Spring 2018 Kimberly Marten
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Observation of the Presidential Election in the Russian Federation (4 March 2012)
Parliamentary Assembly Assemblée parlementaire http://assembly.coe.int Doc. 12903 23 April 2012 Observation of the presidential election in the Russian Federation (4 March 2012) Election observation report Ad hoc Committee of the Bureau Rapporteur: Mr Tiny KOX, Netherlands, Group of the Unified European Left Contents Page 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 1 2. Political and legal context ....................................................................................................................... 2 3. Election administration and voter and candidate registration .................................................................3 4. The campaign period and the media environment.................................................................................. 4 5. Complaints and appeals ......................................................................................................................... 5 6. Election day ............................................................................................................................................ 5 7. Conclusions ............................................................................................................................................ 6 Appendix 1 – Composition of the ad hoc committee.................................................................................... 8 Appendix 2 – Programme of the pre-electoral mission (Moscow, -
Elections in Russia in 2011-2012: Will the Wind of Change Keep Blowing?
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2012, Baden-Baden 2013, pp. 77-94. Elena Kropatcheva Elections in Russia in 2011-2012: Will the Wind of Change Keep Blowing? Introduction Russians have long had the reputation of being passive about, uninterested in, and disengaged from politics, and Western observers, in particular, have been puzzled by this passivity. Protests that started in December 2011 as a re- sponse to election fraud during the Russian parliamentary elections, labelled in the mass media as the “new Decembrists” movement, “the Russian winter/ spring”, the “mink-coat” or “white revolution” and described using other col- ourful epithets, too, took many observers abroad and in Russia by surprise. These were the biggest protests since the 1990s. These events raised many questions: Who are these people who have started to protest? What are the reasons for these protests and why did they begin at that specific moment? How stable is Vladimir Putin’s system over- all? Will some liberalization of the system as a result of these protests be pos- sible? And many others. Even now, at the time of writing – August 2012 – it is difficult to give clear and definite answers to these questions, and some of them still have to be studied more closely by sociologists.1 This contribution starts with an overview of the parliamentary and presidential elections (election campaigns, their results and aftermath) that took place in Russia on 4 December 2011 and 4 March 2012, respectively. It then focuses on the protest movement and tries to give some answers to the aforementioned questions. Finally, it presents a survey of developments in Russian domestic policy after the elections in order to find indicators as to whether this wind of change will keep blowing. -
A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society
The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER -
Discourse in Danger: Attacks on Free Expression in Putin's Russia
DISCOURSE IN DANGER ATTACKS ON FREE EXPRESSION IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA DISCOURSE IN DANGER: ATTACKS ON FREE EXPRESSION IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA January 25, 2016 © PEN American Center 2016. All rights reserved. PEN American Center is the largest branch of PEN International, the world’s leading literary and human rights organization. PEN works in more than 100 countries to protect free expression and to defend writers and journalists who are imprisoned, threatened, persecuted, or attacked in the course of their profession. PEN America’s 4,300 members stand together with more than 20,000 PEN writers worldwide in international literary fellowship to carry on the achievements of such past members as James Baldwin, Robert Frost, Allen Ginsberg, Langston Hughes, Arthur Miller, Eugene O’Neill, Susan Sontag, and John Steinbeck. For more information, please visit www.pen.org. Cover photography by Sergey Norin CONTENTS Introduction 4 Overview and Methodology 5 Legal Framework 6 Regulating the Information Space: Roskomnadzor 9 Shaping Children’s Minds 16 Closing Intellectual and Cultural Spaces 19 Reining In Civil Society 22 Conclusion: Navigating the Closing Space 24 Acknowledgments 26 Appendix 1: PEN American Center Letter to the Russian Embassy in Washington, D.C. 27 Appendix 2: Response from Russian Embassy to PEN Request for Comment 28 Endnotes 32 INTRODUCTION Freedom of expression has been one of the worst casu- alties of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s 15-year as- Putin has seized upon sault on democratic institutions and values. When Putin first came to power in 2000, he began systematically to information as a key dismantle, weaken, or fundamentally undermine dem- ocratic institutions, beginning with the press.1 Despite weapon in his fight this frontal attack on the media, some independent voic- es in traditional media remained strong and the rise in to promote Russia’s internet access and social media allowed independent online resources to flourish, including internet news sites, blogs, and social media sites. -
Russia's Foreign Policy: the Internal
RUSSIA’S FOREIGN POLICY FOREIGN RUSSIA’S XXXXXXXX Andemus, cont? Giliis. Fertus por aciendam ponclem is at ISPI. omantem atuidic estius, nos modiertimiu consulabus RUSSIA’S FOREIGN POLICY: vivissulin voctum lissede fenducient. Andius isupio uratient. THE INTERNAL- Founded in 1934, ISPI is Actu sis me inatquam te te te, consulvit rei firiam atque a an independent think tank committed to the study of catis. Benterri er prarivitea nit; ipiesse stiliis aucto esceps, INTERNATIONAL LINK international political and Catuit depse huiumum peris, et esupimur, omnerobus economic dynamics. coneque nocuperem moves es vesimus. edited by Aldo Ferrari and Eleonora Tafuro Ambrosetti It is the only Italian Institute Iter ponsultorem, ursultorei contern ultortum di sid C. Marbi introduction by Paolo Magri – and one of the very few in silictemqui publint, Ti. Teatquit, videst auderfe ndiissendam Europe – to combine research Romnesidem simaximium intimus, ut et; eto te adhui activities with a significant publius conlostam sultusquit vid Cate facteri oriciamdi, commitment to training, events, ompec morterei iam pracion tum mo habem vitus pat veri and global risk analysis for senaributem apecultum forte hicie convo, que tris. Serum companies and institutions. pra intin tant. ISPI favours an interdisciplinary Bonertum inatum et rem sus ilicaedemus vid con tum and policy-oriented approach made possible by a research aur, conenit non se facia movere pareis, vo, vistelis re, crei team of over 50 analysts and terae movenenit L. Um prox noximod neritiam adeffrestod an international network of 70 comnit. Mulvis Ahacciverte confenit vat. Romnihilii issedem universities, think tanks, and acchuiu scenimi liescipio vistum det; hacrurorum, et, research centres. -
DEFENCE STRATEGIC COMMUNICATIONS the Official Journal of the NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence
ISSN 2500-9478 Volume 1 | Number 1 | Winter 2015 DEFENCE STRATEGIC COMMUNICATIONS The official journal of the NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence Russia’s 21st century information war. Moving past the ‘Funnel’ Model of Counterterrorism Communication. Assessing a century of British military Information Operations. Memetic warfare. The constitutive narratives of Daesh. Method for minimizing the negative consequences of nth order effects in StratCom. The Narrative and Social Media. Public Diplomacy and NATO. 11 RUSSIA’S 21ST CENTURY INFORMATION WAR: WORKING TO UNDERMINE AND DESTABILIZE POPULATIONS Timothy Thomas For many months now Russia has engaged its domestic and international audiences in a massive information campaign. The goal of the campaign is to persuade and influence local and foreign populations that Russian territorial claims in Ukraine are based on legitimate responses to world events. This media offensive has used both old and new forms of persuasion to strategically communicate its goals. This article discusses the components of Russia’s information war offensive to influence Western and domestic opinion. Russia is accomplishing this information war both at home and abroad through a number of methods that will be described in the paper. These include the use of deception, deflection of responsibility, outright lies, and the creation of an alternative reality. There is no Russian equivalent for strategic communications, so a definition of information war from a Russian perspective is offered in its place. NATO defines strategic communications in the following manner: Strategic Communication is the coordinated and appropriate use of NATO communications activities and capabilities—Public Diplomacy, Public Affairs, Military Public Affairs, Information Operations, and Psychological Operations, as appropriate—in support of Alliance policies, operations, and activities, and in order to advance NATO’s aims.1 Russia, on the other hand, does not appear to use the term strategic communications itself. -
Electoral Violence in Putin's Russia: Modern Authoritarianism in Practice Mochtak, Michal; Holzer, Jan
www.ssoar.info Electoral violence in Putin's Russia: modern authoritarianism in practice Mochtak, Michal; Holzer, Jan Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Mochtak, M., & Holzer, J. (2017). Electoral violence in Putin's Russia: modern authoritarianism in practice. Studies of Transition States and Societies, 9(1), 35-52. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-62565-3 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY Lizenz (Namensnennung) zur This document is made available under a CC BY Licence Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden (Attribution). For more Information see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.de STSS Vol 9 / Issue 1 Electoral Violence in Putin´s Russia: Modern Authoritarianism in Practice 35 Studies of Transition States and Societies Electoral Violence in Putin´s Russia: Modern Authoritarianism in Practice Michal Mochtak*1, Jan Holzer Abstract The paper identifies and analyses the acts of electoral violence that occurred during the 2011 parliamentary and 2012 presidential elections in the Russian Federation, and connects them with the practices of modern authoritarian regimes. The analytical tool employed is based on an electoral violence research framework, which provides insight into the negative dynamics of an electoral competition and its outcomes. The authors argue that electoral violence is used to advance the Russian authoritarian regime, which is a modern form of authoritarian rule. By analysing the post-electoral turmoil and the response of authorities to public demonstrations, we depict the regime's ability to adapt its position to maximise outcomes in the political conflict and opportunistically select the best tool to achieve its goals. -
Foreign Visitors and the Post-Stalin Soviet State
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2016 Porous Empire: Foreign Visitors And The Post-Stalin Soviet State Alex Hazanov Hazanov University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Hazanov, Alex Hazanov, "Porous Empire: Foreign Visitors And The Post-Stalin Soviet State" (2016). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2330. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2330 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2330 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Porous Empire: Foreign Visitors And The Post-Stalin Soviet State Abstract “Porous Empire” is a study of the relationship between Soviet institutions, Soviet society and the millions of foreigners who visited the USSR between the mid-1950s and the mid-1980s. “Porous Empire” traces how Soviet economic, propaganda, and state security institutions, all shaped during the isolationist Stalin period, struggled to accommodate their practices to millions of visitors with material expectations and assumed legal rights radically unlike those of Soviet citizens. While much recent Soviet historiography focuses on the ways in which the post-Stalin opening to the outside world led to the erosion of official Soviet ideology, I argue that ideological attitudes inherited from the Stalin era structured institutional responses to a growing foreign presence in Soviet life. Therefore, while Soviet institutions had to accommodate their economic practices to the growing numbers of tourists and other visitors inside the Soviet borders and were forced to concede the existence of contact zones between foreigners and Soviet citizens that loosened some of the absolute sovereignty claims of the Soviet party-statem, they remained loyal to visions of Soviet economic independence, committed to fighting the cultural Cold War, and profoundly suspicious of the outside world. -
Kesarev Memo | New Russian Government | January 2020
Kesarev phone: +32 (2) 899 4699 e-mail: [email protected] www.kesarev.com NEW RUSSIAN CABINET: STAFF “REVOLUTION” INSTEAD OF STRUCTURAL REFORMS? Summary On January 21, 2020, President Putin approved the structure of the new Russian Government and appointed Deputy Prime Ministers and federal Ministers. New Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin was appointed on January 16. What are the key specifics of the new Cabinet? The key specific feature of the new Russian Cabinet is that while the structural changes are minimal, the staff reshuffles proved to be radical, both in terms of the number of new people appointed to top offices and change of political status of key Cabinet members (how close they are to the President). This is an extremely atypical decision for Putin, compared to previous Cabinets over the entire period of his stay in power. Earlier, as a rule, the Cabinets included influential figures close to the President and personally associated with him, and a system of checks and balances between different elite groups existed. But at the same time, the decision to change the approach to the Cabinet appointments is logical in the context of a broader presidential “staff policy” over recent years - the so-called “technocratisation” of power (the appointment of young “technocratic” governors, the penetration of such figures into Medvedev’s second Cabinet, the appointment of the head of the Presidential Administration, a “technocrat” Anton Vayno during the Parliamentary election campaign in 2016 and the launch of “Leaders of Russia” contest in order to select and train a “succession pool” for the top positions in the federal and regional civil bureaucracy). -
Amerimuncvi BG Russia-Mjb3.Pdf
© 2018 American University Model United Nations Conference All rights reserved. No part of this background guide may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means whatsoever without express written permission from the American University Model United Nations Conference Secretariat. Please direct all questions to [email protected] Nisaa Chaudhry & Emily Devereaux Chairs Delegates -- My name is Nisaa Chaudhry and I am a first year public health major on the pre-med track here at American. I did Model UN throughout high school and hosted a few high school-level conferences, as well served as part of the conference’s secretariat. I am a D.C. area native, so I love showing my friends around the city and trying new things with them. Outside of class, you can catch me tutoring with D.C. Reads, cheering on the Wizards, or watching re-runs of Scandal. Being a part of Model UN is one of my most cherished high school memories, and I am very excited to take part in AMERIMUNC VI. From my time in Model UN, my biggest takeaway is to recognize the importance of teamwork. Each delegate has the ability to pitch in ideas that can ultimately craft viable solutions, so do not be afraid to say what’s on your mind. Recognizing the importance of teamwork will not only help you become a stronger delegate, but it will also allow you to learn something new. My name is Emily Devereaux and I am a first year international relations major on the pre-med track. I did Model UN throughout high school, and I am also on American’s Model UN team. -
Electoral Authoritarianism in Putin's Russia Caitlin Elizabeth Moriarty Dickinson College
Dickinson College Dickinson Scholar Student Honors Theses By Year Student Honors Theses 5-19-2013 Electoral Authoritarianism in Putin's Russia Caitlin Elizabeth Moriarty Dickinson College Follow this and additional works at: http://scholar.dickinson.edu/student_honors Part of the Political Science Commons, and the Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies Commons Recommended Citation Moriarty, Caitlin Elizabeth, "Electoral Authoritarianism in Putin's Russia" (2013). Dickinson College Honors Theses. Paper 28. This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Dickinson Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Fall 08 Electoral Authoritarianism in Putin’s Russia By Caitlin Moriarty Submitted in partial fulfillment of the honors Requirements for the Department of Political Science Dr. Russell Bova, Advisor Dr. Mark Ruhl, Reader April 10, 2013 Acknowledgements I would like to thank everyone who helped me this semester to pull off this project. In particular, I would like to thank Professor Bova for serving as my advisor, and I greatly appreciated all of your input on my ideas and drafts, convoluted as they likely were. I also very much appreciated the feedback from Professor Ruhl on my drafts. All of the professors with whom I have taken classes, in both the Political science and Russian departments have in some way contributed to my success at completing this paper, and I hope they all know how much they have made my time here at Dickinson memorable and enlightening. Lastly I would like to thank my friends and family, who had to put up with my constant discussion of this topic. -
Ngos As a Tool for Russia's Projection of Influence
Olga Shorina NGOS AS A TOOL FOR RUSSIA’S PROJECTION OF INFLUENCE Washington, DC - Bonn, 2018 Editor - Olga Khvostunova, Adjunct Fellow of Institute of Modern Russia and Free Russia Foundation [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] CONTENTS Author’s Note 4 Acknowledgments 5 Introduction 6 Terminology and Timeline 7 Controlling Civil Society through Funding 11 Design and Activities 20 Propaganda 23 Kleptocracy 23 Intelligence Activities 24 Case Study: Russian NGOs at the OSCE Meetings 24 Dealing with the Kremlin’s NGOs 29 Recommendations 29 Concluding Notes 29 Olga Shorina AUTHOR’S NOTE This report started off as a study about the government-organized NGOs (GONGOs) operated by Kremlin to promote its views and pursue its interests. But in the course of the research, it became clear that the network of these Kremlin-run organizations is much more complex and diverse, stretching far beyond Russia’s borders. It also became clear the term “GONGO” does not fully describe the variety of these organizations. While it is true that the Kremlin is using GONGOs to manipulate civil society in Russia and abroad, there are many other organizations that it is relying on to achieve its goals. To address this issue, the author initially suggested a broader term—“GONGO & Co.”—but eventually rejected it as it failed to fully reflect the complexity of the phenomenon examined in this report. The author’s discussions of the term with various experts in the field provoked lengthy debates about the formal status of the pro-Kremlin NGOs, all the while distracting from a much more crucial problem—their impact on the third sector and the civil society as a whole.