email protected]. Sincerely, Caitlin Peace-Williams Department of Community Development 24 Highland Avenue, Wolfville, NS [email protected]
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Appendix B
PARTICIPANT CONSENT FORM Social Licence and Tidal Energy Development in Nova Scotia, Canada By filling out and signing this document, you are giving consent for the information acquired through the interview to be used for the completion of this research project. By signing this consent form, you acknowledge that the researcher, Caitlin Peace-Williams, has gone through the letter of information and you understand and give consent. There will be no commercialization of this research and its findings. This is a non-funded research project. By consenting to participate in this research you are not waiving any rights to legal recourse in the event that you receive research-related harm. In order for this research to be conducted, it had to be approved by the Acadia Research Ethics Board, and Chair, Dr. Stephen Maitzen. If you have any questions regarding the ethics of the research, you may contact him at ([email protected]). Further information about the Research Ethics Board may be obtained at (http://reb.acadiau.ca/). Members of the Research Ethics Board are in no way part of the research team conducting this research project. If you have any concerns you may also contact myself, Caitlin Peace-Williams ([email protected]), or my supervisor, Dr. John Colton ([email protected]). I have read the Letter of Information, have had the nature of the study explained to me, and I agree to participate. Yes ______No______Name of Participant (Please Print) ______Date:______Signature of Participant ______Name of Researcher Obtaining Consent (Please Print) ______Date:______Signature of Researcher Obtaining Consent
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Appendix C
INTERVIEW QUESTIONS: 1. What is your position/occupation and organization/community? 2. In what way are you influenced by or involved in the tidal energy development industry in Nova Scotia, Canada. 3. How long have you been influenced by or involved in the tidal energy development industry in Nova Scotia? 4. Are you familiar with the general history/context of the tidal development industry in Nova Scotia? 5. Are you familiar with the term social licence or social acceptance? 6. What does social licence/acceptance mean to you? 7. Have you seen evidence of social licence in the Nova Scotian tidal energy development sector? Please explain. 8. What do you believe are important factors to consider when industry seeks a social licence? 9. To what extent should public education be considered with attempting to establish a social licence? Please explain. 10. To what extent should baseline research be considered when attempting to establish a social licence? Please explain. 11. To what extent does an understanding of technology and its impacts need to be considered with attempting to establish a social licence? Please explain. 12. To what extent do community and economic factors need to be considered when attempting to establish a social licence? Please explain. 13. Of the previous four factors just mentioned (public education, baseline research, an understanding of technology and its impacts, and community and economic development), which do you believed to be the most significant, and why? 14. Of the previous four factors just mentioned (public education, baseline research, an understanding of technology and its impacts, and community and economic development), which do you believed to be the least significant, and why? 15. What other factors do you think should be considered in establishing a social licence? Please explain. 16. Do you have any questions for me? 17. May I contact you again if I have any further questions?
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