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Section du dépôt légal FALL 1972 VOL VII NO. 2

QUEBEC EDUCATION

Edltorl.1 93 J.L •• d N.H.

Quebec Educatio.. : The U.. fi ..i.hed Revoluti... 95 N...... H8IIChey

Quebec'. Cegepl: Promi.. • .. d Re.lity 119 A... DenÏl ... d Johll U,Id.

Evolution rée.....48 l'e .. Mitlle ...... t .upéaoleur québéeoi. 135 Germalll Gauthier

Power .lId P.rticipatlon 149 P.ul Gal ... her ln Edue.tI.... 1 Reform

Ch ...... In the Teoehi ... Pro ..... o.. 166 Iobert E. Lavery

The Edueatlonol Llterature of the Quiet Revolutio. 175 AMré E. Le.... e

ItetroIpective on the Por.... Report 119 Matclelhoyu F. .uteo.

Louil-PhUippe Àudet .H HI. Work 205 léal G. Boul.....

RevIMn 211 Hend"" •• 111. W.,lChal. H_wih:, •• d Stev_ FaU 1972 Vol. VII No. 2

McGiII Jownal of Education Editorial Bo.d

Edltor 'Margaret Gillett Managing Edltor Ronald H. Tali Member Justine Harris Member Jan Lobelle Member Martin O'Hara Member Gillian Rejskind Review Editor Hermione Shantz Member (ex-officio) Wayne Hall

Guest Editora John Lipkin and Norman Henchey

Circulation 'Martha Tetreault

The McGiII Journal of Education is published twice a year, in the Spring and Fall. Subscrip­ tion rates, post paid: 3 years - $5.00; 2 y~ars- $4.00; 1 year - $3.00. Single copies - $2.00. Subscriptions, payable to the McGiII Journal of Education, should be addressed to the McGiII Journal of Education, 3700 McTavish Street, Montreal 112, Quebec, Canada. Phone: 514-392-8843. The McGiII Journal of Education is indexad in the Canadien Education Index. © Faculty of Education, McGiII University. Editorial

Quebec Education

In devoting this issue of the Journal to education in Quebec, it is not our intention to provide a full view of the contem­ porary educational scene nor a final verdict on the outcome of the revolutionary reform movement of the past decade. We do hope, however, that we shall contribute to a better under­ standing of the subject and that this issue will serve as a point of departure for further inquiry and analysis. Has Quebec's Quiet Revolution in Education spent its force or has it accomplished its goals? Have increased Provincial controls brought about a more efficient and equitable system or have the results been a curtailment of freedom and initia­ tives and an exacerbation of French-English relations? These are some of the basic questions underlying the contributors' discussions. Final answers may not be provided, but the com­ plexity, significance and fascination of the questions will hope­ fully become apparent. For too long these crucial issues have been largely neglected or restricted to the realm of apocryphal. In sum, this issue aims to provide a familiarity with specific aspects of contemporary Quebec education, an insight into its general tone and direction and a recognition of the need for further study. By and large, the contributors are Quebecers. They are edu­ cators who work in one or the other of the Anglo-Franco soli­ tudes, but who have attempted, nonetheless, to take a compre­ hensive view of their subject. The Guest Editors wish to express their gratitude to all of the contributors, particularly since their contributions were prepared expressly for this issue of the Journal. We should

93 Editorial also thank Paddy Hearsey, who is bowing out as Assistant Editor, for yet another fine book review section, and Martha Tetreault for her invaluable secretarial assistance. The regular Editor of the Journal, Margaret Gil1ett, re­ turned from her South Seas sabbatical in time to proffer much needed advice and assistance. Dr. Gillett will once again as­ sume responsibility with the forthcoming issue to be devoted to "Creativity in Education." J.L. N.H.

94 Norman Henchty

Quebec Education: The Unfinished Revolution

Profound changes have taken place in the Province of Quebec since 1960. The period is described as the Quiet Revo­ lution and like all genuine revolutions change penetrated deeply into every aspect of the society - the identity, the culture, the institutions, and the people. The French-speaking Quebecer was once defined by his attachment to tradition, his allegiance to the Church, his elitist view of society, his distrust of change, and his detachment from the economic life of the continent. But a new definition has been emerging over the last decade: concern for the present, adherence to a secular and political ethic, an egalitarian view of society, a commit­ ment to change, an engagement in the technology and econ­ omics of the post-industrial state. As the identity of the French Quebecer alters, the tradi­ tional assumptions on which the English Quebecer has oper­ ated no longer hold. His economic and social cocoon has been broken open and he finds himself a member of a minority group, a stranger in a strange land. His identity is trans­ formed and in an ironic way he exchanges places with the French: it is now the English Quebecer who worries about the survival of his culture and language, who seeks his security in tradition, who stands on his constitutional rights. As identities change, so do cultures and institutions. Churches and convents, once the citadels of power, become shrines of a history turned aside; the theology and history of the classical college become the sociology and informatique of the Cegeps; the triumvirate of doctor-lawyer-priest becomes that of bureaucrat-accountant-animateur .. the revenge of the cradle becomes the miracle of the pill. Parallel to these changes 95 The Unfinished Revolution have been shifts in the perceptions of individual people: teach­ ers and students, politicians and bureaucrats, businessmen and engineers, old and young. In one way the Quiet Revolution was the breakdown of that particular consensus known as French Canada and the creation of diversity in life-style among Quebecers. In another way a consensus remained: a desire spiritually to be apart from, but economically a part of, the North American context. origins and contradictions

Revolutions do not begin on a certain day or in a certain place. The Quiet Revolution did not begin on September 7, 1959, when Maurice Duplessis, the last of the Seigneurs, died; nor did it begin on June 22,1960, when Jean Lesage, somewhat to his surprise, was elected to power. It began in many places and at many times: in strikes in Asbestos in 1949, and in Murdochville in 1957; in the federal-provincial contest of wills during the fifties over university grants; on the pages of Le Devoir and Cite Libre; in the dynamics of a Royal Commis­ sion of Inquiry on Constitutional Problems in the mid-fifties; in the Faculty of Social Science at Laval University. And it came to a head in Les Insolences of a Marist teaching brother.' With the death of Duplessis a bottle was drained and with the Liberal victory a new bottle was opened, but the fermentation had been taking place for some time and the brew was to prove potent.

Revolutions thrive on contradictions and the Quiet Revolu­ tion is filled with its contradictions. The French are a majority in Quebec and a minority in North America; the English are a minority in Quebec and a majority outside. The French have political power in the Province; the English have economic power. Cultural and explicit ties are strengthened with France; economic and implicit ties bind Quebec more closely with Ottawa and New York. A language and culture must be preserved; the birth rate is declining, urbanization increasing, social and geographic mobility becoming typical, and immig­ rants to Quebec are being assimilated into the English culture. An organic culture and value structure are being replaced by a machine model of North American economic and social de­ velopment; elsewhere this model is being challenged by the effects of new media, by counter-cultures, and by new forms of consciousness. Yet in the ongoing Quiet Revolution the im- 96 Norman Henchey prints of the past remain with the patterns of the present, and in Quebec these contradictions may yet find resolution. the revolution in education

There has been no mirror in which the shifting images of change have been more clearly seen than that provided by education. Educational reform was the major preoccupation of the sixties and the shifts in educational philosophy and practice were both the effect and the cause of shifts taking place in the society at large.' At the most fundamental level, the educational changes of the sixties were philosophical in nature. As the point of refer­ ence for Quebec's identity changed from the past to the present and future, a new model of man and a new set of objectives were needed for education. It was the mandate of the Royal Commission on Education to formulate these objectives and to provide the blueprint for their realization and the "new humanism" which the Parent Commission proposed owed as much to Karl Marx as it did to Pope Pi us XI. As the decade progressed, Quebec and its education went beyond even the model of the Parent Report and the conflicts over language, religion, political indoctrination, comprehensive education, and government control were indicators of the continued sorting and resorting of values. More visible were the changes in structures and institutions: new kindergartens, "activist" elementary schools, "polyvalent" secondary schools, post-secondary Cegeps and l'Universite du Quebec. At another level of structural change, the power of the Church in education was redefined and reduced, the Minis­ try of Education was created, regional school boards were established, and the teaching profession was reshaped. Great efforts were made by those directing the reform to preserve balance in the tensions between equality of opportunity and individual initiative, between rationalized planning and wide­ spread participation, between quality and quantity. More or less, the structure held together. The changes in style were more subtle and more difficult to trace. Administrators, teachers, students, parents, school boards, and the government developed new inter-relationships as new clientele, new policies, and new perceptions of the func­ tion of education emerged. Attitudes toward discipline, curri­ culum, school organization, teaching methods, and moral de­ velopment, were turned upside down and inside out. 97 The Unfinished Revolution

Many conflicting statements can be made about Quebec education and they are all true in reference to some reality and some angle of vision. Power has been centralized; power has been decentralized. The reform was a success; the reform was a fail are. The schools have lost their moral function; there is more moral formation going on in schools than there ever was. ERglish education is in peril; French education is in peril. Education is more democratic; education is merely sorting out a new elite. Education is more humane, education is less humane. These contradictions suggest that in education as well as in Quebec as a whole, the Quiet Revolution is still in progress.3 the old regime As the decade of the sixties began, Quebec had an educa­ tional system with unique characteristics; as a matter of fact, it was a system only in a loose sense of the word! Public educa­ tion was divided into two parallel sectors, one Catholic and largely French and the other Protestant and largely English. This basic religious division was no longer as neat as it once had been as growing numbers of English Catholics, French non-Catholics, and Jews sought some form of accommodation. Within the Catholic sector, the English (originally the Irish, more recently the Italians and Polish) were able to develop their own semi-autonomous system of schools and administra­ tion, while in the Protestant sector accommodation was more informal. Catholic education was decidedly Catholic in both French and English schools; Protestant education, because of the heterogeneity of its clientele, was less clearly defined in religious terms.

At provincial and local levels, and in all matters related to finance, administration, curriculum, and examinations, each sector was autonomous and only incidentally related to the other. For each sector, power resided in a Committee, a Catholic Committee (composed of all the Catholic bishops of the Province and an equal number of laymen) and a Protes­ tant Committee. Together the Committees formed a "Council of Education" and it is indicative of the degree of articulation between Catholic and Protestant sectors that this Council had not met as a body since 1908. The chief administrative officer at the provincial level was a Superintendent of Education, appointed at the pleasure of the government; he reported to 98 Norman Henchey the Legislature through the office of the Provincial Secretary and he presided over a Department of Education with au­ tonomous Catholic and Protestant sections which supervised the implementation of the Committees' regulations. At the local level there were over 1,700 Catholic and Protestant school boards. In addition to this public system, there was an exten­ sive network of private schools, mainly convents and classical colleges operated by Church authorities. There was a third network of government-operated institutions which included normal schools, technical and trade schools, domestic science institutes and specialized schools under the authority of a dozen ministries.

There were clear differences between Catholic and Pro­ testant education. In the French-Catholic sector, kindergartens were virtually non-existent. After a seven-year elementary school, a student could go to a public secondary school (in areas where these existed) to follow a scientific, general, or commercial program which was terminal for the vast major­ ity of students, or, if he was fortunate, he could go to a private classical college. The normal route to the university was through the classical colleges; it was through these institutions that the French elite invariably passed on its way to the uni­ versity and the professions - the clergy, law, and medicine. The colleges offered a four-year cours secondaire and a four­ year cours collegial leading to the baccalaureat granted by one of the three French universities. Without doubt, these institu­ tions were more in the European than in the North American tradition; although during the 1950's they were beginning to place more stress on mathematics and science, they were in essence institutions oriented to the study of theology, philos­ ophy, classics, and letters. From elementary school through the B.A., authority was clearly defined, teaching was under the supervision of the clergy and religious orders, and religion, in the spirit of the papal teachings, permeated all phases of education. In the English-Protestant sector, kindergartens were more readily available and the elementary schools were more open in regime and curriculum. Because of the concentration of the English population, its higher degree of affluence, and the importance it placed on education, public high schools were available to most students and the curriculum was oriented to university admission. While a French student would have to complete fifteen years of schooling before entering a Faculty 99 The Unfinished Revolution of Science, an English Protestant student who passed his ma­ triculation examinations could enter a Faculty of Science after grade eleven. English-Catholic schools were within the ad­ ministrative structure of the Catholic sector and had the re­ ligious characteristics of the French schools but their high school curriculum and examinations gave them passage to the English universities. time for a change

During the fifties, there was certainly criticism in the Province about examinations, centralized control, the suit­ ability of curriculum, and the qualifications of teachers, but the underlying assumptions appeared satisfactory to most people. The Catholic Church was in an ideal position to direct and coordinate its religious and educational mission. The French language and culture were preserved and perpetuated without interference or threat. The society's elite received a general education of high quality. Thanks to limited secondary school facilities and to the large number of teachers who lived by the vow of poverty, the Province's educational costs were modest. The English Protestants were given carte blanche to organize and operate their own education and to use their considerable resources as they saw fit. Quebec education, it was often said, was a model of freedom from political inter­ ference and of respect for the rights of parents and minorities.

There were, however, some reasons for disquiet. The French ruling class received an excellent preparation in the classical colleges but in a narrow band of the intellectual spectrum; highly qualified personnel in those areas which were to become priorities in the new Quebec - management, science, tech­ nology - were in short supply. Secondary education was less than universal; the 1961 census showed that in the Province of Quebec only fifty per cent of the 15-to-19 year old age group were in school (the lowest in Canada) and that twenty-five per cent of this age group had left school before completing the elementary level (the highest in Canada). 5 Structures were complicated, paternalistic, and uncoordinated. Catholic and Protestant educators moved in their separate orbits, each group satisfied with its own superiority. Most important of all, educational decision-making was not in the hands of those who were about to take hold of social, political, and economic power. 100 NOI'11W'I Henchey the first steps

When Paul Gerin-Lajoie became Minister of Youth in 1960, he made three opening moves which were aimed at generating fundamental change in Quebec education without directly engaging the existing establishment. First, he shifted re­ sponsibility for the Department of Education from the office of the Provincial Secretary to his own Department and took over budget control of the Department. Since technical and vocational education already came under his jurisdiction, he now had financial control of the major part of Quebec educa­ tion. He gathered about him a team of civil-servants-cum-tech­ nocrats who were to become the social engineers of the re­ form.' Second, the government, in May 1961, appointed the members of the Royal Commission of Inquiry on Education in the Province of Quebec. The chairman was Monsignor AI­ phonse-Marie Parent, philosophy professor and vice-rector of Laval University; the membership of the Commission was balanced, credible, and safe. It was, however, to prove itself to be a Royal Commission "pas comme les autres." Gerin-Lajoie's third move was to establish a framework for the expansion of secondary education, the bottleneck of the system. He did this in two stages. In a hailstorm of legis­ lation called the "Magna Carta of Education" the government (1) provided resources for improving the qualifications of secondary school teachers, (2) abolished tuition in all public schools, (3) increased the compulsory attendance age from fourteen to fifteen, and (4) simplified the procedures by which school boards could cooperate with one another to provide secondary education. The second stage, known as "Operation 55" was designed to group small local school boards into 55 Catholic and 9 Protestant regional school boards for purposes of secondary education. The local boards retained their identity for elementary education and though no compulsion was exercised, between 1961 and 1965, under the "guidance" of the Department, school boards did in fact form the planned boards with the planned boundaries in the planned way. The payoff was to come in the form of new "polyvalent" secondary schools and the rapid expansion of secondary school enrolment in the French sector. On April 23, 1963, the Parent Commission produced the first volume of its five-volume Report. It contained a radical recommendation, the creation of a Ministry of Education for Quebec. There had once been a Minister of Education in 101 The Unfinished Revolution

Quebec - from 1867 to 1876 - and from that time onward to mention a Minister of Education was to evoke images of government control, statism, and the destruction of the rights of parents and Church. In 1960, Jean Lesage himself had said: "Tant et aussi longtemps que je serai premier ministre, il n'y aura pas de ministere de l'education."

Two months after the Report was made public, the Govern­ ment introduced Bill 60. It provided for a Minister of Educa­ tion, a Superior Council of Education to advise the Minister, and new Catholic and Protestant Committees with powers to regulate only in moral and religious matters. After two weeks, Bill 60 was withdrawn and the Premier invited those in­ terested to make recommendations on the subject. In general, reaction ran two-to-one against the idea of the Bill in its exist­ ing formT and if it had any chance for survival, a selling job would have to be done. Gerin-Lajoie travelled throughout the Province, wrote a book, and distributed thousands of copies of the Bill. A good deal would depend on the position taken by the Catholic hierarchy; if the bishops were strongly op­ posed they would be able to marshal sufficient forces to stop or at least emasculate the proposal. But there had been a Council in the Vatican and the two leading bishops, Roy and Leger, were open to new conceptions of the Church and sensi­ tive to its changing role in society. Thus, when the hierarchy pronounced in August, their statement was measured, their reservations specific, and their suggestions positive. In Jan­ uary 1964, an amended form of Bill 60 was introduced in the Legislature. A preamble was added recognizing the rights of parents and the rights of individuals and groups to operate independent institutions. With only minor changes the Bill was passed in February and became law in March, less than a year after the Parent Commission had made its recommenda­ tion. The effects of the law were to centralize responsibility for education in a Minister, to establish a framework for the direction of the coming reform and for the coordination of an expanding and increasingly complex operation, and to reduce to precise limits the control of the Church in education.

proposals for reform The first phase of recommendations of the Parent Commis­ sion had barely been translated into legislation when the Com­ mission, in October 1964, unveiled the second phase of its plan 102 NOI'mIrI Henchey for reform by presenting Volumes 11 and III of its Report. These massive documents containing over 750 pages and 400 recommendations presented a comprehensive set of proposals for improving the structure and substance of education in the Province. A network of kindergartens should be established through­ ()ut the Province. Elementary education should last for six years, divided into two three-year cycles. The curriculum should be opened up, schools and teachers should be given greater initiative, methods should be "activist" and pupil­ eentred, and gifted children should be enriched rather than accelerated. Secondary education should last for five years. Separate academic, general, and vocational programs should be abolished in favor of core subjects (languages, sciences, arts, and technology) with various levels, and elective subjects. Secondary schools should be comprehensive both in their elientele and in the array of services they offer. At the post-secondary level, a compromise should be reached between the four-year COUTS collegial as the normal route to university in the French sector and the direct passage from junior matriculation in the English sector. This compromise would be in the form of Institutes, comprehensive institutions for all students continuing their studies beyond secondary school, offering both pre-university and advanced technical programs and at the same time completing the general educa­ tion of the student. All programs leading to the first univer­ sity degree would take three years and would be specialized rather than general in nature. For the next few years, gradu­ ate studies should be restricted to the universities of Laval, Montreal, and McGill; other university institutions should restrict themselves to programs leading to the first degree and additional universities of limited charter should be created to offer undergraduate programs only. All teacher education should take place within universities. from proposal to action The initial reaction of the Province to this panorama was something approaching awe. Intellectually and emotionally, the government, educators, the press, and the public found themselves swept along with the combination of enthusiasm, certitude, and vision which characterized both the Commis­ sioners and their recommendations. Although reservations were voiced concerning specific recommendations and concern- 103 The Unfinished Revolution ing the time and methods needed to effect this miraculous transformation, a consensus developed around the "spirit" of the Report. Conscious of its mandate to lead educational re­ form, sensitive to the growing expectation of public participa­ tion in planning, and anxious to utilize the momentum which the Commission had succeeded in generating, the government created special ministerial committees and redirected existing ones to study various aspects of the Report. Civil servants of the Department of Education churned out a constant flow of studies, memoranda, analyses, position-papers, and reports; administrators, teachers, civil servants, and student repre­ sentatives raced from meeting to meeting carrying copies of the Report with papers stuck in the pages; debates rolled on and on.' In May 1965, the government made public Regulation Num­ ber One, the first and most important of a series of orders­ in-council which were to translate the program of reform from recommendation to realization. The regulation estab­ lished the general framework for all elementary and secondary education in the Province. The age of admission was set at six years; elementary education would last for six years but some pupils might complete it in five while others might take seven: for each year of the program, pupils were to be grouped according to age, then further divided according to criteria to be determined by the teachers; promotion to secondary school would depend on the judgment of the school, but no pupil would remain in elementary school beyond age twelve; the secondary course would last for five years, with required and elective courses and promotion by subject. In subsequent docu­ ments, the Department set up a general framework for ele­ mentary and secondary school curricula, made recommenda­ tions concerning school organization, and encouraged the creation of educational workshops in each school, joint com­ mittees of parents and teachers to supervise the implementa­ tion of Regulation Number One. Further regulations in March 1966 outlined policies for official examinations (Regulation Number Two), for a new level of pre-university and profes­ sional studies (Regulation Number Three), and for the edu­ cation, certification and probation of teachers (Regulation Number Four). By the spring of 1966, educational reformers could look back on the first part of the decade with a certain degree of pride. A Ministry of Education was established and growing in authority; secondary education had expanded rapidly; the 104 Nornwl Henchey

Parent Commission had laid out its plan for pedagogical re­ form; the first steps toward implementation had been ta.ken. Quebec education had a certain self-assurance about the direc­ tion of the reform and the pace at which it was proceeding. the problem of school boards

Two indications that this self-assurance may have been premature came in June 1966. Jean Lesage and his Liberal Party went to the polls confident that the government's work in leading the political, social, economic, and educational changes of the Quiet Revolution would be recognized by the people of Quebec and that his mandate would be renewed once more to continue the task. If his election in 1960 was some­ thing of a surprise, his defeat in 1966 was something of a shock. The post-mortems which followed the election of Daniel Johnson and the Union Nationale saw the election as a contest between visions of grandeur and bread-and-butter, as an indication that the Liberals had lost touch with their con­ stituency, and as the beginning of a period of reaction. But the Quiet Revolution had not come to a close. Many people had reservations about the pace at which the changes were occur­ ring and as the bills of the reform were beginning to come in, many began to worry about the price. But the goals of moder­ nization were not seriously challenged, the momentum was not to be reversed, the problems and constraints were un­ altered, and the institutions, particularly the civil service, re­ tained their dynamic.

It was also in June 1966 that Volumes IV and V of the Parent Report were made public, the final set of recommenda­ tions of the Commission that had begun its work in 1961. These volumes dealt with cultural and religious diversity, educational finance, and school administration at the local level; this last was to prove an issue both powerful and conten­ tious. After considering the variety of school boards existing in the province - Catholic and Protestant, local and regional, elected and appointed, large and small - and in view of the growing demand for nonconfessional schools, the Commission was faced with three alternatives: retaining confessional school boards while adding some framework for nonconfes­ sional schools, changing the Catholic-Protestant division to a French-English division, or creating unified school boards. The Commission chose the last, recommending three levels of 106 The Unfinished Revolution structures: committees of parents in each school to deter­ mine policies concerning language and religion; school boards to provide all educational services - English and French, Catholic, Protestant, and nonconfessional - within a geo­ graphic territory; councils of school development to coordinate structures (especially financial) for school boards in each economic region. For the Island of Montreal, the Commission proposed that the forty Catholic and Protestant boards be replaced by seven unified boards and one Island Council of School Development.

The purpose of this proposal was to provide administrative and financial uniformity at the level of the school board with­ in which linguistic and religious diversity could be preserved at the level of the school. If a consensus had formed around the plan for educational reform up to this point, it was to dis­ solve on this issue. Those concerned about Catholic education argued that religion could not long survive in schools without a supporting administrative structure; English Catholics were disappointed that an English-Catholic school board was not proposed for Montreal; advocates of neutral schools liked the idea of unified boards but felt the Commission did not go far enough when it permitted religious schools to continue; most concerned of all was the English-Protestant community who saw the proposal as unconstitutional and a threat to the exist­ ence of English education. challenge from the teachers

As the question of school boards, language, and religion was germinating throughout 1966 and 1967, two more urgent chal­ lenges arose, one from the teaching profession, the other from the mounting pressure in post-secondary education. The first engaged the basic issues of money and power, the second in­ volved the extension of the structure and spirit of the reform beyond the secondary school.

Education reform is not achieved without cost and since 1960 the Government had been investing heavily, spending almost one-third of its budget on education; at the same time, local school taxes had mounted rapidly. Demands were coming from all sides: universities, student aid, adult education, the construction of comprehensive secondary schools, and the changes needed for the implementation of Regulation Number 106 No",*, Henchey

One. One major item was the salaries of teachers. The teach­ ing force had been expanding rapidly to match increasing student enrolment, particularly at the secondary and post­ secondary levels. Furthermore, thanks to the encouragement of the provincial government and the recruitment policies of school boards, the qualifications of teaching personnel were improving, their salaries correspondingly increasing, and their aspirations becoming more ambitious. A confrontation developed in October 1966 when the Govern­ ment published "guidelines" for school boards in their salary negotiations with teachers. From November 1966 through February 1967 wave after wave of Catholic teachers went on strike bringing Catholic education, both English and French, virtually to a halt; the less militant Protestant teachers began to organize "study sessions" and to threaten mass resigna­ tions. On February 19th the Assembly passed "An Act to En­ sure for Children the Right to an Education," commonly known as Bill 25. The Act ordered the striking teachers back to work, solving the immediate crisis and reitoring the system with at least the fac;ade of normalcy. It imposed a single salary scale for most teachers in the Province, wiping out dis­ parities among regions as well as differences between various classes of teachers (male-female, elementary-secondary) where these differences existed. Finally, the Act set up machinery for bargaining at the provincial level between the three teach­ ers' associations on the one hand and the Government and federations of school boards on the other. The results were that the Government moved a step closer to its goal of equal­ ization and strengthened its control over expenditures, the three teachers' associations grew in power and responsibility at the expense of the local syndicates, English and French teachers were forced into an uneasy alliance as they faced a formidable opponent across the bargaining table, and school boards lost still more of their initiative as their dependence on the government increased. The long and tortuous march to a single collective agreement had begun and it was not until November 1969 that the "Entente" was finally signed. This, together with the promulgation of Regulation Number Five in March 1968 establishing norms for the classification of teachers and the development of the mechanism for the evalua­ tion of probationary teachers under the terms of Regulation Number Four, transformed Quebec teachers into de facto civil servants. At the same time, however, teachers succeeded in establishing their right to participate in decision-making at 107 The Unfinished Revolution the school board and school levels for the first time through consultative committees.· crisis in post-secondary education Meanwhile, a challenge of a different sort was being posed in post-secondary education. The regionalization of secondary education, the effects of Regulation Number One in providing more comprehensive and flexible programs at the secondary level, and the continual propaganda to keep young people in school were all beginning to payoff. More students were going to secondary school, they were staying longer, and were now graduating with new-found aspirations to continue their studies. The increased demand was especially dramatic in the French sector and opportunities were limited: normal schools, classical colleges, technical institutes, and a few specialized institutions. The demand for improved access to post-second­ ary education was as irresistible as the need to coordinate this level of the system. The Parent Report had called for the creation of post-secondary Institutes to bridge the gap between secondary school on the one hand and university and technol­ ogical professions on the other; Regulation Number Three had provided the pedagogical framework for studies at this level. The time had come to establish the legal, administrative, and financial framework.

On June 29, 1967, the National Assembly passed Bill 21 which was enabling legislation for the creation of Colleges d'Enseignement General et Professionnel (Cegeps). These in­ stitutions were to be administered by public corporations re­ presentative of teachers, students, and the community. They would offer two-year pre-university programs and three­ year technical programs, tuition-free for regular students, and would be responsible for all education at this level. They would be comprensive in their student clientele and in their range of offerings, and their objectives were to complete the general education of the student and provide him with the specialization required either for further studies or for tech­ nical occupations. In a word, they were to do what the Parent Report had recommended they should do, with the name changed from Institut to College. lo

As a result of the legislation, "instant" Cegeps were created from the marriage - with varying degrees of consent - of normal 108 NOI'II8l Henchey

schools, classical colleges, and technical institutes. By Sep­ tember 1967, twelve Cegeps had been formed and within three years there were around forty of these institutions through­ out the Province. Considering the speed with which the Cegeps were created, the diverse traditions of the parent institutions, and the strains imposed by new programs, a new spirit, and bursting enrolments, it is something of a wonder that the in­ stitutions held together. By the autumn of 1968 there were twenty-three Cegeps with over 38,000 students and pressures of both an internal and an external sort were building up. Within the institutions tension was increasing between the expectations of the students and the ability of the adminis­ trators, teachers, structures, and programs to cope with the day-to-day demands of institutional survival. Promises and realities did not seem to be converging and the student popu­ lation was restive and impatient. A second form of stress arose from anxiety about the future. Contrary to the hopes of government planners, enrolment patterns in the Cegeps were rapidly shifting from technical programs to pre-university programs, partly as a result of limited facilities and equip­ ment for technical options, partly because of the changing in­ terests and expectations of the students themselves. Thousands of students were expected to graduate in the coming June and it was becoming clear that the existing French-language uni­ versities - Laval, Sherbrooke, and Montreal - would not be able to accommodate them. There was talk of a new univer­ sity but there were no visible signs of its advent. In October 1968, demonstrations, strikes, and occupations closed the Cegeps and the drama of anxiety, questioning, and confusion which was taking place at the Sorbonne and elsewhere was now being played out in Quebec. When the orgy of self­ examination had run its course, the Cegeps began opening again; their ideals and their structures had survived but their naivete had been tempered. In response to one aspect of the crisis in post-secondary education, the National Assembly, in December 1968, created a new Universite du Quebec. The new Universite was to be a kind of educational holding-company, an administrative frame­ work with campuses initially in Montreal, Trois-Rivieres, and Chicoutimi, and subsequently in other parts of the Province as well. Like the Cegeps these campuses grew out of existing classical colleges, normal schools, schools of engineering, and fine arts academies. It was a public university and instead of traditional faculties it had departments (groupings of 109 The Unfinished Revolution professors by academic discipline) and modules (groupings of professors and students engaged in the same program). The graduates of the Cegeps now had a place to go, and one that was to show itself quite hospitable to the new spirit of open­ ness and adaptation which had been cultivated, by accident or design, in the colleges.1l

Just as the defeat of the Liberal Government and the public reaction to the final Volumes of the Parent Report in 1966 were indications that a consensus on the direction and pace of educational reform could no longer be assumed, the challenges of 1967 and 1968, from the teaching profession and post­ secondary education, gave evidence of increasing polarization between groups engaged in the reform and added the dimen­ sion of public confrontation. The consensus model of educa­ tional change was shifting toward a conflict model and al­ though the conflicts involving the teachers and the Cegeps were defused if not solved, a new, deeper, and more complex conflict was not to be resolved so easily.

the language question

At first sight, the Parent Commission's proposals for unified school boards looked like a logical extension of their general plan of reform and a more or less straight-forward matter of educational administration. Certainly questions of religion and language were involved and certainly there was opposition from many quarters to the proposals; nevertheless, there was little reason to believe that the implementation of these proposals would be any more difficult than the establishment of a Ministry of Education, the formation of regional school boards, or the creation of Cegeps. As time went on, however, the strands of educational administration, religion, language, minority rights, the constitution, and the role of the govern­ ment became so tangled that the issues became extremely difficult to separate and the questions moved closer and closer to the fundamental tensions of the Quebec reform.

To begin with, a fundamental dilemma was presented by the changing role of religion in Quebec society. The basic division of school boards rested on a religious basis - Catholic and Protestant - and the educational protections of the British North America Act were for religious, not linguistic, min­ orities. Yet the religious division of Quebec education was be- 110 Nornwt Henchey

coming increasingly artificial. In the Catholic sector, the influence of religious orders had declined dramatically, reli­ gious instruction had become much less explicit and more oriented to general ethical and social issues, and there was little agreement even on the definition of a Catholic school. When the Catholic Committee of the Superior Council of Education published its first regulations in June 1968, the ambiguity of the articles simply reflected the diversity in existing practice. On the other hand, Protestant education was not very Protestant; its identifying characteristics were more the culture, language, and tradition of its schools than any common set of religious beliefs. The crucial division in Quebec society was now one of language and culture rather than one of religion and there appeared to be two options open for school board reform; a division by language or unified boards. The success of either option would depend on the degree of trust between French and English Quebecers and the mutual trust which had traditionally depended on the preser­ vation of the two solitudes was rapidly breaking down. The English watched with growing apprehension the integration of administration, curriculum, examinations, and budget con­ trol at the provincial level and the declining power of local school boards. As their concern increased, their position crys­ tallized around a division on a language basis, with strong school boards, and the possibility of a transfer of the consti­ tutional guarantees from religion to language. On the other side the French had become more conscious of the significance of their majority status in Quebec and the need for a unified perspective for the development of the Province. From this perspective they saw intolerable inequalities between French and English educational systems. What the English called "rights" the French called "privileges" and there was in­ creasing pressure from the French for unified school boards. In an attempt to resolve a difference of opinion that was beginning to move toward impasse, the government established a special committee (the Page Committee) of civil servants, administrators, teachers, and parents to make recommenda­ tions for reorganizing the school boards of the Island of Montreal. When the Committee reported in 1968 the majority proposed a division of French and English boards with a powerful central council to coordinate education for the whole Island. More significant than the majority report, however, was the proliferation of minority reports and the distance between groups was now visible for all to see. 111 The Unfinished Revolution st. Leonard Meanwhile a new development was taking place which was to sharpen the conflict and raise the temperature of the dis­ pute. In March 1968, an organization called Le Mouvement pour l'integration scolaire was formed in St. Leonard, a suburb of Montreal with a mixed French and Italian popula­ tion. In the local Catholic school board elections the M.I.S. obtained a majority and the board passed a resolution pro­ viding for the systematic phasing out of English-language instruction, beginning with grade one. Italian parents countered by opening private classes for their children and the battle was joined to be fought on television, in the press, in the courts, in the Assembly, and finally in the streets. The irony of the St.Leonard affair was that the substance of the dispute was largely local, arising from growing tensions be­ tween an indigenous French-speaking population and a rapidly expanding Italian population, a good proportion of whom could speak French and favored bilingual rather than com­ pletely English education for their children. The St. Leonard situation was quite atypical but due to the publicity it received and the general climate in the Province, it had important con­ sequences. First, it made clear that nowhere in the Constitu­ tion or in the Education Act of the Province was English­ language education protected. Second, it increased the distrust between French and English; on the French side the rhetoric of cultural survival entered the educational dispute and for many on the English side it provided a horrible example of what would happen to English education under unified school boards. Finally, it became evident that the basic relationships among the various cultural groups of the Province - French, English, and new Canadians - would have to be defined before the educational problems could be solved. After an unsuccessful attempt to solve the problem by legis­ lation, the government, in December 1968, created a Royal Commission of Inquiry on the Linguistic Rights of the Ma­ jority and Minority (the Gendron Commission) to study the whole issue of language. But events would not slow down to the pace of a Royal Commission. The St. Leonard conflict was still unresolved; it continued to receive public attention throughout 1969 and broke out in rioting in the fall of that year. The massive M cGill Fran<;ais march in the early part of the year stirred up still further the expectations of French nationalists and the anxieties of the English. The governing 112 Norman Henchey

Union Nationale party was badly divided; Premier Johnson had died in the fall of 1968 and his successor, Jean-Jacques Bertrand seemed unable to hold together the various factions in his party. To complicate the issue still further, the Minister of Education, Jean-Guy Cardinal, was considered part of the nationalist group. toward a standoff: bills 62 and 63

In the autumn of 1969 the divided government had to make some move. The plan was to do a balancing act: to guarantee minority language rights, to strengthen the presence of the French language in English schools, and to establish unified school boards. The success of the plan depended on the balance of the parts; partial success would really be failure, and failure it was. On October 23rd, Jean-Guy Cardinal introduced Bill 63, "An Act to Promote the French Language in Quebec." The Bill (1) required school boards to offer English-language instruction to all children whose parents requested it, (2) required all English-language schools to provide the pupils with a "working knowledge" of French, and (3) empowered the government to "take the measures necessary" to ensure that immigrants to Quebec acquired a knowledge of French and educated their children in French-language schools. In his elaboration of the Bill, the Minister of Education stressed both the provision giving parents the right to choose the language of instruction for their children (thus attempting to reassure the English) and the provision ensuring a working knowledge of French for pupils in English schools, speculating that up to forty per cent of the curriculum of these schools would be given in French (thus attempting to reassure the French). English reaction was hesitant but generally favor­ able. But others reacted swiftly; on October 28th and 29th student and nationalist groups took to the streets in protest. Debate in public and in the National Assembly was intense. Many argued that the Bill was capitulation to English pres­ sure, that it was really promoting English and destroying French; others argued that the Bill was simply a cover for the conversion of English schools into bilingual schools and ultim­ ately into French schools. After modifications providing for a French Language Bureau to promote the use of French as the language of work in the province, the Bill was passed by the Assembly on November 28th, 1969.11 113 The Unfinished Revolution

The second part of the package was made public on Novem­ ber 4th when the Government tabled Bill 62 on the reorganiza­ tion of school boards on the Island of Montreal. The Bill (1) retained the religious and linguistic identity of individual schools, (2) created school committees composed of parents, (3) established eleven unified school boards, with members elected partly by parents' committees, partly by the public at large, whose function was to hire teachers and supervise instruction for all schools, Catholic and Protestant, English and French, in a geographic territory, and (4) formed a school council for the Island, its members chosen by the Cabinet (to include one from each school board) with responsibilities for the general administration of education, the collection of reve­ nues and the distribution of funds. Reaction to the Bill was mixed. French nationalists supported it, those concerned with the future of Catholic schools worried about it, planners found it rational, teachers and administrators were opposed to the principle of centralization, the English objected strongly to the proposal of unified boards. The Bill went to committee, the debate continued, and the attempt at school board or­ ganization died as the Assembly was prorogued for the elec­ tion of April 1970.

the liberals try: bills 27 and 28 The victory of Robert Bourassa and the Liberals and the horrors of the October crisis eclipsed the problems of educa­ tion during the remainder of 1970, but by the spring of 1971, things were back to normal in Quebec education. The Depart­ ment issued two new regulations, Regulation Number Six dealing with the teaching of French in English-language schools, a follow-up of Bill 63, and Regulation Number Seven, an expansion of the famous Regulation Number One, which sought to fill in the framework for the organization of ele­ mentary and secondary education, to extend the school day by incorporating extracurricular activities into the regular schedule, and to introduce flexibility in evaluation. Civil servants were hard at work preparing a comprehensive system of evaluating competence for beginning teachers on probation. L'Abbe Dion who, once upon a time, had exposed the election ethics of the Duplessis regime was now going about his task of investigating charges that many teachers had been indoc­ trinating children in F .L.Q. propaganda. And, once again, an attempt was made to do something about school boards. 114 NonnII't Henchey

Two more education bills were introduced in the Assembly. Bill 27 dealt with the reorganization of school boards off the Island of Montreal; it kept the confessional division of Catholic and Protestant and reduced more than 800 boards to fewer than 200. It passed and became law. Bill 28 dealt with the Island of Montreal; it was a modified version of Bill 62 and included the same basic elements. Modifications included (1) confessional committees at the school board level, (2) provision for the special appointment of school commissioners where the minority was not adequately represented as the result of election, and (3) election rather than appointment of the majority of the members of the Island Council. The English Protestant community had plenty of time to prepare. Notice was served that the constitutionality of the Bill would be challenged in the courts. Many English school administra­ tors, in print and in public meetings, assailed the principle of unified boards and warned of the impending demise of English language, culture, and education in the province. Meanwhile back in the Assembly, the Parti Quebecois members launched a filibuster when the Bill came up for vote, de­ manding revision of the language protections of Bill 63 and stronger support for French in the new Bill. As discontent grew even in the Liberal caucus, Bourassa and Education Minister Saint-Pierre could no longer walk between the two furies and the Government withdrew the Bill. The Gendron Commission continued its study of the language problem through a third extension of its mandate, and the two soli­ tudes continued to glare at each other in limbo. the unfinished revolution Quebec education is carrying into the seventies the promises and the problems posed in the sixties. The Quiet Revolution was a fundamental shift in the goals, conduct, and style of the society of Quebec and the leaders of this Revolution recognized from the outset the need to re-create education according to the new image. They drafted a master plan of reform and spared no effort to implement it. According to the current norms of success, education in 1970 was much better than it was in 1960. The holding power of the school was dramatically improved; more money was invested in education; if the elusive goal of equality of oppor­ tunity was not attained, it was at least more seriously pursued; there was a continuing concern to relate education to the 115 The Unfinished Revolution

needs of the individual and of society and there was wider participation in decision-making. There was also an impressive development of new institutions, new facilities, new programs, and new kinds of teachers. It is not difficult to find evidence that the Quiet Revolution in education was a great leap for­ ward - and a great success. The success of the Revolution can also be found in the subtle area of style. To compare the pages of L'Instruction Publique and The Educational Record, the Department of Education publications of the early sixties, with the psychedelic pages of Education Quebec is to encoun­ ter a distance in medium as well as message. This change of style can also be found in the open areas and fluid learning environments of many elementary schools, in the workshops and studios of the new comprehensive regional high schools, in pilot programs for inner city children in Montreal, in the educational encounters (often strange and wonderful) that characterize the life of the Cegeps, in the group decision­ making of the modules in the Universite du Quebec, and in the increasing understanding found in English schools, from kindergartens to McGill, of what it means to be living in Quebec. There are also some problems that intrude on this litany of success. Few of these problems are unique to Quebec but their manifestation and their implications do have particular significance here. Money for education is getting harder and harder to find as the other social services - especially health and welfare - press their demands. Throughout the sixties, Quebec committed itself deeply to the development of educa­ tion and in the seventies it may find it increasingly difficult to meet these commitments. Financial strains may well generate a new evaluation of the assumptions of the reform, the sharp­ ening of priorities, and demands for accountability. A second form of stress arises from the declining enrolment, the result of a falling birth rate that is more dramatic in Quebec than elsewhere. The combination of the shrinking market for teach­ ers and the increasing numbers of candidates for the profes­ sion, together with the limitations of financial input, will have effects on the selection and preparation of teachers, hiring and retention policies, and the educational process in general. Other anxious questions which will be answered in the seven­ ties are: What will happen when the government turns its reforming zeal on the universities which, despite government "rationalization" are still cherishing their independence and searching for their role in the new society? Will the govern- 116 NorrnM Henchey

ment begin in the seventies to withdraw from the role of Master of Reform which it had to assume in the sixties and allow education to spin off in a variety of directions? Will the government's excursions into television, communications sys­ tems, adult education and community animation lead to en­ tirely new dimensions in education? Finally, there is the immediate and still unresolved problem of language, culture, and school organization; an issue of great importance that cannot remain untouched but also, perhaps, a distraction from a more fundamental question.

In a way, Quebec education has gone full cycle since 1960 and the fundamental questions of the seventies are once more those of objectives. It was important for schools to produce large numbers of skilled workers if Quebecers were to become "maitres chez-nous", but what will the province do with thousands of history teachers, technicians, and social scien­ tists? What happens if a society cannot deliver the jobs that new institutions, courses, and certificates encourage the stu­ dents to expect? If economic factors over which Quebec has little control make jobs more difficult to obtain and if social policies such as guaranteed annual income diminish the neces­ sity of work, should education shift back to the more personal goals of intellectual, moral, and cultural development? The ideals of the classical college have not been completely lost in Quebec: history, philosophy, and creativity are still important elements in the culture and they constitute potential absorbers of future shock. If the reforms of the sixties appeared to be the antithesis of what had been before, Quebec education in the seventies may be moving to a new synthesis of the elitist objectives which it has always cherished and the egalitarian technique which it learned through its reform. references

1. Les Insolences de Frere Untel, Montreal: Les Editions de l'Homme, 1960. 2. There are a number of surveys of educational events during the period 1960-1970. See, for example: Arthur Tremblay, "Dix ans de reforme scolaire au Quebec: un bilan et un avenir," in The Com­ parative and International Education Society of Canada, Papers: 1969: Communications, Toronto: The Society, 1969; Louis-Philippe Audet, Bilan de la reforme scolaire au Quebec, Montreal: Les Pres­ ses de l'Universite de Montreal, 1969; the issue of January 1971 of the publication Education-Quebec; Stanley Cohen, "Too Much Too Soon? ... Or Too Little?" in The Montreal Star, Tuesday Decoem- 117 The Unfinished Revolution

her 30, 1969, pp. 36-37. For a good collection of articles on the current situation in education in Quebec see the special supplement of Le Devoir, jeudi 30 mars, 1972. 3. See Andre LeBlanc, "The Educational Literature of the Quiet Re­ volution" in this issue. 4. For an excellent description of education in Quebec prior to the Quiet Revolution see Louis-Philip Audet, Hi8toire de l'enseignement au Quebec, 1608-1971, Montreal: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1971, Vol. 11, pp. 167-384. For a review of this book, see Real Boulianne, "Louis-Philippe Audet and His Work," in this issue. 5. Canada, Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Preliminary Statistic8 of Education, 1965-66, Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1967, Table 36, p. 54. 6. See Paul Gallagher, "Power and Participation in Educational Re­ form" in this issue. 7. Leon Dion, Le bill 60 et le public, Quebec: I'Institut Canadien d'edu­ cation des adultes, 1966. 8. See Magdelhayne Buteau, "Retrospective on the Parent Report" in this issue. 9. See Robert E. Lavery, "Changes in the Teaching Profession" in this issue. 10. See Ann Denis and John Lipkin, "The Cegep: Promise and Reality" in this issue. 11. See Germain Gauthier, "Evolution recente de l'enseignement supe­ rieur queoocois" in this issue. 12. In a speech in Montreal in August 1972, Jean-Guy Cardinal who had been the Minister of Education at the time of Bill 63 admitted that the Bill was "a mistake."

118 Ann Denis and John Lipkin

Quebec's Cegep: Promise and Reality

Since the first twelve Colleges d'enseignement general et professionel (Cegeps) were opened in September, 1967, to accommodate all students proceeding beyond the secondary level, these institutions have been a source of intense interest, pride, criticism, and controversy. A considerable body of writ­ ing on the Cegep has been produced, primarily in the form of newspaper articles and official publications. While this has been of a high quality and doubtless informative, little by way of analysis, particularly in English, has appeared .. ' At present efforts are underway, including those of the authors, to gain a more substantial understanding of this institution, but, in the meantime, the Cegep is much too vital and significant an aspect of Quebec education to be excluded from any consider­ ation of the contemporary Quebec educational scene. Given the preliminary nature of our findings, the relative absence of a scholarly basis of analysis, and the recency of the Cegep's formation, the observations and conclusions in this paper are quite tentative and speculative. Nonetheless, we have attempted to furnish an answer to two fundamental questions: what is a Cegep? who is served by the Cegep?

purpose of the cegep

Our concern with this institution stems from its strategic position in the realisation of Quebec's educational goals. In­ deed, its fundamental purpose can be equated with the over­ arching ideal espoused by the Parent Commission; namely, the provision of opportunity "for everyone to continue his studies in the field which best suits his abilities, his tastes, and 119 Quebec's Cegep his interests, up to the most advanced level he has the capacity to reach.''' The breadth of this goal should be stressed. In fact, the Cegep could be said to occupy a key position in the Province's pursuit of the twin aspirations of the modern era; economic development and social justice. Ultimately, we are concerned with the question of how successful the Cegep is in contributing to the goals of the society and the aspira­ tions of its members. This, we believe, is a question which can not be postponed until the results are final or clear, but must be addressed to the Cegep's process and product at every step in its development. A more immediate and mundane reason for the creation of the Cegep was the provincial government's desire to meet the demand of the French majority for the removal of the dispar­ ity between the French and the English educational ladders. As shown in Table 1 below, equivalence between the two sys­ tems was accomplished by the establishment of the Cegep, which represented a compromise alternative to the two existing structures.3

Table 1

Quebec Educationa I Structure (Pre and Post 1967)4

Pre 1967

Elementary Secondary Higher Total French ••••••• (7). • •• • ••• (8) ••• (3) 18 yr. cours cours secondaire co/legial

English ••••••• (7) •••• (4) •••• (4) 15 yr.

Post 1967 Elementary Secondary CEGEP Higher Total French and •••••• (6) ••••• (5) • • (2) ••• (3) 16 yr. English • • • (3) -> work

All students continuing their studies beyond the secondary level enter the Cegep upon completion of their eleventh year of schooling.' Attendance is not compulsory but the tuition costs are met entirely by public funds. Students may choose to apply for either the general stream of two years' duration which leads to the university, or the professional stream of 120 Ann Denis and John Lipkin

three years' duration which leads to employment in middle level technical, commercial, or para-professional occupations.

secondary or higher? As can be seen in Table 1, above, the Cegep occupies a posi­ tion midway between secondary and university education. For purposes of analysis it can be considered as a discrete institu­ tion, as a continuation of secondary education, or as the early years of higher education. The view held by Cegep officials stresses its discrete position. The Cegep curriculum is consi­ dered to be of a sufficiently more advanced and specialized nature to warrant special facilities and more highly qualified staff than the secondary school. Similarly, the Cegep student is felt to be of sufficiently greater maturity than the secondary student to warrant a separate institutional setting which would provide an atmosphere of greater freedom and oppor­ tunity to exercise personal judgment and responsibility than the more regimented high school does. At the same time, it is felt to be desirable that students receive a common general education before entering the world of work or embarking on specialized university studies. This view of the Cegep as a discrete institution highlights its unique character, for no other post-secondary institution in Canada, or the rest of the world for that matter, simultaneously provides the exclusive path to university and also terminal training. While the Cegep's perception of itself as a unique institution is, strictly speaking, a correct one, from a functional and com­ parative perspective these institutions can also be seen as either an upward extension of secondary education or, con­ versely, as the first years of higher education, albeit housed in separate facilities. The European would recognize a close resemblance between the Cegep and the emerging pattern of education in his upper secondary school both from the standpoint of the age and academic qualifications of the clientele being served, and the dual purpose of providing entry to the university and to the world of work. Although exceptions may be noted, European secondary education has become increasingly differentiated along upper and lower lines. After an extended period of common, general education in the lower school, which corres­ ponds to Quebec's comprehensive or polyvalent secondary school, the European student may pursue his studies in an 121 Quebec's Cegep upper secondary school which frequently combines terminal and pre-university studies as in the manner of the Cegep." The view of the Cegep as an upward extension of secondary education lends credence to the argument that the effect of creating a separate institution, which imposes restrictive academic criteria for admission, has been to bar a substantial portion of the relevant age group from education beyond the eleventh grade. As we shall discuss later, this problem of accessibility is increasingly becoming a matter of concern on the part of Cegep educators, particularly those responsible for admission policies. When a comparison with the United States' educational system is introduced, a plausible case can be made to the effect that Cegep level instruction is indistinguishable from the early years of higher education. In fact, the curriculum pursued in both the professional and general streams closely resembles that of the early years of the American college or the Bachelor's program in most Canadian universities outside Quebec. If, for example, we examine the curriculum designed to prepare technicians for the paper industry, we find not only a heavy infusion of science and mathematics, including organic chemistry and calculus, but also courses in language, literature and philosophy in addition to more applied studies such as the treatment of papers: The resemblance between the general stream of Cegep and the first years of the American college or university is more readily apparent. The curriculum of the general stream of the Cegep is considered to be the equivalent of the first year of the former four-year undergraduate program in Quebec and is credited as either one or two years for students trans­ ferring to Canadian universities outside of the Province.s Successful completion of the general course has, effectively, guaranteed admission to a Quebec university. However this is undoubtedly a function of the availability of university places, and, if the general stream continues to expand at anywhere near the present rate, the universities will be hard pressed to accept all Cegep graduates, their own rate of expansion not­ withstanding. Whether one sees the Cegep as secondary or higher educa­ tion or somewhere in between, the fundamentally academic nature of the institution should be recognized. Admission to the Cegep is based largely, if not exclusively, on the students' performance in basic academic subjects as determined by 122 Am Denis .,d John Lipkin teacher-assigned grades and, to a lessening extent, the results of a provincial examination.'

Within the Cegep, the prescribed curriculum, with its pre­ viously discussed academic emphasis, insures the continuation of an approach to learning which focuses on the content of specific courses and judges the learner in competition with his peers on the basis of fixed standards. This approach pre­ dominates in spite of the herculean efforts of many Cegep educators to personalize instruction, services, and the at­ mosphere of the Cegep generally. who should go?

A major dilemma facing the Cegep educators and those charged with formulating policy at this level arises from the inevitable tension between the selective, academic character of the institution, on the one hand, and the generally accepted values embodied in the Parent Report, on the other. We have labelled this constellation of values, "humanitarian," ap­ propriately defined, for our purposes, by Srinivas as, "an ac­ tive concern for the welfare of all human beings irrespective of caste, economic position, religion, age and sex.",o Applying this value orientation which explicitly includes equalitarian­ ism and secularism to the realm of education, the quality of education would be judged in terms of its appropriateness and efficacy for the individual, with due consideration for his particular social context, rather than in terms of standards attained in arbitrarily defined subject-matter disciplines.

The problem of the kind and amount of education members of any society ought to receive is, of course, a perennial one. No one would deny a child an elementary education. The fun­ damental goal of literacy has become universal, although in many areas of the world it is far from being achieved. In the more developed nations, the necessity for and right to an education beyond the primary stage has become recognized as evidenced by compulsory education laws requiring school attendance into adolescence. Now education beyond the age of 16, or at least the opportunity for such an education, is in­ creasingly being advocated as a requisite for participation in the modern, technologically oriented society of today and to­ morrow, but its provision is fraught with obstacles and dif­ ficulties, as the case of Quebec iIlustrates. 123 Quebec's Cegap

Particularly in the first years of the Cegep's operation, it was not anticipated that there would be universal post­ secondary attendance. Nonetheless, it would not be inconsist­ ent with the ideals espoused by the Parent Commission, as we interpret them, to consider the increase in the proportion of the relevant age group in attendance as an important criterion in assessing the Cegep's attainments, particularly in the French sector where the Report envisaged that a significantly greater proportion of the population would continue their studies beyond the secondary level." In addition, more refined measurements could be derived from an analysis of the extent to which such variables as language, place of residence, sex, socio-economic status, and for that matter, intelligence, in­ fluence one's chances for advancing beyond the secondary level. In assessing the influence of the Cegep, we would hypo­ thesize that the expansion of enrolment at the post-secondary level would result in the provision of a more humanitarian education. Evidence of this humanitarianism would include a more open or egalitarian approach to admissions, a more secular or functional approach to curriculum in terms of the political, economic and social conditions of the province, and a more individualized approach to instruction in terms of the abilities, aspirations, and needs of the individual student. Of these dimensions, our present discussion is primarily re­ stricted to a consideration of the question of admissions. Prior to the creation of the Cegep, Quebec had one of the lowest university attendance ratios in all of Canada. In 1965- 66, 12.2 % of the age group, 18-21, were at university. Only three of the Maritime provinces had a lower rate of atten­ dance." Approximately 30% of the Quebec university students were English, although this was the mother tongue of less than 20 % of the Province's total population." Although appropriate statistics detailing the rise in enrol­ ment rates were not available, the magnitude of the increase is suggested by the growth in the Cegeps alone. In 1967, the year in which the original twelve Cegeps were established, their enrolment totalled 10,000 students. Latest available figures for the academic year 1971-72, show an enrolment of 75,590 students in thirty-eight Cegeps.l' This growth in en­ rolment has clearly resulted in the achievement of a balance between the French and English. Students in the French Cegeps, who are almost exclusively French-Canadian residents of Quebec, make up 93 % of the total Cegep population.1S In 124 Am Denis n John Lipkin

addition, approximately 5 % of the students in the English Cegeps are French-Canadians. When the total Cegep level population, including students in the Cegep equivalent pro­ grams of the English universities and French private col­ leges is considered, approximately 80% of this population is French, corresponding to the French proportion of the total population. Furthermore, this shift is now being reflected in the universities where 77% of the total undergraduate enrol­ ment in 1970-71 was in French universities.'8 influence of geography

Many cultural factors apart from, yet related to, the funda­ mental linguistic division of Quebec need to be taken into ac­ count when considering the problem of accessibility to post­ secondary education. Three, in particular, which we have con­ sidered are place of residence, sex, and economic background.

The higher proportion of English students in attendance beyond the compulsory school leaving age prior to the estab­ lishment of the Cegeps can be attributed in part to the concen­ tration of the anglophone population in greater Montreal and the Eastern Townships where English universities are situ­ ated. On the other hand, the three francophone universities were serving a population which was dispersed throughout the province. This problem of geographical access applied to the cours collegial also, for in many instances, it was not available locally, especially for women.

In designing the Cegeps, the Planning Committee for Pre­ University and Vocational Education gave particular attention to location so that, within reasonable limits, post-secondary education would be physically accessible to residents in all regions of the province. The extent to which the Cegep has brought about increased opportunities for students from non­ metropolitan areas is illustrated in Table 2 below.

In order for the francophone Cegep graduates to have greater access to university education, the University of Quebec was established in 1969, with campuses in Chicoutimi, Rimouski and Trois-Rivieres in addition to the Montreal cam­ pus. The establishment of regional Cegep and university cam­ puses represented a direct attack on the problem of regional disparities and, simultaneously, a further effort to overcome 125 Quebec's Cegep the disadvantaged educational position of the French popula­ tion.

Table 2

Residential Background of Quebec Population in Comparison to Cegep and University Students

17 18 18 Province as a whole Cegep University % % %

Rural (farm and <1,000) ...... 26.4 12.4 6.7

Urban (1,000 - 999,999) ...... 33.9 71.5 53.4

Metropolitan (> 1,000,000) .... 39.7 16.1 39.9

The effect of this policy of regionalization is exemplified by the Saguenay region where residents can choose among Cegeps in Jonquiere, Chic01~timi, Alma, or St. FeIicien (all within a radius of 100 miles) depending, among other considerations, on proximity, program offered, and facilities. Upon com­ pletion of their studies, assuming they have enrolled in the general stream, they can continue their education at the Uni­ versity of Quebec at Chicoutimi or any of the other univer­ sities in the province. influence of sex

The Cegep's contribution to expanding educational oppor­ tunities and reducing inequalities of access is perhaps most graphically illustrated by the increasing proportion of women in post-secondary education. Relative to their proportion in the Province, women have been under-represented in all Quebec universities, although there had been a gradual in­ crease in their proportion at both French and English uni­ versities during the 1960s. Whereas 21.8% of the young men aged 18-21 were attending university in 1966, only 9.9% of the women were. Within the francophone sector, 27.7% of the students were female, while the corresponding figure for the English sector was 34.6 %,,0 The dramatic increase in female attendance since the advent of the Cegep is illustrated by the figures in Table 3 below, which refers almost wholly to French students, since English students did not graduate from the Cegep until 1971. 126 Ann Den. a1d John Lipkin

Table 3

Female Enrolment In Cegep by Stream and Year of Graduatlen

20 20 20 21 1969 1970 19n 1972

General %female 32.7 37.4 40.4 38.8 Total enrolment 1,724 11,146 15,599 15,828

Professional %female 17.7 23.4 47.4 48.7 Total enrolment 2,476 3,512 5,711 7,157

Total Cegep Enrolment %female 25.1 34.0 42.3 41.8 Total enrolemnt 4,200 14,658 21,310 22,965

The significant increase in the rate of female enrolment suggests that when access to higher education is facilitated by the provision of free, regional, or local opportunities for con­ tinued stUdies, attendance rates tend to be similar for males and females. While this general tendency is confirmed by the data, it is not an inevitable or necessary consequence, as evi­ denced by the fact that the proportion of females in atten­ dance at different Cegeps ranged from 30 % to 60 %. The un­ der-representation of women was more marked in the general stream, and in Cegeps in the eastern regions of the province. The latter can be at least partially explained by the lack of opportunities there for women to follow the academic second­ ary curriculum, particularly in locations where secondary feeder institutions traditionally have been segregated on the basis of sex.

The specific programs available in Cegeps also influence the female enrolment. The inclusion of nursing programs, for example, helps account for the relatively high proportion of women in the professional sector. Although sex differences are most apparent in the professional stream which leads directly to employment, itself sex-linked, preliminary evidence from our studies suggests that this phenomenon operates on a more subtle basis in the general stream where, for example, the study of physics or commerce attracts a predominance of males.

Since we have not compared the qualifications of males and females for Cegep entry, the evidence can not be considered 127 Quebec's Cegep complete. Nonetheless the increase in equality of educational opportunity brought about by the formation of the Cegep is clearly demonstrated by the enrolment figures. The finding that greater equality between the sexes was most marked in the more economically developed regions of the province, would confirm the hypothesis that as a society or region becomes more highly developed economically, its educational offerings become more equitable for both sexes.

influence of social class

Just as a society's economic development is reflected in the extent of its educational offerings, so is the economic stand­ ing of the family reflected in the educational chances of its members. Studies by Baby, Denis, and Lipkin all point to the positive correlation between higher socio-economic status and the likelihood of Cegep attendance. Table 4, based on these studies, illustrates this correlation.

Table 4

Social Class Distribution for Quebec and Five Cegeps

22 23 23 24 24 25 Province as a whole Cegep A Cegep B Cegep C Cegep D Cegep E Social Class % % % % % %

Upper ...... 8 32 18 26 34 18 Middle ...... 28 36 41 28 40 37 lower .... 65 23 32 46 25 34 Unclassified ..... 9 9 11 (Total Number) (617) (523) (151) (152) (122)

The disadvantaged position of the lower class students is reflected in the discrepancy between their percentage of the total population and that found in the Cegeps under in­ vestigation. While approximately two-thirds of Quebec's total population is considered to be in the lower class category, the proportion in our samples ranges from under one-quarter to approximately one-half of the respective Cegep populations. Since education is formally universal up to the Cegep level, this discrepancy could presumably be attributed to the selec­ tion process of the Cegeps. Of course, variations by social 128 Am Denis and John Lipkin class in the rate of high school failure, drop-out in the high school and Cegep, and the decision to apply to the Cegep would also need to be considered for a more complete analysis. The variations in social class composition from one Cegep to another, observable in Table 4, should also be noted. These variations result from such circumstances as differences in the social class composition of the area being served, the kind of programs offered, and the nature of the institutions from which the Cegep was formed. By way of illustration, Cegep C, situated in a metropolitan area, had an extensive professional stream which was found to attract a greater proportion of working class students than the general stream did, thus ac­ counting for the relatively high (46 %) overall lower class representation. We would suggest as an extension from this that the high proportion of the middle class among the English Quebecers could help account for the predominance of the general stream in the anglophone Cegeps. Latest estimates indicate that approximately 25 % of the English speaking students are enrolled in the professional stream, contrasted with approximately 53% of the French students." The overall social class composition of the Cegep reflects a considerable degree of heterogeneity, particularly when con­ trasted with the class composition of entrants to universities and classical colleges. The evidence presented by Porter in The Vertical Mosaic27 based on census material from the 1950s has been the main source of national data on the extreme over­ representation of children of professionals, executives, and owners of large firms and the corresponding underrepresent­ ation of lower class children. Extrapolating from this and the British and American experience, Pike hypothesized that inso­ far as the children of semi-skilled and unskilled workers are concerned, the elitist nature of the university has not lessened significantly during the 1960s/8 However, until the recent publication of data in the Post-Secondary Student Population Survey, 1968-9, there was no up-to-date national information on the social class composition of post-secondary students. Baby's study comparing Quebec City students in two classical colleges with those at two Cegeps, coupled with the P.S.S.P. data, provide a basis for comparing the social class compo­ sition of post-secondary students in Quebec in 1968. The data presented in Table 5 provide evidence in support of the Cegep's having a more egalitarian social composition than either the university or the classical college. Although 129 Quebec's Cegep the lower class is underrepresented, it is probably less so than the British and American experience had led Pike to predict for post-secondary education throughout the 1960s. Since early evidence suggests that almost all Cegep graduates from the general stream gain admission to the university,se we may expect a shift in the class composition of the universities as well.

Table 5

Social Class Composition of Post-Secondary Students in Quebec

30 31 32 Quebec Universities Classical Colleges Cegeps % % %

Upper Class ... , ...... 41.5 35.4 35.1 Middle Class ...... •.. 26.9 37.1 19.6 Lower Class ...... 24.9 19.3 38.3 Other ...... 6.7 8.3 7.0 (Total Number) ...... (1082) (228) (316)

The expansion of post-secondary education brought about with the establishment of the Cegep has resulted in greater educational opportunities for disadvantaged sectors of the population; specifically, francophones, women, residents of non-metropolitan regions and lower class representatives, thus providing at least the basis for increased social mobility. However, these elements of the population and others outside of the purview of the present study such as various ethnic minority groups, continue to operate at an educational disad­ vantage.

liberalizing admissions Short of becoming a universal institution designed to enable everyone to reach his full potential, the Cegep can not be expected to offset radically the educational advantages en­ joyed by those who occupy positions of higher status in the society. Up to the present time, the argument that a free, public institution which represents the sole educational opportunity beyond the eleventh year of schooling, should be open to all has not gained widespread support throughout the province generally, and in the Cegeps specifically. When, for example, 130 Ann Denis and John Lipkin the disproportionally low enrolment figures for working class students, or students from certain ethnic minority groups such as Greeks or Ukranians, or the virtual absence of "mature" students whom the Cegep was also intended to serve, is pointed out, the usual response is that this is inevitable or unavoidable. Fortunately, however, there are signs of a growing recog­ nition that disadvantages whether social, economic, linguistic, or ethnic, need to be compensated for and overcome, and the Cegep is beginning to realize that it has the dual obligation of attracting or recruiting students with such handicaps and providing them with an appropriate form of education. Two of the Cegeps, in particular, have attempted to liberalize their admission policies. In one of the francophone Cegeps, a pro­ gram has been established whereby a prescribed number of students who fall below the minimum admission requirements are granted conditional acceptance. These so-called "high risk" students spend the first term in a remedial program and upon successful completion are admitted into a regular Cegep program. A second departure from the usual admission procedures, adopted by one of the anglophone Cegeps, gives preference to applicants from high schools with a high con­ centration of low-income families and to Blacks and Canadian Indians, in particular. These two exceptional attempts to increase educational opportunities for students who otherwise would be unable to proceed with their education reflect an awareness of the limit­ ations of existing policies, but are, at best, partial solutions and could very well create more problems than they solve. The francophone example of dipping slightly further into the barrel highlights the lack of validity in any arbitrary, fixed admission criteria, but it begs the question of how far we can safely go. Both schemes are justifiably subject to the charge that they discriminate against the qualified students whose places are being taken by the "high risk" or disadvan­ taged students. A further problem which applies in the anglo­ phone instance, is that the disadvantaged students, once ad­ mitted, are forced to compete with more highly qualified students. Such conundrums resulting from superficial and partial remedies being applied to a complex problem, can only be resolved by a radical transformation of the Cegep. The first step in such a transformation would be to pursue the spirit and letter of the Parent Commission relevant to post-secondary education, to wit, "That the state encourage attendance through the thirteenth year for the greatest pos- 131 Quebec's Cegep sible number of students and adopt the necessary measures to give these young adults an appropriate education of high quality."" This is not an easy step. Bearing the cost of universal Cegep education would require considerable effort and sacrifice. The provision of an appropriate, quality education would present even greater difficulties. Consider the congeries of masters, each with differing perceptions of what is ap­ propriate, which the Cegep must serve: the government, the university, the high school, business and industry, profes­ sional and occupation organizations, taxpayers, parents, Cegep staff and students. That the Cegep has emerged as a viable institution after five rapid years of existence is a tribute to these masters and, most especially, Cegep educators. On reflection, it would seem that of all of the demands placed on the Cegep, those which emanate from the university pose the greatest obstacle to the Cegep's fulfilling its intended purpose. Perhaps what is needed is a renewed emphasis on the distinctive roles of the Cegep and university, respectively, with the former stressing the overall training and develop­ ment of the individual and the latter placing greater emphasis on the rigorous pursuit of more advanced knowledge. With the creation of a comprehensive, post-secondary insti­ tution, Quebec has embarked on a noble educational experi­ ment. Based on our study of the Cegep to date, we must con­ clude that the realities have not lived up to the promises. At least, not yet. footnotes

1. For the best general discussion of the Cegep in English, see Gordon Campbell, Community Colleges in Canada, Toronto: Ryerson Press, 1971. 2. Quebec, Report of the Royal Commission of Inquiry on Education, Vol. 4, Queen's Printer, 1966, pp. 3-4. 3. Interview, Jean-Marie Joly, Director, Quebec Institute of Research in Education, July 18, 1969. 4. Adapted from Le nouveau Systeme Scolaire du Quebec, pamphlet, Quebec Ministry of Education, 1968. 5. In the interest of accuracy, it should be noted that the Cegep is not as yet the only path to the university in Quebec. Traces of the former system remain in the form of approximately twenty private or classical colleges on the francophone side and a Cegep equivalent program operating in the anglophone universities. However, the latter are to be phased out by 1973, and the private colleges are 132 Am Den. and John Lipkin

dwindling in numbers and influence as a result of their disad­ vantaged financial status vis-a-vis the Cegep. 6. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, Develop­ ment of Secondary Education; Trends and Implications, Paris: 1969. 7. Quebec, Enseignement colUgwl, 1967-70, Cahw S, Programmes de Formation Professionelle, Quebec: Ministere de l'Education, pp. 134- 441. 8. Universities outsides of Quebec have not arrived at a common de­ cision as to whether to credit Ce~p graduates with one or two years toward the Bachelor's degree. The present tendency to award two year's credit undoubtedly reflects the current "buyers market" being enjoyed by students. 9. John Lipkin, "The Selection and Allocation of Students in Two Montreal Cegeps," paper delivered to Canadian Educational Re­ searchers Association Annual Conference, Memorial University, Newfoundland, 1971. 10. M. N. Srinivas, Socwl Change in Modern India, Berkeley: UniVer­ sity of Californa Press, 1969, p. 48. 11. It is often claimed that the Cegep admits all "qualified" high school graduates. This overlooks the fact that in order to be qualified: a student must pass a vast array of academic subjects. As a result students who pursue other than the general academic program at the secondary level are not admissible. As this evidence suggests, the polyvalent form of secondary education advocated by the Parent Commission has not been established. Instead, general or academic and vocational streams have been perpetuated. An additional limit­ ation on admission is the existence of quotas, limiting the number of students admitted to particular programs. Thus a 'qualified' student may be refused admission or offered a place in another program. 12. Calculated from n.B.S., Survey of Higher EdUcation, 1966-7, Cat. 81-204, Table 3 and n.B.S., Census of Canada, "Population by Single Years of Age," 1966, Cat. 92-611, Vol. 1 (1-11), Table 25, for the percentage of population aged 18-21 enrolled in under­ graduate programs beyond the level of senior matriculation. 13. Quebec, Quebec Yearbook, 1970, Table 1, p. 268. 14. Calculated from Cegep-ACQ Annuaires, 1971-2. 16. Ibid. 16. n.B.S., Canadwn Community Colleges and Related Institutions, 1969-70, Cat. 81-222, Table 2 and Statistics Canada, Fall Enrolment in Universities and Colleges, 1970-1, Cat. 81-204, Table 6A. 17. Census of Canada, 1961, Vol. 1, Part 1, Tables 10 and 14. 18. Special Tabulation from n.B.S. Post-Secondary Student Population Survey, 1968-9. This study will be referred to as P.S.S.P. in this article. 19. Quebec, Quebec Yearbook, 1970, Table 22, p. 382. 20. n.B.S., Community Colleges and Related Institutions, 1969-70, Cat. 81-222, Table 2. 21. Calculated from Cegep-ACQ, Annuaires, 1971-72. This is an incom­ plete listing since not all Cegeps provide statistics on stream by sex. 133 Quebec's Cegep

22. A. Baby, P. Belanger, R. Ouellet, Y. Pep in, "Nouveaux aspects du probleme de la democratisation de l'enseignement dans les Cegep," L'Orientation Professionnelle, 5, 2, printemps 1969, p. 120. 23. A. Baby, P. Belanger, R. Ouellet, "L'Orientation vers l'enseignement et les etudiants de l'enseignement collegial", unpublished manuscript, 1969, p. 30. 24. Lipkin, op. cit. 25. Ann Denis, "Social Characteristics and Academic Performance of Cegep Students," unpublished research paper. 26. Interview, Andre Leblanc, Secretary General, Vanier College, Sep­ tember 26, 1972, and Annuaires, op. cit. 27. J. Porter, The Vertical Mosaic, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1965, pp. 183-189, especially Table 23, p. 18Q. 28. R. Pike, Who Doesn't Get to University and Why, A.U.C.C., 1970, p.58. 29. Denis, op. cit. 30. P.S.S.P., Special tabulation of data. 31. Baby et al., "Nouveaux aspects", p. 120. 32. P.S.S.P. Special tabulation. 33. Quebec, Report of the Royal Commission of Inquiry on Education, Val. 2, p. 190.

134 Germain Gauthier

, Evolution recente de I'enseignement superieur quebecois

Comme pour les autres elements de la societe quebecoise, l'enseignement superieur a subi, au cours de la decennie allant de 1960 a 1970, des transformations profondes correspondant a une veritable mutation. En effet, depuis ses debuts, l'ensei­ gnement superieur constituait une preoccupation marginale de la societe quebecoise, mesuree par exemple en termes de scola­ risation ou de financement public. Rappelons ainsi que c'est fin 1959 que le gouvernement de Paul Sauve, rempla~ant brievement celui de Maurice Duplessis, decida d'un financement plus large des universites du Quebec en profitant d'une entente federale-provinciale deja utili see par les autres provinces depuis plusieurs annees. Dix annees plus tard, les universites, apres l'explosion demographique generale des annees '60, sont financees a 80% par les fonds publics et sont considerees tres largement comme un service public de­ vant prioritairement servir au developpement de la commu­ naute qu'elles desservent. Nous tenterons ici de decrire l'evolution recente des princi­ pales caracteristiques de l'enseignement superieur quebecois et d'en tirer un certain modele du systeme dans lequel il s'engage maintenant. Nous indiquerons souvent les distinc­ tions qui ont marque et qui marquent encore les deux secteurs linguistiques, francophone et anglophone, de l'enseignement superieur du Quebec, car ces deux secteurs ont evolue a des rythmes et dans des circonstances parfois tres differents. Le lecteur interesse trouvera les presentes questions trai­ tees avec beau coup plus de details dans trois documents que le Conseil des universites du Quebec publiera dans les prochains mois sur les objectifs de l'enseignement superieur et sur les orientations des etablissements d'enseignement superieur que- 135 L'Enseignement Superielr becois. Un hommage particulier doit etre ici rendu a M. Pierre Cazalis, secretaire du Conseil des universites du Quebec, qui a participe a la preparation des documents dont s'inspirent les presentes considerations. L'evolution de nos universites reflete evidemment celle des milieux universitaires des autres pays industrialises. Mais elle a aussi ses caracteres propres, qui traduisent l'originalite de la societe quebecoise et la specificite de ses transformations durant la derniere decennie. Dresser un inventaire exhaustif des evenements marquants de l'enseignement superieur, ou du moins de ceux qui en ont influence l'evolution, releverait de l'exercice pedagogique. Ceux retenus ici apparaissent simple­ ment comme les plus decisifs, tout au moins dans le cas du Quebec. transformation des structures de I' enseignement post·secondaire

Avant 1967, le systeme d'enseignement quebecois offrait des voies variees et complexes a l'enseignement post-secondaire. Le secteur anglophone, pour sa part, etait assez homogene. Apres onze annees d'etudes, le jeune anglophone accedait a l'une ou l'autre des facultes universitaires, sauf en medecine, en droit et medecine dentaire. Son collegue francophone pouvait entrer dans quelques facultes universitaires apres douze ans d'etudes faites dans les ecoles publiques; il ne pouvait entrer en mooecine, en droit, en medecine dentaire et en lettres qu'a­ pres quinze annees d'etudes dont les dernieres faites dans les "colleges classiques" prives affilies aux universites et oc­ troyant un baccalaureat es-arts. Suite aux recommandations soumises en 1964 par la Com­ mission royale d'enquete sur l'enseignement, le gouverne­ ment du Quebec creait un nouveau niveau d'enseignement general et professionnel (niveau dit "collegial") s'inscrivant apres onze annees d'etudes, et menant a toutes les facultes universitaires, apres deux annees d'etudes generales. Les pre­ miers colleges publics offrant ces enseignements ont ouvert leurs portes en 1967 et ont maintenant produit quatre genera­ tions d'etudiants se dirigeant a l'universite. L'implantation de ces colleges a ete graduelle; elle est com­ plete dans le secteur francophone et elle le sera dans un an pour le secteur anglophone. Les universites de langue fran­ ~ise, qui comptaient 4,847 etudiants de niveau collegial en 1966-67, se sont delestes progressivement des enseignements 138 Germain Gauthier

correspondants et n'en donnaient plus en 1970. Les trois uni­ versites de langue anglaise comptaient 4,475 etudiants de niveau collegial en 1966-67 et 6,810 etudiants de meme niveau en 1970-71; elles se departiront completement des enseigne­ ments correspondants en 1974. Les enseignements de niveau collegial s'adressaient a en­ viron 25% des clienteles universitaires francophones et a 30% des clienteles universitaires anglophones. La disparition du niveau collegial a l'universite, en deux ou trois ans, a demande a celle-ci un effort tres important de transformation et de re­ vision des programmes. Ce deplacement a comme effet d'elever la moyenne d'age des etudiants universitaires, d'elever le centre de gravite du niveau d'enseignement, de faire disparaitre le programme de baccalaureat general qui s'y donnait en milieu anglophone. Ces effets sur le milieu universitaire n'ont pas tous encore ete evalues, mais Hs semblent avoir des effets benefiques sur l'enseignement superieur.

decentralisation des enseignements universitaires

Jusqu'en 1969, l'enseignement universitaire etait concentre dans les trois villes de Quebec, Montreal et Sherbrooke. Quebec possooait l'universite de langue fran~ise la plus ancienne, l'universite Laval; Montreal comptait une universite de langue fran~ise, l'Universite de Montreal et deux universites de langue anglaise, McGill et Sir George Williams; Sherbrooke comprenait une universite francophone, l'Universite de Sher­ brooke et une universite anglophone, Bishop's. Ces six universites avaient ete creees entre 1821 et 1954 a la demande des communautes locales ou de groupes particuliers. Deja a quelques autres endroits du Quebec se donnaient quel­ ques enseignements de niveau universitaire. C'est en 1968 que le gouvernement du Quebec, de sa propre initiative, crea l'Uni­ versite du Quebec, organisme decentralise par rapport au gou­ vernement, mais devant amener en concertation le developpe­ ment deconcentre de plusieurs unites universitaires d'ensei­ gnement et de recherche. L'Universite du Quebec s'est vue confier des 1969 la responsabilite de quatre campus universi­ taires, a Montreal, a Trois-Rivieres, a Chicoutimi et a Rimous­ ki et deux constituantes specifiques a Quebec, l'Ecole nationale d'administration publique et l'Institut national de la recherche scientifique. Aces activites, I'Universite du Quebec ajoute 137 L'Enseignement Superielr aujourd'hui celIes dont elIe a pris la responsabilite, it la de­ mande du ministere de l'Education, dans le Nord-ouest du Quebec et dans la region de l'Outaouais et par lesquelles ene poursuit principalement une oeuvre de formation et de perfec­ tionnement des enseignants. L'implantation rapide des constituantes de l'Universite du Quebec a eu comme effet de desequilibrer le developpement des autres universites; elle a eu surtout l'effet d'offrir des ser­ vices universitaires it des regions qui en etaient jusqu'alors depourvues (ou insuffisamment pourvues dans le cas de Mont­ real), et de favoriser la scolarisation universitaire du secteur francophone de la societe. acroissement massif des effectifs etudiants

Tandis que de 1962-63 it 1970-71 le nombre total d'etudiants it temps complet doublait dans le secteur anglophone, passant de 11,727 it 21,548 etudiants, le8 effectifs francophones tri­ plaient. A vrai dire, la croissance des effectifs du secteur fran­ cophone se poursuivait regulierement au cours de la decennie '60, tandis que le secteur anglophone accusait une stagnation it partir de 1968-69. Au total, de 1962-63 it 1970-71, le nombre total d'etudiants a temps complet de l'enseignement regulier passait pour l'ensemble du Quebec de 24,631 it 56,429. Le tableau I donne les effectifs it temps complet, a quatre ans d'intervalle, par secteur linguistique et par niveau d'etu­ des. Ces chiffres indiquent la stabilisation recente des effectifs anglophones, ainsi que la disparition du niveau collegial sur les campus francophones avec l'effort parallele considerable de scolarisation it tous les cycles universitaires dans le secteur francophone. Ces tendances semblent devoir se poursuivre encore au moins quelques annees dans les deux secteurs linguistiques. Le mouvement de croissance des effectifs etudiants a ete plus net encore en ce qui concerne les etudiants a temps partiel de l'enseignement regulier. De 1964-65 a 1970-71 seule­ ment, leurs effectifs quadruplaient passant de 14,400 a 55,000, avec une croissance plus marquee dans le secteur francophone que dans le secteur anglophone. La decennie '60 affirmait ainsi l'importance de l'enseignement regulier it temps partiel, qui interessera bientOt un nombre plus eleve d'etudiants que l'enseignement it temps complet. 138 Germain Gauthier

Tableau I

Effectifs etudiants atemps complet par niveau d'etude et par secteur Iinguistique

1966·67 1970-n

Niveau collAgial Francophone ...... 4,847 422 Angiophone ...... 4,475 6,810

Total .•...... 9,322 7,232 ler cycle Francophone ...... 12,820 31,188 Anglophone .... '" .....••...... 11,449 11,539

Total...... 24,269 42,727

2e et 3e cycles Francophone ...... 2,288 4,036 Anglophone ...... •...... 2,285 2,434

Total. •...... 4,573 6,470

8'il est vrai que le nombre des inscriptions aux deuxieme et troisieme cycles caracterise le niveau scientifique d'une uni­ versite, on peut affirmer que les etablissements du Quebec ont fait d'importants progres dans la derniere decennie. Les progres etaient surtout sensibles dans le secteur francophone, oil le nombre de ces etudiants augmentait d'environ 80%, tandis qu'il n'augmentait que de 10% dans le secteur anglo­ phone. Pourtant, une disparite marquee demeurait en 1970-71 entre les deux secteurs linguistiques. Dans le secteur anglo­ phone, le nombre des etudiants gradues equivalait it 20% de celui des etudiants de premier cycle; du cote francophone, la proportion atteignait it peine 12%. En depit done d'une evo­ lution heureuse tout au long de la derniere decennie, les uni­ versites francophones accusaient, au debut des annees '70, un important retard par rapport aux etablissements anglophones, pour l'ensemble des etudes de deuxieme et troisieme cycles. La presence it McGill d'importants contingents d'etudiants etrangers n'explique pas, seule, cette situation; l'allocation d'importantes ressources financieres et humaines it l'ensei­ gnement du premier cycle, la faiblesse numerique et la "jeu­ nesse scientifique" relative des universitaires canadiens-fran- 139 L'Enseignement Supitriew

~ais, l'absence d'effort collectif en matiere de recherche du cOte francophone sont autant de causes d'une situation qui exigera dans la decennie '70 la mise en oeuvre d'importants correctifs.

En ce qui concerne les inscriptions par discipline, on note la stabilite des effectifs du secteur anglophone, particulierement en Arts et Lettres, en sciences appliquees et en sciences de la sante; toutefois, les sciences pures y accusent une certaine desaffection, tandis que les sciences humaines et sociales y manifestent leur vogue recente. Du cote francophone, tous les secteurs sont en croissance, particulierement les lettres et les sciences humaines et sociales; les sciences appliquees, seules, temoignent d'une stagnation qui, en fait, n'est qu'apparente: elle est due au transfert des cours de niveau collegial des uni­ versites dans les colleges.

Globalement, la scolarisation universitaire des populations feminines, bien qu'encore faible, a eu tendance a se redresser durant les annees '60. Si, en 1970, il y avait du cote franco­ phone une fille pour 2.9 hommes au premier cycle, il n'y en avait plus qu'une pour 3.9 au deuxieme, et une pour 5.1 au troisieme. Du cote anglophone, les proportions etaient d'une filles pour deux hommes au premier cycle, une pour 2.6 hommes au deuxieme, et une pour 9.4 au troisieme. Notons par ailleurs que si l'equilibre des sexes a tendance a se retablir len­ tement du cote francophone, il semble se deteriorer dans le secteur angl0phone, surtout aux niveaux des deuxieme et troi­ sieme cycles. implantation massive des enseignements non-professionnels

La decennie '60 a vu les developpements sectoriels les plus marques, si l'on prend le critere du nombre des diplomes, dans les secteurs des sciences pures, des lettres et des sciences hu­ maines. Les universites, qui comptaient le gros de leurs diplo­ mes en genie, en droit et en merlecine, ont re~u des contingents de plus en plus eleves d'etudiants dans les enseignements non­ professionnels. Le tableau 11 en fait foi, dans le cas des diplo­ mes de premier cycle.

La production de diplomes en sciences appliquees n'a pro­ gresse que de 80 % au premier cycle du secteur francophone. 140 Germein Gauthier

Tableau 11

AUllmentation en pourcentalle des dlpl6mes de premier cycle de 1960 a 1970, par secteur d'etude et par secteur linlluistique

Secteur Secteur francophone anglophonl

Sciences de la santA ...... 115% 227% Sciences de la nature ...... 483% 174% Sciences appliquEes ...... 80% 23% Sciences humaines et sociales ...... 426% 497% Arts et I ettres ...... 637% 989%

Celle des diplomes de niveau gradue a toutefois augmente de 750% ; il convient de noter que cette hausse spectaculaire est temperee par le fait que la situation en 1960 etait particuliere­ ment affligeante, les facultes de sciences appliquees se con­ tentant alors de la production d'ingenieurs de premier niveau.

Alors que la proportion des diplomes du secteur franco­ phone augmentait regulierement au niveau du premier cycle, elle diminuait nettement au niveau du deuxieme, passant de 72 a 60 % du nombre total des diplomes de maitrise de 1960 a 1970 et elle ne croissait que faiblement, de 38 a 42 %, au niveau du troisieme. Ces tau x sont certes affectes par l'ouverture de l'Universite du Quebec qui, a la toute fin de la decennie, est venue accroitre les effectifs du premier cycle francophone, contribuant ainsi a la deterioration provisoire et relative du rapport "effectifs gradues/effectifs totaux". 11 n'en reste pas moins que la production de diplomes de deuxieme et particulie­ rement de troisieme cycle reste proportionneIlement inferieure a celle du secteur anglophone, eu egard aux populations re spec­ tives des deux groupes linguistiques.

La disparition recente des ecoles normales quebecoises, au nombre de plus de cent il y a dix ans, et la prise en charge de la formation des maitres par les universites auront une influ­ ence considerable sur la repartition interne des etudiants entre differents types de programmes de formation. 11 est prevu que dans certains cas, les programmes de formation de maitres interesseront plus de vingt pourcent des etudiants. McGill Uni­ versity, pour sa part, a deja assume sur son campus principal la formation des maitres catholiques et protestants de langue anglaise. 141 L'Enseignement Superieur bourgeonnement de la recherche

Si l'on en juge par l'evolution des octrois consentis aux uni­ versites du Quebec, on peut affirmer que la recherche y a connu un developpement spectaculaire au cours des annees '60. Ces fonds sont en effet passes d'une dizaine de millions de dol­ lars en 1962-63, a pres de 38 millions en 1970-71. Plus notable encore que la croissance des budgets globaux de recherche a ete I'evolution de leur repartition entre les univer­ sites du Quebec. Au debut de la decennie, l'universite McGill absorbait entre les deux tiers et les trois quarts des sommes globales consacrees ici a la recherche universitaire; bien que ses subventions aient nettement augmente, s'elevant aujour­ d'hui a quinze millions de dollars environ, leur croissance est inferieure a celle enregistree dans les universites de langue fran~aise. Les subventions a l'Universite Laval et a l'Univer­ site de Montreal, chacune d'un peu plus d'un million en 1962-63, s'elevaient a pres de neuf millions a chacune en 1970-71. Sher­ brooke re~oit aujourd'hui pres de trois millions de dollars, contre moins d'un quart de million dans la premiere moitie de la decennie. L'Universite du Quebec a mis sur pied des infra­ structures qui lui permettront de developper ses activites au cours des annees '70. Au total, les universites francophones recevaient en 1970-71 pres de 23 millions de dollars, contre it peine plus de quatre millions six ans plus tot. Il reste cependant beau coup a faire en ce domaine dans la plupart des universites du Quebec. Deux problemes retiennent surtout l'attention: la faiblesse relative de la recherche d'equi­ pes, d'une part, et l'inegalite de developpement des differentes universites. En depit de l'augmentation des subventions au cours des dernieres annees, la situation n'est pas satisfaisante, meme dans des institutions plus que cinquantenaires. Elle est le fruit de politiques passees dont on conteste aujourd'hui l'op­ portunite; elle ne pourra etre corrigee que par un effort syste­ matique de developpement. L'origine des fonds de recherche a tendance a se diversifier. L'evolution notable a ce sujet a ete l'entree en scene du gouver­ nement provincial. Il y a dix ans, ses contributions directes it la recherche universitaire etaient negligeables. En 1970-71, elles s'elevent a plus de sept millions de dollars et representent 19% de l'ensemble des subventions de recherche. Si l'on ajoute a cette somme les contributions indirectes consenties par le canal du ministere de l'Education a meme les budgets normaux 142 Germain Gauthier de fonctionnement et d'investissement, on peut affirmer que le gouvernement provincial assume dans le financement de la recherche universitaire des responsabilites au moins egales a celles du gouvernement federal. Bien plus, par sa volonte, encore maladroitement exprimee mais reelle, d'assurer le deve­ loppement des differents secteurs scientifiques, i! apparait au seui! des annees '70 que le gouvernement quebecois contribuera plus a l'avenir que le gouvernement federal a la planification de la recherche universitaire. L'evolution de l'encadrement administratif de la recherche s'est generalement presentee en trois phases. Dans un premier temps, oil l'enseignement de deuxieme et troisieme cycles ainsi que la fonction recherche etaient peu developpes, l'encadrement a ce niveau etait unique, et surtout de niveau departemental. Dans un deuxieme temps, le developpement des etudes avan­ cees a provoque la creation d'un cadre particuIier: a McGill, le "Committee on Graduate Studies", cree des 1907 pour devenir en 1923 la "Faculty of Graduate Studies"; it Laval, l'Ecole des gradues, creee en 1939 pour la Faculte des sciences et, en 1940, pour l'ensemble de l'universite. Enfin, dans un troisieme temps et it une date tres recente, le developpement de la recherche a pris une importance telle que la plupart des universites ont dissocie l'enseignement aux cycles superieurs de l'enseignement de premier cycle et cree une structure particuliere pour les activites de recherche. C'est ainsi que plusieurs universites ont cree le poste de vice-recteur it la recherche, generalement appuye d'un comite ou d'une commission consultative et d'un service technique: l'Universite Laval et I'Universite de Montreal ont cree un tel poste en 1968, l'Universite de Sherbrooke en 1969; pour sa part, l'Universite du Quebec, des sa fondation en 1969, se dotait, tant au siege social que dans ses constituantes, de structures semblables. evolution du statut des etablissements Toutes les universites du Quebec possedent des chartes civiles qui ne font aucune reference les unes aux autres. Pen­ dant longtemps les universites ont exerce leurs responsabilites publiques selon des modalites propres it chacune, sans concer­ tation reelle, sans objectifs communs; la variabilite des objec­ tifs universitaires s'expliquait largement par le defaut de l'Etat de definir pour l'enseignement superieur des objectifs globaux. 143 L'Enaeignement Supiriew

Le role social des universites quebecoises s'est transforme au cours des recentes annees, alors que ces etablissements passaient d'un statut de type prive a un statut de type public. Cette evolution progressive s'est accompagnee, du cote franco­ phone, de I'abandon par l'Eglise de la plupart des responsabi­ lites qu'elle exer~it directement, jusqu'au milieu des annees '60, dans le domaine de l'enseignement superieur; du cote anglophone, l'influence des eglises avait ete abandonnee il y a quelques decennies. C'est ainsi que les universites plus anciennes de Laval et de Montreal ont voulu marquer, dans des chartes nouvelles, en 1970 pour la premiere et en 1967 pour la seconde, la double transformation dont il vient d'etre question. L'Universite du Quebec, pour sa part, recevait en 1968 une charte qui la dotait des caracteres d'un etablissement de type public, tant par le mode de nomination des personnes, appelees a sa direction, que par la diversite de provenance de ces memes personnes. On peut aujourd'hui tirer de l'examen de la charte et des statuts de chacune des universites que les etablissements d'en­ seignement superieur se reconnaissent et se sont vu reconnai­ tre par les divers corps sociaux une responsabilite publique. Ces chartes et statuts ne different que snr des points d'impor­ tance secondaire, concernant les modalites de fonctionnement des etablissements plus que le role qui leur est devolu dans la societe quebecoise. Le caractere public de tous ces etablisse­ ments est annuellement confirme par l'octroi de subventions gouvernementales qui constituent la plus grande partie de leurs ressources. Il n'existe aucune difference essentielle dans le satut des differentes universites; on ne peut donc parler au Quebec de coexistence d'un reseau prive et d'un reseau d'Etat, mais hien d'un reseau unique d'universites puhliques. Comme dans tous les milieux universitaires, le monde etu­ diant a subi des transformations profondes et a manifeste ces dernieres de fa~on assez tapageuse, a l'occasion de la subli­ mation de prohlemes sociaux proprement quehecois. Il a reclame et ohtenu un droit de participation aux processus de planification et de gestion de l'universite a tous les niveaux. Apres la desintegration de leurs organes syndicaux, les etu­ diants ont reussi a s'assurer une participation a la vie interne des departements universitaires et des programmes de forma­ tion, c'est-a-dire au niveau ou leur interet et leurs preoccupa­ tions s'inserent plus immediatement. 144 Germain Gauthler intervention de I' etat dans I' enseignement superieur Les activites des etablissements d'enseignement superieur au Quebec ont connu durant la decennie '60 une croissance im­ pressionnante. Pour fin d'illustration, mentionnons que de 1962-63 a 1970-71, alors que les effectifs etudiants augmen­ taient d'un facteur 2.3, les depenses universitaires de fonction­ nement augmentaient d'un facteur 4.3 et les subventions gouvernementales de fonctionnement etaient multipliees par un facteur 7.1, ces dernieres passant de 20 millions a 143 millions de dollars (et a 205 millions en 1972-73). Peitchinis' a evalue que les depenses totales de fonction­ nement des universites du Quebec, de 1960 a 1970, avaient augmente de 304%, alors que pour I'ensemble des universites canadiennes la moyenne de l'augmentation pour dix ans etait de 494 %. Toutefois, au niveau des depenses par etudiant, l'augmentation quebecoise pour la meme periode etait de 129%, en comparaison de 127% pour l'ensemble du Canada. Le Quebec aurait ainsi garde la meme position relativement a l'en­ semble canadien; la faiblesse relative de l'augmentation de la depense totale sera it due a l'augmentation plus lente des ef­ fectifs etudiants, celle-ci etant elle-meme due a la disparition de la premiere annee universitaire au profit des nouveaux colleges d'enseignement general et professionnel. Cette hypo­ these est confirmee par l'augmentation des depenses dans le secteur post-secondaire non-universitaire qui a augmente de 617% au cours de la meme decennie (passant de 23 a 168 millions), par comparaison a une augmentation canadienne de 581%. L'ampleur de l'effort consenti d'une province a l'autre du Canada en faveur de l'enseignement post-secondaire doit se mesurer, entre autres, aux sources de revenus possibles. Il a ete ainsi calcule par Peitchinis que les couts totaux de l'ensei­ gnement post-secondaire representaient, en 1970, 3.2 % des revenus particuliers au Quebec et 3.1 % de ces derniers pour l'ensemble du Canada. Financierement, la decennie des annees '60 a donc surtout ete marquee au Quebec par I'effort public pour I'implantation du niveau collegial, tout en permettant au niveau universitaire de garder sa place relative dans l'ensemble canadien. La fraction du revenu national affectee a l'enseigne­ ment post-secondaire a augmente au cours des annees '60. Il est prevu que cette fraction augmentera encore au cours des prochaines annees, meme s'il apparait des signes de plus en 146 L'Ensai!Jll"'*lt Sup6riew plus evidents que son augmentation ne se fera pas au meme rythme. Ainsi, depuis quelques annees, le gouvernement du Quebec propose des subventions de plus en plus serrees en faveur des universites et impose des contraintes budgetaires selon des criteres qui sont malheureusement encore inegale­ ment definis et inegalement acceptes. Au seui! des annees '70, le controle de l'emballement des couts et l'intervention crois­ sante du ministere de l'Education dans le domaine de l'adminis­ tration universitaire creait dans les universites des tensions internes qui ne seront pas rapidement resorMes. En 1971-72, les pouvoirs publics queMcois prenaient en char­ ge 80 % environ des depenses de fonctionnement des universi­ tes. D'abord simple pourvoyeur de subventions, le gouverne­ ment affirmait son interet en creant dans le cadre du minis­ tere de l'Education sa Direction generale de l'enseignement superieur, des 1964, puis en se faisant le maitre d'oeuvre de la fondation de l'Universite du Quebec, en 1968, et en mettant sur pied a la meme epoque le Consei! des universites. Cette intervention se developpa spontanement. Pour l'etayer, point de conception particuliere de l'enseignement superieur, point de politique globale; seulement quelques points de repere, relevant d'une certaine idee de l'Etat, ou parfois du simple sens commun. Elle fut, evidemment, tres diversement accueillie. Tous, pourtant, appellent la planification de l'enseignement superieur, qu'ils la jugent necessaire, ou qu'ils la voient ineluc­ table, meme si son elaboration immediate est prematuree. C'est pour donner malgre tout au developpement de l'ensei­ gnement superieur, et en particulier it l'intervention des pou­ voirs publics, des bases realistes, connues, et si possible accep­ tees par le milieu universitaire, que le Conseil des universites a lance avec l'accord du ministre de l'Education une double entreprise de planification, tandis que le ministere lui-meme prenait charge d'operations sectorielles. Le Conseil des universites prevoit, apres dix-huit mois de travail, soumettre deux rapports a l'automne 1972: l'un con­ sacre a la definition des objectifs generaux de l'enseignement superieur au Quebec pour les annees '70, l'autre proposant les lignes principales du developpement de chaque universite au cours des prochaines annees, apres consultation de chacune d'elles. Pour sa part, le ministere de l'Education, par la pre­ paration de "plans sectoriels" deja lancee en sciences appli­ quees et en sciences de la sante, veut prevoir pour l'ensemble 148 Germain Gauthier des etablissements les ressources humaines, physiques et finan­ cieres dont ils devront disposer pour repondre adequatement, mais economiquement, aux besoins quantitatifs et qualitatifs du milieu. Il va sans dire que de teUes operations, auxquelles collaborent tres etroitement universitaires et universites, produiront un effort plus rationnel de l'enseignement superieur au service de la societe quebecoise, au moment oil, dans quelques univer­ sites, les moyens disponibles depassent les besoins immediats du milieu regional d'autrefois. conclusion

En guise de conclusion, il vaut la peine de souligner les pro­ gres de la notion de reseau organique d'etablissements. Afin de permettre aux etablissements d'enseignement superieur de situer mieux leur action et leur developpement, il semble se preciser un certain modele qui, base sur les traditions et les besoins nouveaux du Quebec, reliera les organismes et les insti­ tutions publiques entre eux. Aux universites, il sera propose vraisemblablement de se definir nettement comme des agents de developpement social pour la decennie '70. C'est ainsi que le reseau des etablissements d'enseignement superieur devrait repondre aux besoins de l'ensemble de la societe quebecoise. Dans ce reseau, se distinguent en pratique deux secteurs, l'un francophone, l'autre anglophone, au service de deux com­ munautes linguistiques. L'orientation du reseau, de chaque secteur linguistique et de chaque etablissement, doit tenir compte des besoins a long terme (dix ou quinze ans) et des ressources existantes (campus actuels, developpement phy­ sique de chacun d'entre eux, ressources professorales disponi­ bles ...). Une parite de services universitaires entre les secteurs linguistiques doit etre recherchee le plus rapidement possible. On entend par parite le fait que les deux secteurs puissent offrir des services universitaires de qualite egale, a chacun des trois cycles de formation de meme qu'en recherche, et qu'a cette fin leurs ressources financieres respectives soient a peu pres proportionnelles a la population des groupes linguistiques correspondants. Chaque etablissement devrait se caracteriser non pas neces­ sairement par l'eventail complet des services universitaires, 147 L'Enaeignement Supltri8lW

que l'on doit rechercher plutot au niveau du reseau, mais par des caracteristiques scientifiques, pedagogiques et socio-cul­ turelles propres, acceptees par tous les elements de notre systeme d'enseignement superieur. Le gouvernement assumera la coordination et la coherence d'un reseau d'etablissements autonomes et concurrentiels, avec la participation des universites et d'un Conseil des universites conservant sa propre marge d'iniative et de liberte.

reference

1. S. G. Peitchinis, Financing Post-Secondary Education in Canada, Report Commissioned by the Council of Ministers of Education of Canada, 1971, p. 128.

'48 Paul Gallagher

Power and Participation in Educational Reform

For educational reform to be successful in the 60's, it was critical that government should play the dominant leadership role. After years of responding to periodic pressures from special interest groups, observed the Parent Commissioners, governments must accept responsibility for establishing pol­ icies and priorities and for rebuilding, co-ordinating and man­ aging in the public interest the entire educational system. At the same time, the Parent Commissioners urged leaders to govern in a style which would ensure for all Quebec citizens, through representative organizations, the opportunity to share in the policy-making processes and to be consulted in the management of their educational system. These two thrusts - aggressive central leadership and par­ ticipatory operation of a large and complex educational system - require a delicate balance. As a study of power and in­ fluence in an educational reform movement, this paper will examine the functional relationships between government and two of many important elements in the participatory ap­ paratus - the school commissions (which traditionally served as the dominant forces in public education), and the Superior Council of Education (which was established by the Legis­ lature to counterbalance excessive centralization and to encou­ rage participation) . the setting - pre-1960 Prior to the 1960's, Quebec education had been characterized by a lack of system. There was a complex array of schools at every level, some public, others private but state-supported, 149 Power and Participation still others operated directly by departments of the provincial government; in the public sector, Catholic and Protestant schools operated side by side but in isolation one from the other; a bewildering catalogue of legislation pertinent to one or other aspect of education existed in addition to a compre­ hensive Education Act. By design, the Legislative Assembly and the Cabinet stood aloof from educational issues - although the Secretary of State traditionally represented "education" in Cabinet, the central management of public education was left to a Super­ intendent of Public Instruction and to Roman Catholic and Protestant Committees of an inoperative Council of Public Instruction. In practice, the Superintendent of Public Instruc­ tion worked exclusively with the Roman Catholic Committee and his nominal subordinate, the Director of Protestant Educa­ tion, worked with the Protestant Committee for the develop­ ment of a distinctively Protestant educational sector. This Catholic-Protestant structure was further emphasized by the effective existence of two distinct Departments of Public Ins­ truction, neither giving nor expected to give strong central leadership. Public education had developed the characteristics of a decentralized structure over generations, with the central mechanisms providing little more than a paternal umbrella. Roman Catholic bishops, who formed one-half of the member­ ship of the Roman Catholic Committee, were concerned almost exclusively with the interests of the Church in education; members of the Protestant Committee offered encouragement and assistance from afar, but took pains not to dominate the Protestant schools. In the private sector and particularly at secondary and post­ secondary levels, institutions assumed wide discretionary powers in virtually all spheres including curricula, levels of instruction, and selection of teaching personnel. Annually, they made their presentations to the Superintendent of Public Ins­ truction for financial assistance and received support to the extent that the public coffers and private representations per­ mitted. Quite apart from the public and private sectors and the Superintendent of Public Instruction, several Departments of governments opened and operated schools to meet specific manpower needs identified by these branches of governments. The Parent Commissioners, after surveying the state of education in Quebec, understated the reality by referring to a "lack of coordination" in Quebec education. 150 Paul Gallagher first government initiatives

The first step toward greater centralization in education was the transferring, in 1961, to the Minister of Youth from the Superintendent of Public Instruction of all prerogatives with respect to the financing of public and private schooling at the elementary and secondary levels. By this single stroke which caused not more than a ripple of response from the population of Quebec in the first heady days of the Lesage era, a prQcess of centralization was begun by the Minister ac­ quiring control of one vital determinant of educational de­ velopment.

This one action had several major effects. It brought the financing of the largest part of Quebec education under direct scrutiny by an efficiency-oriented Cabinet and methodical Minister; it blunted any initiative the Roman Catholic and Protestant Committees may have wished to take; it started a movement toward reunification of the two distinct units of the Department of Public Instruction by providing the same financial regulations for both units.

By far the more dramatic move by the Lesage government was the establishment - also in 1961 - of a Royal Commis­ sion of Inquiry on Education to reexamine the pedagogical and administrative structures as well as the general orientation of Quebec education. The Parent Commission - with an original mandate to complete its study and report in an 1S-month period - took 5 years to complete a thorough study culmin­ ating in a series of general and specific recommendations which could serve as a blueprint for sUbstantial and compre­ hensive reform; at the same time, its activities aroused broad concern about educational issues within Quebec and served to focus on education as an arena of vital public importance. a minister of education

The critical proposal of the first volume of the Parent Report was that there should be a Minister and a Department of Education with responsibilities for the general coordination and management of all aspects of education in Quebec. Against a long-standing tradition of governmental laisser-aller and decentralization of education, recommendations of this scope and nature might well have been left to die. 151 Power and Participation

The Lesage government, however, was quick to introduce Bill 60, which differed only slightly from the Parent recom­ mendations. And, immediately, public reaction set in; Bill 60 was about to be blocked by heavy public pressure. The technique used to diffuse opposition to Bill 60 was in many respects as significant as the Bill itself. Paul Gerin­ Lajoie - the then Minister of Youth - embarked on a prov­ ince-wide tour and wrote Pourquoi le Bill 60? in an effort to allay fears and establish public confidence. Gerin-Lajoie held informal face-to-face meetings in school halls and church base­ ments with all segments of the population to provide reas­ surance that traditional educational values were not going to be disregarded; more important were the more formal but equally persuasive sessions with Church leaders whose re­ sponse to Bill 60 would clearly be a determining factor in its fate. The tour and the public discussions not only served to cool off opposition and bring government closer to the people; at the same time, they gave Gerin-Lajoie the opportunity to de­ termine what amendments would be necessary to obtain suf­ ficient public support without having to discard essential fea­ tures of the proposed legislation. When ecclesiastical author­ ities signaled no opposition to the Bill provided that it con­ tained a preamble addressing itself to the freedom of choice of individuals in education, Bill 60 was adopted by the Legis­ lature in short order. The Bill had sparked an intense and emotional educational debate but, in the final analysis, the action of aggressive, business-like governmental leadership received sufficient support in the House and throughout the Province. the superior council of education

To combat any claim that Bill 60 would produce a state-man­ aged educational system insensitive to the interests of the population, the Bill included provisions establishing a Superior Council of Education to serve as a top-level advisory body to the Minister of Education and as a counterbalance to techno­ cratic tendencies on the part of officials of the Department of Education. The 24 member Superior Council was given significant pre­ rogatives. It had direct access to the Minister, it included in its membership two Associate Deputy Ministers as key re- 152 Paul Gallagher

source persons, it had its own budget and secretariat. The Superior Council could hold public hearings, it was required to table publicly an annual report on the state and needs of education, and its advice was required prior to the adoption of any regulation (but not law) respecting education. With its Committees for Catholic and Protestant education, and its Commissions for each level of education, the Superior Council was a potentially powerful influence. The original composition of the Superior Council did much to give prestige to its activities. Chaired by Jean-Marie Martin of Laval University with David Munroe of McGill University and the Parent Commission as vice-president, the Superior Council had representation from every region of the province as well as a balance of membership on confessional and lin­ guistic lines. With dynamic leadership committed to the goals of the Parent Commission, the first members of the Superior Council of Education assumed their role with enthusiasm.

1he development of a department of education Upon the passage of Bill 60 in 1964, Gerin-Lajoie assumed the post of Minister of Education and organized a new De­ partment of Education formed not only of personnel of the previous Department of Youth and Department of Public Instruction but also by recruiting energetic people from uni­ versities and industry. The senior Deputy Minister was Arthur Tremblay who had shortly before authored a government report on technical education in Quebec and had sat as a member of the Parent Commission. To provide continuity with the "old" education in Quebec, Bill 60 called for the appointment of two associate deputy ministers, each with particular responsibilities for liaison with the Roman Catholic and Protestant Committees of the Superior Council of Education. In short order, Tremblay surrounded himself with able assistant deputy ministers, and directors general for each major branch of the new Department. With infrequent exception, Gerin-Lajoie quickly played an increasingly less prominent role in the development of public policy in education while Tremblay and his colleagues not only began to manage the educational system from a central posi­ tion but even served as spokesmen for new educational policy. Within six months of the passage of Bill 60, a forceful Depart- 163 Power and Participation ment of Education was solidly established while the Minister and Cabinet faded more from public view in matters of educa­ tion. The new Department of Education also represented a dis­ tinct break with tradition by functioning as a unified body which applied its directives and influence to both Roman Catholic and Protestant sectors and to both French-language and English-language schools. the school commissions

In the early 60's, no major change was visible with respect to the power and prerogatives of school commissions (boards). Care was taken not to arouse the ire of traditionally powerful local school commissioners in the early stages of reform. In 1961, the several items of legislation frequently referred to as the Magna Carta of Education - raising the age of uni­ versal school attendance to 15, providing funds to upgrade the quality of secondary school teaching, legislation enabling school commissions to cooperate for the provision of better and more economical service - did not pose as a threat to local school authorities; in fact they appeared to give school com­ missions even broader and more pronounced influence. The Parent Commission deplored the number of school com­ missions, over 1500 at the time of their study, the variety of legislation under which they operated, and their great dif­ ferences in territorial responsibilities; but they deferred their recommendations to their final volume which was only to appear in the middle of the decade. the style of participation

The years 1964-66 saw the introduction of a distinctive method of attempting to balance central leadership with wide­ spread participation; "planning committees" were formed at both provincial and local levels. Province-wide planning committees were established under the auspices of one or another branch of the Department of Education to deal with sensitive issues such as the reorganiza­ tion of teacher education and post-secondary education. The normal pattern saw such committees presided over by a senior official of the Department of Education and composed of re- 154 Paul Gallagher presentatives of various institutions and corps intermediaires with a stake in the aspect of the system to be "planned". Parents, teachers, university personnel, representatives of socio-economic groups, delegates of religious organizations and citizens at large were consulted in the reformation of educa­ tion. This opportunity to participate - indeed the public call for responsibility to participate - was a major factor supporting the new direction in education. Few groups felt left out of the planning process and, when they did, the composition of con­ sultative bodies was commonly modified to assure the broadest possible participation. Opportunity to express views, at the highest levels, was real. At the same time, planning committees were not particular­ ly effective instruments of reform. Their membership was fre­ quently too large and their meetings too infrequent to gain momentum; terms of reference were debated and redebated without measurable progress on substantive issues; since these bodies usually brought together persons of diverse in­ terests and priorities, and since each member represented an interest which he felt compelled to protect, it was rare that consensus was reached on anything but general principles. Yet, the Department of Education initiative in soliciting participation successfully sidetracked temptations on the part of power blocs to exert pressure to obtain special consider­ ations. When groups gave any indication of applying pressure to achieve their own goals, they were generally invited to par­ ticipate on an equal basis with other interested groups - and, with rare exceptions, they opted to participate rather than agitate from without. Provincial teacher associations reached the point of experiencing difficulty in finding candidates for all committees whose work they wished to influence; repre­ sentation from more remote sectors of the province was fre­ quently added to offset the impact of Montreal or Quebec­ based participants; care was taken to ensure the involvement of English-language interests. Most planning bodies were not mandated to work to a dead­ line. In fact, because of the practical problems they encoun­ tered, some simply passed out of existence before their ob­ jectives could be realized. The planning committees were useful "sounding boards", but they were largely unable to articulate plans. 155 Power and Participation department of education initiatives Despite the ineffectiveness of planning committees as de­ signers of reform, reform in many fields was effected through the energy and leadership of an ever-expanding Department of Education whose officials did not mistake participation for decision-making. Within two months of the establishment of the Department of Education, senior officials - with full and active support of the Minister of Education - launched the regionalization of secondary education. With the aid of a major press con­ ference in the Legislative Buildings at Quebec, all sectors of the province (except Montreal and Quebec) were urged to take advantage of a program to provide new and comprehen­ sive regional secondary schools with the promise of virtually no increase in school taxation and with the iron-clad as­ surances that existing school commissions would not be threat­ ened. Operation 55 - a program to create 55 regional school boards (as well as nine regional school boards for the Pro­ testant population) with responsibility for all public secondary education off the Island of Montreal and Quebec City - had been prepared with meticulous care. Suggested limits for each regional territory were mapped out by Department of Educa­ tion officials, but the population in each region was given opportunity to challenge and modify Department proposals; Department of Education "experts" were made available to every region; regional planning committees came into exist­ ence and tabled elaborate reports; Department publications were issued explaining step-by-step how to establish a regional school board and assuring that the greatest portion of the funding of new schools would come from the provincial treas­ ury and from federal sources, provided that regional boards were established quickly enough to take advantage of federal­ provincial agreements which were shortly to expire. Operation 55 was an unqualified success. All 64 boards were established in short order. Regional consultation had been ex­ tensive. Local school commissioners were reassured because elementary education remained under their jurisdiction. De­ partment of Education officials had redesigned secondary education in accordance with their pre-determined pattern. A major program of secondary school construction began. Equally illustrative of Departmental initiative is the man­ ner in which the first Regulation of the Department of Educa- 156 Paul Gallagher tion was adopted in May 1965 on the first anniversary of the formation of the Department. Regulation I was intended to modify substantially the char­ acter of elementary and secondary education. Yet, the School Development Planning Committee, whose major preoccupa­ tion was the reorganization of elementary and secondary schools, was consulted on issues related to the proposed regula­ tion but did not have opportunity to review or evaluate the text of the regulation in draft form. Members of the Superior Council of Education were dismayed; the Council was con­ sulted by the Deputy Minister prior to the promulgation of the regulation, as required by law, but it was given only two weeks for review and commentary - at the same time as sev­ eral other bodies were given the same opportunity. Members of the Council voiced their conviction that the Superior Council should have been given the task of reviewing the proposed regulation after it had been assessed by other consultative bodies, and they objected to the timetable which made it im­ possible to have the proposals reviewed seriously by its Com­ missions for Elementary and Secondary Education prior to the formal presentation of the Superior Council's own advice on such a critical issue. Despite all, the Council did debate the proposed regulation and forwarded comments and suggestions - but no substantial change was subsequently made. While the structural changes introduced through Regulation I received widest publicity, the regulation also introduced other subtle but profound changes. It called upon parents to par­ ticipate in elementary and secondary education, by becoming members of School Consultative Committees; it called upon the school personnel - teachers and principals - to take a more active role in individualizing the character of each school. Both measures weakened the influence of the school commission in policy-making, yet little adverse response from school commis­ sions resulted from the adoption of Regulation 1. participation to disenchantment

The mid-sixties in Quebec education were a period of ex­ citement and high activity. Several factors contributed, how­ ever, to decreasing popular enthusiasm for educational reform by 1966. All three volumes of the Parent Report had been tabled, with the last recommendations concerning administra­ tive structures for and financing of public education posing as 157 Pow.. .,d Pricipation a real tl1reat to the traditions of Quebec education. Public pro­ nouncements by the Minister and his senior officials calling for a reduction in the number of school commissions did little to obtain support from influential local school commissioners. The additional costs of the new secondary education began to be­ come visible to the school ratepayers. The unified Department of Education did little to reassure Protestants who feared assimilation and the loss of their traditional freedom to operate their schools quite independently. The frustration of participation without decision-making power became evident. More than symbolic was the plight of the members of the Superior Council of Education. The Council had gone to work quickly and had promptly seen to the establishment of its com­ ponent Committees and Commissions. Within a year, the total mechanism was operating smoothly and showed promise of being a truly representative advisory body able to give an informed and dispassionate opinion on most educational issues. The Council, the Committees, and the Commissions were able to attract top-quality persons to their membership and they set about their ongoing analysis of the state and needs of education with vigor. Two-day meetings were held monthly, sub-committees to study special issues were established, public hearings throughout the province were conducted with con­ sirable local and regional fanfare. Yet the Council faced dif­ ficulties from the start. Only the President and Vice-President were able to meet the Minister, and then only briefly and not more than once monthly. The Deputy Minister made only brief and fleeting visits to Council meetings, most frequently to obtain information rather than to act as a resource person. The Associate Deputy Ministers attended meetings regularly but were seldom able to table information requested by the Council membership. Council members feared that they were operating in isolation from the mainstream of reform. Such practical matters made little difference at the start. The Council produced a competent first annual report totally in support of reform by participation. It studiously avoided sharp criticism and adopted the posture of persuader on behalf of enlightened educational progress. With time and a feeling of less than full cooperation from the Minister and senior officials of the Department of Educa­ tion, however, the enthusiasm of Council members waned. At the same time, issues that could set the Council in opposition to Department technocrats arose after the initial period of calm accord. The Council undertook its own study of the 158 Paul Gallagher

effects of large regional secondary schooling, expressed reser­ vations about the new post-secondary institutions, addressed itself to inadequacies within higher education, called for action in the reform of teacher education, and drew attention to imperfections in the consultative process - all sensitive issues to Department officials. disenchantment to caution

The election campaigning of 1966 revealed what inroads educational issues had made in the public consciousness over a period of little more than 5 years. The Liberal Party cam­ paigned on its record of solid achievement in virtually every field since 1961 and promised more to come. The Union Nationale Party called for a deceleration of the pace of reform but focused criticism particularly upon educational issues. The role of the Deputy Minister, Arthur Tremblay, in the reformation of Quebec education came under special attack. Tremblay was portrayed by the Union Nationale as the real instigator of reform, as an opponent of Catholic schooling, and as the person responsible for the computerized tabulation of high school leaving results - a disastrous effort which had led to a massive public outcry with the Department of Educa­ tion as target. Union Nationale leadership promised that Trem­ blay would be replaced once they came to power. The Union Nationale did come to power, but Arthur Trem­ blay was not replaced. A minor shakeup and reorganization at senior levels of the Department of Education was effected and Tremblay's role became considerably less public, but no re­ direction of educational priorities resulted. Union Nationale policy was to usher in a period of pause in reform and a back­ staging of education while other issues assumed greater public prominence. Some consultative bodies continued to meet, the Department of Education continued to exert a strong central­ izing tendency without provoking controversy, and education entered a period of publicly proclaimed consolidation. Jean-Jacques Bertrand, Gerin-Lajoie's successor as Minister of Education, proceeded cautiously. He gave reassurances to school commissioners that they would be fully consulted in the reorganization of local administrative structures and went out of his way to confirm the importance of the role of the Superior Council of Education. As the mandates of the first members of the Council expired, he renamed most to a second 159 Pow. .,d Participation term of office and replaced others by equally competent and representative appointments. The Superior Council returned to its tasks with renewed spirit. caution to imposition

What did change in the late sixties were the methods used by various opponents to government and Department of Education centralization. Earlier successes of planning com­ mittees in deflating pressure by obtaining participation were infrequently repeated; more and more, large and increasingly militant pressure groups insisted on making their demands outside the mechanisms of representative participation. And the response of the Minister and officials of the Department was to meet pressure with pressure. The introduction of new formulas for the financing of public education at elementary and secondary levels served as the initial focal point for new approaches to decision-making. The early years of the decade had seen the government sponsor a massive capital expansion program particularly for secondary schools, but, by the late 60's, the problem of coping with sharply rising operating costs presented itself dramatically. In response, the Finance Division of the Department of Educa­ tion introduced a system for "normalizing" operating costs according to Department-established guidelines. A complicated budgetary and accounting system was imposed upon school commissions which had previously established their own pri­ orities and rates of local taxation. Department of Education officials were now to authorize local rates of taxation, to de­ fine what expenses would be "admissible" and thereby fully subsidized by provincial grants, and to insist that local com­ missions establish a surtax to defray "inadmissible" costs. The first response of school commissions to new financial regulations was timid as commissioners and their employees struggled to find their way through the maze of budgetary and accounting bureaucracy. Soon, however, the burden of inad­ missible expenses and the realization that the Department of Education was controlling local educational priorities through budgetary norms became major sources of disaffection for many school commissioners. Disaffection mounted even more clearly as the new regional boards for secondary education piled up major inadmissible expenses which had to be de­ frayed by a tax increase imposed by local school commissions 160 Paul Gallagher which served by law as the tax collection agencies for regional secondary boards. This confrontation between centralization of educational power, as represented by the Department of Education, and de­ centralization, as represented by local school commissions was clearly one-sided. No planning committees were established to ease tensions; no consultation with the Superior Council of Education took place; no major promotional campaign by either interest was launched; participatory management of the school system was set aside as officials of the Department of Education simply imposed their solution to financial problems. imposition to dominance

A second issue related to the financing of elementary and secondary education again altered the relationships between powers at the provincial level and those at local and regional levels. The new system of school commission budgeting revealed that the costs of salaries for teachers were the major oper­ ating expense facing school commissions, and that, as long as the number of teachers to be employed and their levels of salary were determined locally or region ally, these costs could not be controlled or systematized by the Department of Educa­ tion. As an extension, then, of school commission budget guide­ lines came the establishment - applicable throughout the province - of uniform pupil-teacher ratios for each level and type of school and the publication of Department of Education guidelines for school commissions in their negotiations with teachers for new salary schedules. The Department of Educa­ tion logically noted that salaries of teachers had to conform to centrally-established levels - rather than be the result of open negotiation locally or regionally - since such salaries were to be considered admissible expenses for purposes of school commission financing. The initial reaction of teacher syndicates to their loss of opportunity to negotiate freely was swift and forceful. Teach­ ers, who heretofore had cultivated the image of serious, not­ too-aggressive professionals, went on strike or organized "study sessions" in virtually every part of the province. Months of tension and disruption of the regular activity of schools followed, with no evident way both to get schools back to normal operation and to put an effective brake on school commission operating costs. 161 Pow. Ind Pawtlcipation

The dilemma was one which could not be resolved between teacher organizations - local, regional, or province-wide - and school commissions or their provincial federations. Nor could the Department of Education act on behalf of the provin­ cial government because the issues went well beyond educa­ tional concerns. Finally, the Government introduced legisla­ tion (Bill 25) to bring about at least a temporary resolution and an embittered return to school normalcy. Bill 25 was extraordinary in content and precedent setting in realigning the power bases in Quebec public education. It recognized as bargainer for the teachers, or partie 81/ndicale, three province-wide associations of teachers none of which had previously taken a front-line role in collective bargaining but had left this task to their local or regional components. Across the bargaining table, Bill 25 put all the school boards of the province together with representatives of the provincial gov­ ernment as the partie patronale. As preparations were made for a new round of negotiating teaching conditions to be applicable throughout the province, it became clear that the school board - government partner­ ship on the employer side of the table was hardly an alliance of equals. Gradually but systematically, government represent­ atives assumed the dominant role, and the impact of the school commission representatives declined. It was not long before many school commissioners came to realize that their tradi­ tional responsibility of determining working conditions for their teachers had effectively been withdrawn, initially by Department of Education budgetary guidelines and finally by the government-decreed system of collective bargaining with teachers. By 1969, school commissions had in fact become local or regional administrative units of the Department of Educa­ tion with almost no powers of any significance. During this same period, relations between the Superior Council of Education and the Minister of Education and his senior Departmental officials became strained. The Council's pubfic statements became more critical and impatient as it surveyed the state and needs of education. The Council found itself consulted less frequently by the Minister and more in conformity with the letter rather than the spirit of the legis­ lation by which it had been established. Finally, the mandate of the first president of the Council expired and his appoint­ ment was not renewed. A new Minister of Education, Jean-Guy Cardinal, appointed Leopold Garant, a much less visible and 162 Paul Gallagher less dynamic man, to the presidency: the Superior Council it­ self soon became a far less prominent force in educational re­ form. dominance to stalemate The replacement of representative participation and con­ sultative planning by increased centralization of educational decision-making by the Government and its Department of Education continued into the 1970's. However as group after group pressed the central authorities to accommodate its own priorities and balked at dominance from Quebec, the pace of reform slackened; Department of Education officials were prepared neither to compromise rational reform by giving in to special interests nor to encourage greater decentralization of basic decision-making. Decisions were simply set aside. The unified school board issue may serve as but one illus­ tration of decisions deferred. Since 1966 when the Parent Com­ mission recommended that confessional school commissions be replaced by unified bodies established on geographic lines, suc­ cessive Governments have attempted to translate these re­ commendations into legislation. A partial reorganization of ad­ ministrative structures for public schooling off the Island of Montreal - but not unified school commissions - was achieved by legislation in 1972 (Bill 27) but the much more contentious atmosphere on the Island of Montreal itself has militated against major reforms where they seem most neces­ sary. On three occasions, forms of legislation to reorganize school administration in Montreal have been introduced, debated pub­ licly and passionately, and then found wanting of adequate public support. In 1968, the Department of Education tried to marshal sup­ port for administrative reform in Montreal schools through representative consultation on the issue. A special Commission was established, representation was carefully worked out, a precise mandate was drawn up, deadlines were set in advance. The technique was unsuccessful. The members were clearly disunited; spokesmen for different blocs were unable or un­ willing to give ground; a shortage of time as well as political tensions in the province militated against cohesion within the Commission. Finally, the unprecedented phenomenon of a Commission majority report submerged by a series of min- 163 Power and Participation ority reports was exposed to the public and to the Department of Education. Even the Chairman, a Department of Education appointee, publicly disavowed the majority position. Subsequent efforts on the part of Government to modify Montreal's school administrative structures took advantage of other mechanisms but the results were no different. New legis­ lation was drafted within the Department of Education, an­ alyzed and evaluated by the Cabinet, and then tabled in the National Assembly; draft legislation was channeled to the Education Committee of the National Assembly where repre­ sentations were made by interested parties. Government lead­ ers in Education Committee hearings were no more successful than had senior Department of Education officials been in the past. Power blocs stood their ground; debate was lively but polarized. School administrative structures in Montreal remained as they had been for generations. conclusions

The 1960's saw genuine and substantial reforms take place in Quebec education, but a balance of central leadership with widespread participation cannot take credit for the advances made. Initially, it was action by a new and dynamic govern­ ment which launched the reforms against a history of popular lethargy and indifference to educational issues. Initiatives by government were soon replaced by leadership from senior of­ ficials of the Department of Education who first gave impetus to broad participatory involvement but then assumed an al­ most exclusive prerogative in basic policy formulation. With the disintegration of the consultative processes, opposition from key power blocs to the centralizing tendencies of Depart­ ment of Education officials effectively thwarted further re­ form of substance but no swing to a more decentralized educa­ tional system was in evidence at the beginning of the 1970's. Throughout the decade, the government and its senior of­ ficials exercised not only leadership but control of the direction of Quebec education. In contrast, school commission author­ ity and prerogatives were whittled away gradually but sys­ tematically and the Superior Council of Education, a promis­ ing creature of the reform movement, served as a useful and constructive consultative mechanism only as long as it did not blunt the thrust of the Minister of Education and his senior officials. 164 Paul Gallagher

On the one hand, the prospects for greater balance between central leadership and widespread participation do not appear promising. The 1970's have opened with a clear struggle for supremacy between the Government/Department of Educa­ tion forces and the teacher associations in their alliance with labour interests - but both groups have been strongly central­ ist in tendency and intent. School boards established under Bill 27 might appear to be influences for decentralization, but their powers are severely limited in comparison to those of the Department of Education. The establishment of regional bureaus of the Department of Education has served more to add another level to the central bureaucracy than to decrease the concentration of power in Quebec. A sense of powerlessness to effect change on a local or regional level, without sanction from the Department of Education, has become widespread. Yet, the 1970's have seen a gradually more pronounced call for a redirection of attention from educational structures to human dimensions in education. Many see the frictions of the 1960's as inevitable consequences of redesigning an educational system from top to bottom, and they point to the fact the system has now largely been redesigned - and that it is only now possible to make quality of education a preoccupation and priority. Guy Saint-Pierre, who left the post of Minister of Education amidst the Montreal Island school board controversy in 1972, spoke frequently about the need to concentrate on the processes rather than the structures of education. His suc­ cessor, Fran~ois Cloutier, has pursued the same course. Should such a redirection be possible despite the struggles between centralist forces, the prospects for greater balance in educa­ tional decision making seem considerably brighter.

165 Robert E. Lavery

Changes in the Teaching Profession

The past decade witnessed a great number of changes in the teaching profession in Quebec. Numbers increased, qualifica­ tions improved, and there was a trend toward the laicization of the profession. Teachers now enjoy security, salaries, fringe benefits, rights of consultation, and working conditions that were only dreamed of by their predecessors in the fifties. Yet there remains a deepening malaise in the profession. Some of the factors contributing to this malaise were the recom­ mendations of the Parent Report, changes in the character­ istics of the teaching force, centralization of negotiations and its impact on teacher organization, financial stress, and the rapid bureaucratization of the Department of Education. A brief consideration of these factors may give some insight into the present status and future direction of the profession in the Province. the parent report There is no denying that, for its time, the Parent Report represented a promising blueprint for genuine reform in public education in Quebec. Nevertheless, when the Commis­ sioners came to the topic of the teaching profession in their fifth volume, there appears a total lack of originality. Throughout the first four volumes there is a reiteration of the theme of the importance of the teacher in the proposed re­ forms but in the fifth volume, the tone is condescending, even patronizing, and chapter XII could have been written by any paternalistic administrator of the preceding decades.' No­ where in the Report does one detect an empathy for the power- 166 Ro"ert E. Lavery ful discontent of teachers. For example, in their treatment of the idea of a profession, the Commissioners quote the charac­ teristics of a profession as set forth in an N.E.A. publication of 1948, years before that body became the militant teachers' organization that it was in 1966 and is today. There was no recognition of the conditions impelling teachers' associations, in Quebec no less than in the United States, to stress what they claimed to be their rights over what management had tra­ ditionally cited to be their responsibilities.' In the fifth volume, the Commissioners made nine recom­ mendations; that elementary and secondary school teachers belong to the same organization; that there be a code of ethics; that teachers be officially represented at all levels; that salary negotiations be at the provincial level; that salary be the same regardless of sex or civil status; that teachers have better tenure; that teachers help formulate teacher train­ ing programs; that one per cent of teacher salaries be ear­ marked for staff development; that the minimum pension be $2,000. These recommendations appear not so much to arise from the prose preceding them in the chapter as to re­ flect what the Commissioners perceived the teachers to want and what seemed, by and large, harmless to recommend. The recommendations do not appear to add up to the global recom­ mendation that teachers be trusted as other responsible, professional adults in society generally are. changes in the teaching force Meanwhile, changes which were taking place in the teaching profession elsewhere had their parallel in Quebec. In sheer numbers, the profession grew from 54,000 in 1963 to 71,000 in 1971, an increase of 30%. But the changes in quality were no less significant. In 1963, 83% of the teachers in the Province had less than fifteen years of education; in 1971, only 44% of the teachers were in this category. This up­ grading of qualifications was accompanied by a rise in ex­ perience; in 1963, 42% of the teachers in the Province had less than five years' experience and by 1971 this had dropped to 18%.8 The proportion of the total teaching force which was com­ posed of members of religious orders declined in less than a decade from 38 % in 1960 to 14 % in 1967.' During the same period there was a slight decline in the per cent of male teach- 167 Changes in the Teaching Profession ers (from 31 % to 28%) even though the actual number of male teachers doubled. There are no data on the average age of the teaching force, but it certainly dropped in the past decade, and the new recruits were more in tune with the themes of democratization and participation than their predecessors, as well as more confident of their competence. teacher organization

The most salient development in the profession in the past decade has been its rapid and universal unionization. While in 1959 there were few associations of teachers holding labor certificates, in 1972 there was virtually no association which was not unionized. In 1959 two or three large city organiza­ tions negotiated with the large boards in Montreal and Quebec City and 1,500 other small boards dictated policy more or less unilaterally to the remaining 20,000 unorganized teachers. Today, three monolithic provincial organizations of teachers negotiate together across a common table with the Provincial government, with representatives of school board associations in attendance. The three teacher organizations are: La Corporation des Enseignants du Quebec (CEQ), comprising about 70,000 teach­ ers, including some English-speaking teachers employed by Catholic boards; the Provincial Association of Protestant Teachers (PAPT), comprising about 7,100 English teachers, including some Catholic teachers employed by Protestant boards; and the Provincial Association of Catholic Teachers (PACT), comprising about 5,600 English-speaking teachers employed by Catholic boards. While the three parent bodies negotiate a framework agree­ ment at the Provincial level, ninety-six local associations sign agreements with their respective boards. All teachers in the Province pay fees to the provincial organizations by virtue of the acts incorporating these organizations; these fees range from a flat forty dollars to one and one-half per cent of salary, relatively modest amounts compared with many large industrial unions. The CEQ employs forty-seven full-time professional staff; P APT six, and PACT three. One of the major difficulties com­ mon to all these organizations both at the provincial and local levels, is the establishment of a cadre of leaders with long­ range commitment to the organization. Previous leaders have 168 Robert E. Lavery gone on to careers in the provincial government, school boards, universities, and politics. It is probably safe to say that none of the present professional staff has ten years' experience in the organization he works for, and nearly as safe to say that few of the present leaders will be with their organizations ten years hence. Marc Lapointe, a leading Iabor lawyer with over thirty years of experience with teacher unions in several provinces, finds this one of the greatest weaknesses of the movement. He believes that unions will remain relatively powerless until they have a stable group of leaders who un­ derstand the distribution of power and who have acquired experience in negotiations and tactics.s

development of syndicalism Untn the late fifties, the organizations were not particularly militant and did not have the right to strike. However, in 1960, the Federation of English-Speaking Catholic Teachers and the Alliance des Professeurs de Montreal signed a collective agree­ ment with the Montreal Catholic School Commission. In addi­ tion to introducing salary schedules based on qualifications and experience, this agreement included articles on pupil­ teacher ratios, sick leave bank, insurance, consultation and appeal mechanisms, and provided leave of absence and security for teachers to work full-time on union affairs. This agreement rapidly became a model for others in the Province. More importantly, the full-time staff released by the agree­ ments now had time to elaborate upon them, to prepare for the next round of negotiations, and to become involved in the agitation for the right to strike. Teacher unions proliferated over the next four years and contributed to the build-up of the central bodies. Two events of immense importance to teachers occurred in 1964. The first was the creation of the Department of Educa­ tion with the passage of Bill 60. The second was the amend­ ment to the Labor Code giving teachers the right to strike. Between July I, 1960 and May I, 1969, twenty-one of the twenty-six teachers strikes in Canada occurred in Quebec! In the beginning, when the unions negotiated with local boards, the strike was an effective bargaining weapon. But as teach­ ers' salaries rose, boards repeatedly had to turn to the newly­ created Department of Education for help in meeting their increasing costs. Initially the Department's response was a 169 Changes in the Teaching Profession flexible one. It made general rules governing what a board could be expected to spend. Expenses outside those norms were termed "inadmissible". If the board could not meet its costs within these limits it was allowed to impose a surtax of 10% of the normal tax rate on property for the inadmissible por­ tion of its expenditures. If it still could not meet the costs, then the Department undertook to pay one half of the balance remaining. In the short span of five years, the Government's contribution to the costs of schooling rose from 30% of 237.7 million dollars in 1959-60 to 51 % of 509 million in 1964-65 and continued to rise until it amounted to 964.3 million in 1970-71.' In June 1966, many collective agreements between Catholic teachers and their boards expired. The powerful trend-setters, the Federation of English-Speaking Catholic Teachers and l'Alliance des Professeurs de Montreal began negotiations with the Montreal Catholic School Commission. In October of that year, the Minister of Education, J ean-Jac­ ques Bertrand, announced, seemingly out of the blue, that norms would go into effect placing a ceiling on teacher salaries, and that school commissions were required to submit salary offers to the Department of Education for approval. Departmental approval would also be required before going to arbitration. Any financial over-commitment on the part of school boards would have to be financed by an increase in property taxes. The net effect of these decisions by the gov­ ernment was to render negotiation between boards and unions meaningless. bill 25 By December, 9,000 Montreal Catholic Teachers decided to strike and their lead was soon followed by teachers else­ where. About 13,000 teachers were involved, affecting almost 300,000 children. The Protestant teachers could not legally strike but joined their colleagues in protest. In the face of this massive opposition, on February 17th, the Government acted by passing "An Act to Ensure for Children the Right to an Education and to Institute a New Schooling Agreement Plan," better known as Bill 25. The aims of the Bill were: to force striking teachers to return to the classrooms, to remove the right to strike until June 30,1968, to establish a province-wide salary scale, and to prepare the way for bargaining at the provincial level. The parties, on one side were the Govern­ ment, the Federation of Catholic School Commissions and the 170 Robwt E. Lavery

Quebec Association of Protestant School Boards, and on the other side, the three Provincial teachers' associations. The school boards appeared content with this removal of their own right to negotiate, perhaps not knowing, or not concerned, that the cherished value of local control of education would be passing into the mists of history. The teachers' organizations, as well, were subject to con­ siderable change following this legislation. The previously strong local associations had to adapt to a subservient role as the negotiating process was centralized. A wave of apathy fol­ lowed these events and teachers began to sense that some.. thing profound had happened to the profession. It had. They were now civil servants. This new status was officially con­ firmed four years later, in July 1971, with the passage of Bill 82 amending the Civil Service Act to include those in positions " ... in any body when, by law, the government is a party to the negotiation of provisions of collective agree­ ments ..." The Superior Council of Education dealt with the problem of teacher unrest in its typically muted wayS and the Govern­ ment embarked on an expensive "information" campaign with which it intended to convince the public that Bill 25 would usher in " . . . a peaceful climate and permit the active participation of interested bodies in the expansion of dynamic structures to assure prosperity to Quebecers." Of course, no such peaceful climate has prevailed and at the time of writing, the teachers are once again involved in a harsh confrontation with the Provincial government and making preparations to become more immediately involved in the political arena. The operative word in the quotation is "prosperity"; fundamental­ ly the problem was and remains a financial one. the financial problem There is little doubt that the Provincial government had to control the burgeoning costs of education. Since teachers' salaries comprise 60 % of expenditures, it was also logical that the government make its attacks through the salary schedule. The new financial arrangements were not expressions of nig­ gardliness, but an attempt at rational control. In the decade preceding Bill 25, operating costs for school boards had increased in all provinces but nowhere as much as in Quebec. Between 1956 and 1966, per pupil costs increased 171 Changes in the Teaching Profession in Quebec by 260 %. The corresponding figure for Ontario was 104% and for British Columbia was 84%. Furthermore, in 1966 Quebec ranked sixth among the provinces in ability to finance education as measured by personal income per person, but first in educational effort in relation to this ability, spend­ ing $473 per pupil from a personal income base of $5,830 per pupil, while Ontario spent $504 per pupil from a base of $8,256" So it was that this combination of increased costs, low abil­ ity to pay, and high effort imposed well defined limitations on the growing power of the profession. the bureaucratic problem

The problem of classifying teachers for salary purposes according to their educational background was crucial to the S9lution of the financial problem and the solution appeared all too typical of the growing bureaucratic approach of the government. A regulation was made by the Department of Education defining a year of study (Regulation Five). Then a committee composed equally of representatives of the three teacher organizations, the Department, and the federations of school boards, was established to apply the regulation. When the committee failed to reach agreement, the Department issued its own decisions to school boards and "advised" they be applied. The legality of the procedure is presently being tested in the courts and the problem remains a stumbling block in current negotiations. The Regulation, ambiguous and com­ plicated, remains on the books. Other regulations, directives, and decisions of the Depart­ ment are perceived by teachers to be arbitrary and are a source of widespread discontent. Through Regulation Number Four on the preparation of teachers, the Department insti­ tuted a system of probation for beginning teachers. Badly publicized and badly explained, it has been received cooly by the teachers on the grounds that they have no control over entry into the teaching profession. Regulation Seven, among other things, lengthened the school year for teachers, trigger­ ing further strikes and raising the legal question of whether collective agreements reached in good faith could be overrid­ den by orders-in-council. Other, more nebulous, but no less real concerns affect teach- 172 Robert E. Lavery er morale in the Province. The sheer size of comprehensive high schools is disquieting for a great many teachers. The falling elementary enrolment and consequent decline of posi­ tions is another. The perceived imposition of behavioural ob­ jectives, programmed budgeting, detailed courses of studies, and new management systems, all contribute to a free-floating anxiety that provides a climate unhealthy for good teaching and learning. The English teachers, in addition, are seriously concerned about the effects of Regulation Six which may eventually transform English schools into bilingual schools. French teachers are concerned about the drift of students to English schools, brought about by Bill 63 which gave parents the right to choose the language of instruction for their chil­ dren. All of these developments are intimately interwoven with the profound transformation of Quebec society, and the future of teachers and their organizations is no clearer than the future of Quebec generally. conclusion

The sixties have seen the teachers in Quebec transformed from the servants eloquently described by Jean-Paul DesbienslO in the late fifties to the not-so-civil servants we have seen in action in recent years. The source of the problem no doubt arises partly from the rapid growth and hardening of the provincial bureaucracy. If this is so, what is in store may be indicated by Crozier in his observation that: Crisis is a distinctive and necessary element of the bureaucratic system. It provides the only means of making the necessary adjust­ ments, and it therefore plays a role in enabling the organization to develop and, indirectly, for centralization and impersonality to grow.ll There are a few rays of hope for the improvement of the profession. Beside the rapid improvement in the education of teachers, which is bound to have an effect on their general be­ haviour as employees or organization members, other de­ velopments lead one to hope for better relationships in the future. M. Lapointe, in a conversation already referred to, reminds us that negotiations in industry have gone from a highly centralized to a decentralized system. Bill 27 places the duty of negotiating teachers' salaries and working condi­ tions at the board level. The expectation is that these boards will be large enough to have the organizational resources to effectively carry out these negotiations. 173 Changes in the Teaching Profession

Before becoming too sanguine, however, one would do well to ponder the findings of Rosenthal that teachers, in all aspects of their role are the least powerful of the participants in education, whether in salary determination, personnel policies, curriculum matters or the organization of the school system.tJ We may also ponder the conviction of Shanker that "Power is never given to anyone. Power is taken and it is taken from someone.'''3 For the teaching profession in Quebec, the crisis of adjust­ ment is not yet resolved. references

1. Quebec, Report of the Royal Commission of Inquiry on Education in the Province of Quebec, Quebec: Queen's Printer, 1966, Vol. V, Chapter XII. 2. For a discussion of the growing unionization of teachers in the United States, see Alan Rosenthal, Pedagogues and Power, Syracuse: University Press, 1969. 3. Figures for 1963 are taken from Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Salaries and Qualifications of Teachers in Public Elementary and Secondary Schools, Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1964; figures for 1971 are from tables published in The Sentinel (P.A.P.T.), March 1972. 4. Figures for 1960 are taken from the Parent Report, Volume V, p. 51; those for 1967 are from the Quebec Department of Education, Statistiques de l'enseignement, 1966/67. 5. Personal interview with the author. 6. J. Muir, "Collective Bargaining by Canadian Teachers: Experience and Direction," Education Canada, Vol. 10 No. 2. 7. The Montreal Star, Feb. 20, 1967 and Quebec, Education au Quebec en 1971, Quebec: Department of Education, 1972. 8. Quebec, Annual Report of the Superior Council of Education, 1966-67, Quebec: Queen's Printer, 1968. 9. W. J. Brown, Education Finance in Canada, Ottawa: Canadian Teachers' Federation, 1969. 10. Jean-Paul Desbiens, Les Insolences du Frere Untel, Montreal: Harvest House, 1962. 11. M. Crozier, The Bureaucratic Phenomenon, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964, p. 196. 12. Rosenthal, op. cit., p. 155. 13. A. Shanker, "Teacher-Supervisory Relationships: A Symposium" Changing Education, Vol. I, Spring 1966.

174 Andre E. LeBlanc

The Educational Literature of the Quiet Revolution

One may question the success of the "Quiet Revolution", but few would venture to suggest that it did not result in a wide­ spread modification of the educational scene. Quebec's prise de conscience in the early 1960's was built upon the premise that, given the tools, a French cultural enclave could assert itself in North America. Educational reform, consequently, came to be perceived as the common denominator for a mini-renaissance. Whereas in the past French Quebec had turned to its tradition­ al value system for survival, it now, with surprising abandon, seized upon improved educational opportunity as the panacea. In examining this period one is immediately struck by the attention given to the matter of education. Books, articles, briefs, reports, letters to the editor, and all manner of public and semi-public gatherings dissect and re-dissect the issues. For an awakening Quebec, the exercise appeared to provide the perfect platform for participation. "L'Education, c'est votre affaire" became more than a catchy slogan; it became a national banner. general studies

Although an interpretative history of these years remains to be written, several useful chronicles have appeared. Louis­ Philippe Audet, the dean of Quebec educational historians, has published his Bilan de la reforme scolaire au Quebec. Prepared as an inaugural address, it has all the weak­ nesses inherent in such an undertaking. Nevertheless, the slender volume provides the reader with a concise yet ex­ haustive listing of events affecting the Province's educational 175 The Educational Lit.ature scene from the mid-1950's until 1969. Audet, in collaboration with Armand Gauthier, has also produced the best single descriptive survey of the accomplishments of the period. Originally published in 1967 and re-edited in an expanded version in 1969, their Le Systeme scolaire du Quebec: organisation et fonctionnement was conceived as a text for use in teacher training. In its detail-filled chapters the eomponents, structure, and financing of public education are explored in an approach that uses the past to explain the present. The authors, who write with the authority and immediacy of participants in the reform movement, are nevertheless able to situate the educational crisis in Quebec as part of a greater crisis affecting all emerging societies in their quest for security. Also, in a paper read in 1969 before the Comparative and International Education Society of Can­ ada, Arthur Tremblay gives a statistic-crammed evaluation of the progress under his tenure as Quebec's first deputy minister of education. Comprehensive and encouraging, the guide pro­ vides the potential researcher and/or graduate student with a wealth of suggestive topics for development. It does so, how­ ever, at the expense of balance. From reading the article one obtains the impression that the road between "what was" and "what is" had absolutely no obstacles. This is far from the case. Yet to be critical of this is to expect too much from an essay that was intended to be brief and retrospective *.

We have arranged the rest of the literature in chronological fashion. Varied as it is, the material nevertheless fits into four phases of development that chronologically overlap while re­ taining their organic distinctiveness: 1) Phase of Reform Con­ sciousness; 2) Phase of Reform Theorizing; 3) Phase of Re­ form Implementation; and 4) Phase of Reassessment. reform consciousness The mythology of the "Quiet Revolution" has ascribed to The Impertinences of Brother Anonymous a primary role in prodding reform consciousness. Jean-Paul Desbiens, the personality behind the pen name, Brother Anonymous, seemed to say what everyone vaguely suspected: every-

*For complete citations and further references consult the bibliography at the end of the article. 176 Andr6 E. LeBl81c

thing was not well in the Provinces's educational sphere. As he was to point out, its programs at the public secondary level were little else than mutations of the primary school curricu­ lum taught by teachers who were ill-equipped to do the job. Pious statements rather than informed judgement character­ ized the approach of the Department of Public Instruction. Finally if something was not immediately done to improve the teaching of French as a mother tongue, national disaster beckoned. Had these reflections been made by an ordinary mortal, their impact would have been of limited consequence. Considering, however, that Desbiens was a young Roman Catholic teaching brother, his highly personal study prodded a major furore and, at the same time, created a Quebec best­ seller. It is, however, an over-simplification to state that Brother Anonymous was the precursor of change. Audet and Gauthier have justly emphasized the importance of the 1950's in the process especially as regards the seminal influence of Arthur Tremblay's study for the Royal Commission of Enquiry on Constitutional Problems (1956). Prepared as a contribution in the debate engaged by the Provincial autonomists of Duplessis against the centralizing tendencies of Ottawa, Tremblay's an­ nex pinpointed many of the deficiencies of the existing school system and suggested possible remedies while keeping in view future demands. Important as the study may have been, it took some time before receiving its due attention. Premier Du­ plessis had decided that his Royal Commission was to have a low-profile, and copies of its report remained unavailable to the public. Quebec of the late 1950's, however, was well in the throes of change. Its eonfessionally inspired and directed educational system was already and unknowingly being transformed. As Roger Magnuson pointed out in a much neglected essay, the influence of the Roman Catholic Church in Quebec education could only decrease because of changing demands being placed upon the educational milieu. By the 1950's it was calling upon all of its resources just to keep up with the demand. A lower­ ing of the number of religious vocations coupled with increased school retention rates necessarily meant that a new body would emerge as the power broker. While this was taking place, other strains became evident. The Mouvement lalque de langue fran~aise was calling for the establishment of a non-sectarian school system in the province. 177 The Educational Literature

In the early 1960's it was involved in the publication of Justice et paix scolaire and l'Ecole la/ique. These two collections of essays attacked the retrograde orientation of the school system. They called for division along cultural rather than religious lines. And, as was to be expected, they led to the publication of other books that attempted either to elaborate or refute the non-confessional theme. More often than not, this exchange generated more heat than actual light. At the same time the issue of religion became entangled in the struggle for a second French-Language university in Montreal. In a brief published by the Association of professors of the University of Montreal entitled L'Universite dit non aux Jesuites, it was argued that a separate charter, at that moment, went contrary to sane planning. Quite polemical in approach, the document implied that a university under the hegemony of the Jesuits was not in the best interests of the people. If this frontal attack on the religious establishment was part of the times, it was not the only sphere where demand for change was making itself felt. Gerard Filion in his Les Confidences d'un commissaire d'ecoles wondered about the merits of local school boards, the lack of interest of parents, the poor qualifica.tions of teachers, and the financial constrictions confronting public education. Penned by one of French Canada's better known editorialists, the book asked serious questions about the effectiveness of the school system and it did not mask its criticisms of the Department of Public Instruction. Two years later with the upheaval at the Jac­ ques-Cartier Normal School and the publication of Jacques Tremblay's Scandale au D.I.P.: l'affaire Guerin ou le Frere Untel avait raison, the image of the Department of Public Instruction was once again tarnished. In both instances, and in line with what was being written in the newspaper and periodicals of the period, the average Quebecer was obtaining a much better picture of what was missing than what was necessary. This unbalanced critique, however, was about to change.

In late February 1961, a newly-elected Liberal Government took the first step in fulfilling an election promise by creating a Royal Commission of Inquiry on Education. The so-called Parent Commission went to work immediately and although it took two full years before starting to detail its findings, its very presence led to a good deal of organized educational soul- 178 Andre E. LeBI.,c searching and speculation. Some of the notable publishedstu­ dies came from such ideologically diverse interest groups as the Societe Saint-Jean-Baptiste, the Federation des Colleges Classiques, and the Association des Professeurs de l'Universite de Montreal. Their contributions, although differing in means of bringing about change, all agreed that there was a need to organize a system of education that would meet the socio-eco­ nomic reality of Quebec. The brief of the professors of the University of Montreal entitled La Grise de l' enseignement au Ganada-Fran~ais proved, in retrospect, to be the most perspicacious. More than many other single docu­ ment of the period, it isolated those areas of concern that were to be explored by the Parent Commissioners. To its credit it also insisted that the Commissioners avoid imitating too close­ ly the existing system in France. reform theorizing The second phase of development, that of Reform Theoriz­ ing, began with the publication of the two volumes Rapport du comite d' etude sur l' enseignement technique et pro/es­ sionnel. Chaired by Arthur Tremblay, the man who became known as the architect of Quebec's Department of Education, the committee on technical-vocational education was to have an important impact on the tone and direction of the Province's educational reform. Mandated to examine the entire operational structure of technical;.vocational educa­ tion and to report back to the Royal Commission of Enquiry, the Committee's report did not mince words. In its view Quebecers were not being adequately prepared for the job market due to a thoroughly confused system that had no long range focus. There was a need for planning, for direct government involvement, and for improved standards.

Filled with useful statistical data, the Tremblay study, in addition to several reports of lesser importance prepared by committees on continuing education, on physical education and leisure time, and others, provided a core of information used by Mgr. Parent and his commissioners in the preparation of their five volume magnum opus. Commonly referred to as the Parent Report, the Report 0/ the Royal Commission 0/ Inquiry on Education proposed a structural approach to reform. Conscious of the problems created by in­ creasing numbers of students, by the scientific and tech- 179 The Educational Litwature nological revolution affecting the Western World, by changing living conditions throughout North America, and by the ac­ celerating shift in intellectual attitudes, the commissioners called for the creation of a centrally directed school system that guaranteed: 1) equality of basic educational opportunity for all, 2) greater accessibility, 3) schooling that prepared for life in an evolving Quebec society. In fine detail the report set forth its plan for a Department of Education and for a reorganized school system that carried the learner from pre-school to university with a multitude of per­ mutations and combinations provided by comprehensive schools, by institutes, and by a variety of continuing education opportunities. The pattern of organization that ran so force­ fully throughout these proposals was also found in the numer­ ous corollary aspects dealt with in the report. From the ques­ tion of participation to Eskimo education it seemed possible to solve every problem by -adequate planning and directed ac­ tivity. The Parent Report, coming when it did in the genesis of the Quiet Revolution, was a fine example of the systems approach that seemed to underlie the spurt of reform activity then trans­ forming Quebec. Change was predicated upon detailed master­ plans that supposedly took into account all possible eventual­ ities. These master-plans were in turn "managed" by experts, the so-called technocrats, who were responsive to the popula­ tion that made its will known via a plethora of consulting bodies. The theory was excellent. Time, however, was to bring about numerous modifications of the original intent. As one volume after another of the Parent Report made its appearance and as proposed reforms obtained public hearing, further studies were added to the already impressive inven­ tory of reform proposals. Often coming from the newly in­ stituted Department of Education, these studies expanded existing concepts. Of special note was the "Education Docu­ ments" series that provided readable treatises on comprehen­ sive schools, on colleges of general and vocational education, and on educational financing. Although careful to remain with­ in the general parameters of the Parent Report, each treatise added its own particular stamp. In the case of the volume en­ titled CoUege Education and the General and Vocational 180 Andr6 E. LeBI81C

Colleges, the end result was something that, when applied, meant the stretching almost out of recognition of the Parent Report proposal. While this was taking place other studies were complement­ ing the work of the Parent Commission and the newly created Department of Education. The Report of the Royal Com­ mission on Taxation, tabled in 1965, provided several im­ portant chapters on educational finance. The reforms projected by the Parent Report necessarily meant increasing demands on the traditional sources of finance. Because of this, tax experts called for the shifting of the burden from the al­ ready over-taxed property holder. School taxes were seen as a social responsibility to be shared by all sectors of the com­ munity. Finally, P. Angers' L'Enseignement et la societe d'aujourd'hui opened a series of philosophical and practical parentheses that elaborated upon the humanistic conceptions expounded in the second volume of the Parent Re­ port. Concerned with the imperative of general education, the author previewed the need for a less mechanistic approach to educational change. In 1963, however, this was a conception that received scant attention. reform implementation The Parent Report was not gracefully accepted by all. Established interests openly voiced their dismay and disagree­ ment. These attitudes found expression in essays published in periodicals such as L'Action nationale, Relations and Prospectives. The sociologists Gagnon and Gousse in an article entitled "Le processus de regionalisation scolaire" pointed out how certain groups did everything within their power to sabotage the proposed changes. In the final analysis as Pierre Belanger underscored in his essay on the establish­ ment of the comprehensive school, opposition was not very significant because reform activity operated within a frame­ work of national survival. Those who favoured the status quo or very limited change massed their forces in mid-1963 to block the passage of Bill 60 that proposed the establishment of a Department of Educa­ tion and the creation of a Superior Council to advise the Minis­ ter. The struggle, which in a certain sense boiled down to a power play between church and state, as L. Dion analysed in his studies on pressure group politics, created a considerable 1" The Educational Literature literature both then and later. Yet when the smoke had cleared away after considerable compromising that permitted prota­ gonists to feel that their honour remained intact, Quebec emer­ ged with a new organizational framework. As Paul Gerin­ Lajoie, the first Minister of Education, stated in his book Pourquoi le Bill 60:

N otre salut, notre progres, notre epanouissement seront notre oeuvre collective ou ne seront pas. Pas d'emancipation economique fruc­ tueuse, pas d'avancement politique, pas de progres culturel sans un systeme d'enseignement puissant, organique, dynamique, integre a la societe canadienne francaise. lui donnant un stimulant nouveau et en recevant un appui ferme. A ceux qui disent que nous allons trop vite et que nous voulons tout faire a la fois, je reponds que nous avons un retard d'un demi-siecle a rattraper et qu'il est dans l'histoire des peuples, des moments oil il faut tout faire d la fois, parce que tout se tient. From this point on the tempo of reform was rapid. One regulation after another obtained ministerial promulgation. Rarely did a month pass without Government information services reporting a significant transformation or advance­ ment. The pace of change was so intense that the need for keeping the public abreast with the modifications often outran the Government's ability to do so. Publications such as H. P. Proulx's La Reforme Scolaire au Quebec 1967-1968, however, fortunately bridged the gap. Written in layman's lan­ guage this pamphlet and similar tracts and articles listed in chronological order what was taking place and did an ex­ cellent job of explaining what the reforms meant to the schools, the students, and the community. The innovations of these reform years have started to re­ ceive some scholarly attention although much remains complete­ ly untouched. One of the first to try his hand at evaluation was Guy Rocher with his 1968 study on school administration. Writing from the vantage point of a member of the Parent Commission and that of a sociologist exploring institutional change, Professor Rocher set forth a series of practical as­ sumptions that could serve as the foundation for further study. The emergence of a network of general and vocational post-secondary institutions - referred to as Institutes in the Parent Report, although rebaptized and known to the public as Cegeps - also receives consideration in studies by Sabourin, Watson, and Gingras. Sabourin's survey article entitled "Some aspects of Post-Secondary Education in Quebec" although very general and concerned with the roots of the Cegeps, never­ theless offers valuable information. Cicely Watson's contribu- 182 Andre E. LeBlanc tion is a comparative study of the developing community college system in Canada. As such it sheds light on the purpose, or­ ganization, programme, and financial operation of Quebec's colleges of general and vocational education. In both cases at­ tempts at evaluation remain limited. The final result is much more descriptive than anything else. Paul-Emile Gingras' La Vie peciagogique des colleges, 1960-1970 does not, however, follow this pattern. In a well documented and clearly written piece of research, the author delves into the day to day academic operation of the colleges. His concern for trends is evident and he highlights those aspects that require, in his view, reinforcement or change. Finally, Alphonse Riverin modestly attempts to situate higher education in a community perspective in his L'Universite et le developpement socio­ economique. Written by the first rector of the Univer­ sity of Quebec, the book suggests the need for insti­ tutions of higher learning to be closely integrated in the society that nourishes their existence. He then goes on to point out how this can and is happening to the benefit of the Province as a whole. reassessment No sooner had some of the proposed reforms of the Parent Report achieved fruition than doubts started to be openly voiced. L. Potvin, after agreeing with the Parent Report's desire for greater participation of parents, for the improve­ ment of teacher qualifications, and for a renewed role of the Church in education, went on to question the trend towards co­ education and the growing encroachment of the State in educa­ tional matters in his 1966 work entitled Aujourd'hui l'ecole, problemes actuels d' education. Other studies, although not willing to be quite so explicit, aired similar misgivings. In 1967 a feature article prepared by C. de Lorimier and .R. Vezina, two militant unionist teachers, carried the sense of disapproval one step further. It asserted that the needs of the teaching profession were being ignored and that the entire reform movement was heading towards a disastrous end. Because of the partisan nature of the article, it received limited attention from opinion makers. It was to be, however, ()nly a matter of time before this was to change. The following year with the pUblication of R. Haumont's La GrenouiUere: essai d'analyse du Ministere de l'Education du Quebec a minor scandal erupted. The author, who had been a 183 The Educational Literature divisional director within the Department of Education before his resignation, attacked in a virulent manner his former employer whom he referred to as the machine mons­ trueuse. In a back-door gossip approach that tore apart people and policies, his personal disillusion was underscored by a mass of supporting and often revealing information. The reaction expressed in La Grenouillere, though extreme, echoed a growing conservative sentiment. The elan of the Parent Commission years was at an end. Rapid change had often led to confusion and more and more Quebecers were asking for time to think and to weigh alternatives. This per­ ception of things paralleled a burgeoning uneasiness resulting from the linguistic issue in the St. Leonard, McGill fran(}ais, and Bill 63 conflicts of the late 1960's. Consequently, the edu­ cational literature of the time appeared to address itself to particular problems, often seen as resulting from the inadequa­ cies of the Parent Report recommendations. Some of those writings such as Ares' Faut-il garder au Quebec l'ecole con­ fessionneUe? and Rondeau's Pour une education de qualite au Quebec simply expressed the need to reassert the positive elements of the pre-reform era. Some such as Fortier's analysis of the academic organization of the Cegeps attempted to streamline the operation, and others such as Therese Fabi in her Persecu,tion des enseignants au Quebec? Pour une revalorisation de la profession aimed to reorganize priorities. All in all, however, it was clear: the reform theories of Parent Report years were no longer sacrosanct. Even though the introspection described above led to a con­ scious slowdown in educational change, it is inaccurate to assume that the propensity for reform came to an end. Diffi­ cult questions were being raised as regards the slavish atten­ tion given to structural modification. Perhaps, rightfully so! A new well spring of reform appears to have been tapped by the expression of these reservations, witness the publication in 1969 of the Rapport de la commission d'enquet~ 8ur l'en­ seignement des arts au Quebec. Established to supplement the findings of the Parent Commission, the Rioux Commission, as it has come to be known, created such tremors that a year elapsed between the tabling of the report and its pUblication. Acknowledging indebtedness to the Parent Report, and very often followinsr its pathways, the Rioux Commissioners ventured far beyond structural consi­ derations. How, they asked, did the existing culture and soc- 184 Andril E. LeBlanc iety affect the learner? How, in turn, could this dynamic com­ bination of learner and learned modify traditional conceptions and values?

The Rioux Report was too controversial at the time to be handled. As is often the case in such circumstances, it was re­ legated to official oblivion. Yet sympathetics chords were struck. The re-examination of the reforms of the Quiet Revolution, then in progress, appeared to underscore one constant: educational reforms fit within an administrative mould. It now began to appear to some that greater attention should be given to the role of the human being in the educa­ tional process. With the publication of 1969/70 Annual Report of the Superior Council of Education, appropriately sub­ titled Educational Activity, this concern appears to have re­ ceived a certain degree of consideration. The Superior Council claimed that the time was ripe to make an inventory of what had taken place so as to assess what was lacking. It called for an individualization of instruction and a re-orientation of the educational system towards the primary goal of enabling the learner to educate himself.

Quebec's Quiet Revolution may have figuratively been put to rest, but the literature of the sixties, like the events of the sixties, suggests that an era of profound educational develop­ ments and reform has only begun.

BIBLIOGRAPHY general stUdies

Audet, Louis-Philippe, Bilan de la. reforme scolaire a.u Quebec 1959-1989, Montreal: Les Presses de l'Universite de Montreal, 1969. Audet, Louis-Philippe, HiBtoire de l'enseignement a.u Quebec, 2 tomes. Montreal: Bolt, Rinehart et Winston Ltee., 1971. Audet, Louis-Philippe et Armand Gauthier, Le Systeme sco14ire du Quebec: orga.niBa.tion et fonctionnement, Montreal: Librairie Beauchemin Ltee., 1969. Gauthier, Armand, Esquisse hiBtorique de l'evolution du 81/sUme scolaire de la Province de Quebec, Quebec: Les Presses de l'Universite Laval, 1965. Magt1uson, Roger, Educa.tion in the Province of Quebec, Washington: U.8. Government Printing Office, 1969. Tremblay, Arthur, "Dix ans de reforme scolaire au Quebec; un bilan et un avenir" The Compa,ra.tive a.M Intsrnationa.l Educa.tion Society of Ca.1UUla., Papers: 1969: Communications, pp. 46-68. 186 The Educational Literature reform consciousness

Association des Professeurs de I'Universite de Montreal, L'Universite dit non auz Jesuites, Montreal: Les Editions de I'Homme, 1961. Beetz, Jean et al., La Crise de l'enseignement au Canada Fran~ais: urgence d'une reforme, Montreal: Les Editions du Jour, 1961. Chalvin, Solange et Michel Chalvin, Comment on abrutit nos enfants: la betise en 23 manuels scolaires, Montreal: Les Editions du Jour, 1962. Desbiens, Jean-Paul (Frere Untel), The Impertinences of Brother Anonymous, Montreal: Harvest House, 1962. (Also available in French). Federation des Colleges Classiques, Notre reforme scolaire, no. 1 "Les Cadres generaux," Montreal: Centre de psychologie et de la pMagogie, 1962. Filion, Gerard, Les Confidences d'un commissaire d'ecoles, Montreal: Les Editions de l'Homme, 1960. Mackay, Jacques et al., L'Ecole laique, Montreal: Les Editions du Jour, 1961. Magnuson, Roger, "The Decline of Roman Catholic Education in Quebec: Interpretations and Explanations," Culture, XXX, no. 3 (September 1969), 192-198. M emoire concernant la creation de l'Universite Sainte-Marie, Montreal: College Sainte-Marie, 1960. Michaud, Paul, Mon p'tit Frere, une insolente reponse aux insolences du Frere Untel, Montreal: Guerin, 1962. Morel, Andre, Justice et paw scolaire, Montreal: Les Editions du Jour, 1962. Parenteau, Hector-Andre, Les Robes noires dans l'ecole, Ottawa: Les Editions du Jour, 1962. Societe Saint-Jean Baptiste, "L'Mucation nationale," L'Action Nationale, LI, nos. 9-10 (mai-juin 1962). Tremblay, Arthur, "Contribution a l'etude des problemes et des besoins de l'enseignement dans la Province de Quebec," annex 4 au Rapport de la commission royale d'enquete sur les problemes constitutionnels. Quebec: s. M., 1955. Tremblay, Jacques, Scandale au D.I.P.: l'affaire Guerin ou le Frere Untel avait raison, Montreal: Les Editions du Jour, 1962. reform theorizing

Angers, Pierre, L'Enseignement et la societe d'aujourd'hui, Montreal: Les Editions Bellarmin, 1963. Houle, Guy, "Le cadre juridique de l'administration scolaire locale au Quebec," annexe au Rapport de la commission royale d'enquete sur l'enseignement dans la Province de Quebec, Quebec: Im­ primeur de la reine, 1006. Quebec, Rapport du comite d'etude sur l'education des adultes, s. pl., s. M., 1964. Quebec, Rapport du comite d'etude sur l'enseignement agricole et agronomique, s. pI., s. M., 1961. Quebec, Rapport du comite d'etude sur l'enseignement dans les ecoles d'architecture de Montreal et de Quebec, s. pI., s. M., 1964. Quebec, Rapport du comite d'etude sur l'enseignement technique et professionnel, 2 tomes, Quebec, s. ed., 1962. Quebec, Rapport du comite d'etude sur les loisirs, les sports et l'educa­ tion physique, s. ed., 1963. 186 Andre E. LeBlanc

Quebec, Report of the Royal Commission of Inquiry on Education, 5 volumes, Quebec: Queen's Printer, 1963-1966. (also available in French) Quebec, Report of the Royal Commission on Taxation, Quebec Depart­ ment of Education, 1966. (also available in French) Quebec, Department of Education, College Education and the General and Vocational Colleges, no. 3 "Education Documents." Quebec: Information Service of the Quebec Department of Education, 1968. (also available in French) Quebec, Department of Education, The Cooperative School - Com­ prehensiveness and Continuous Progress, no. 2 "Education Docu­ ments." Quebec: Information Service of the Quebec Department of Education, 1966. Quebec, Ministere de l'Education, "Les Besains financiers de l'education au Quebec, 1964-1967, no. 1 Etudes et Documents," Quebec: Im­ primeurs de la rei ne, 1964. reform implementation

BeIanger, Pierre W, "L'ecole polyvalente: ses incidences sociales," pp. 366-388 de Ecole et societe au Quebec, Pierre W. Belanger et Guy Rocher Ms. Montreal: Editions HMH Ltee., 1970. Dion, Lean, Le Bill 60 et la societe quebecoise, Montreal: Editions HMH Ltee., 1967. Dion, Uon, Le Bill 60 et le public, no. 1 "Les Cahiers de l'I.C.E.A." Quebec: l'Institut Canadien d'education des adultes, 1966. "Education: bilan d'une reiorme," Le Magazine Maclean, Octobre 1968, 13-20. Gagnon, Gabriel et Claude Gousse, "Le processus de regionalisation scolaire," pp. 313-321 de Ecole et societe au Quebec, Pierre W. Belanger et Guy Rocher Ms., Montreal: Editions HMH Ltee., 19'70. Gerin-Lajoie, Paul, Pourquoi le Bill 60? Montreal: Les Editions du Jour, 1963. Gingras, Paul-Emile, La Vie pedagogique des colleges, 1960-1970, Montreal: Centre d'animation, de developpement et de recherche en education, 1969. Grandmont, Eloi, Louis-Martin Tard et Normand Hudon, Un Bill 60 du tonnerre, Montreal: Editions Lemeac, 1964. Levesque, Albert, Les Mensonges du Bill 60, Vercberes: s. M., 1963. Martin, Louis, "L'Education au Quebec en 1967: polyvalence mon amour ...," Le Magazine Maclean, septembre 1967, 13-15. Proulx, Henri Paul M., La reforme scolaire au Quebec 1967-1968, Montreal: Union Catholique des cultivateurs, 1968. "Le Rapport Parent," Prospectives, 1, no. 1 (mars 1965), 1-56. "Le Rapport Parent: analyses et commentaires," Relations, no. 290 (fevrier 1965), 35-61. Riverin, Alphonse, L'Univ6rsite et le Mveloppement socio-economique, Montreal: Publications des Affaires, 1971. Rocher, Guy, "L'administration scolaire," Recherches sociographiques, IX, nos. 1-2 (janvier-aout 1968), 35-43. Sabourin, Ronald, "Some Aspects of Post-Secondary Education in Quebec," The Other Solitude, Toronto: Glendon College, 1970 (mimeographed). Watson, Cicely, Innovation in Higher Education - Canadian Case Study: New College Systems in Canada, Toronto: Department of Educational Planning, The Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, 1971. (draft report) 187 The Educational Lit.aha'e

White, Sylvester F., "Bilan economique et la democratisation de l'ensei­ gnement," pp. 169-179 de Ecole et societe au Quebec, Pierre W. B1Hanger et Guy Rocher lids. Montreal: Editions HMH Ltee., 1970. reassessment

Ares, Richard, Fa'itt-il garder au Quebec l' ecole confessionnelle? Montreal: Les Editions Bellarmin, 1970. de Lorimier, Claude et Raymond Vezina, "Enseignants, nOUB avons droit de cite," Education quebecoise, I, no. 3 (decembre 1967), 9-17. L'Ecole pour tous: etudes critiques de la reforme scolaire, Montreal: Librairie Beauchemin, 1968. L'Education dans un Quebec en evolution, Quebec: Les Presses de I'Universite Laval, 1966. Egretaud, Henry. L'Affaire Saint-Leonard, Montreal: Societe d'edu­ cation du Quebec, 1970. Fabi, Therese, Persecution des enseignants au Quebec? Pour une revalorisation de la profession, Montreal: Ecrits libres, 1971. Fortier, Claude, Les Structures et l'administration pedagogique des CEGEP, Montreal: Federation des CEGEP, 1970. Gingras, Paul-Emile, "L'ecole des technocrates," Relations, no. 344 (decembre 1969) 337-340. Haumont, Roland, La Grenouillere: essai d'analyse du Ministere de l'Education du Quebec, Montreal: Les Editions du Jour, 1968. Naud, A., Le Rapport Parent et l'humanisme nouveau, Montreal: Fides, 1965. Potvin, Laurent, Aujourd'hui, l'ecole, problemes actuels d'education, Alma: Editions du Phare, 1966. Quebec, L'Etudiant quebecois: de/i et dilemmes, rapports de recherches, Quebec: Editeur officiel, 1972. Quebec, Rapport de la commission d'enquete sur l'enseignement des arts au Quebec, 4 tomes, Quebec: Editeur officiel, 1969. Quebec, Ministere de l'Education, Rapport du Conseil Superieur de l'Education, Quebec. Editeur officiel, 1966. Rondeau, Clement Henri, Pour une education de qualite au Quebec, Montreal: Presses libres, 1971.

188 Magdelhayne F. Buteau

Retrospective on the Parent Report

The creation of the Royal Commission of Inquiry on Educa­ tion in 1961 proved to be one of the major events of Quebec's political and social revolution. The publication of its Report, commonly referred to as the Parent Report after the chair­ man, Mgr. Alphonse Parent, launched an educational reform which in its essential features continues to the present time. Mgr. Parent, who died in October of 1970, was of the opinion that the implementation of the Report's recommenda­ tions would require a period of from ten to fifteen years. It would seem to be an appropriate time, then, for an inventory of the results as seen by the Commissioners themselves and by some key personnel in provincial educational policy-making. Essentially, we have attempted, through a series of interviews, to ascertain their views on the validity of the Parent Report's proposals and the progress made toward achieving its goals. Five of the Commissioners were available for interviews, and to extend our perspective further, we have also inter­ viewed four educational leaders in the Province who were not members of the Commission. participants The former Commissioners include:

GERARD FILION, now President of Marine Industries Lim­ ited, was Managing Director of Le Devoir at the time of his appointment to the Commission. Although primarily commit­ ted to economics and business, he has always shown great in­ terest in education as school board member and chairman of the first regional school board in the Province. 189 Retrospective on the P.. ent Report

JEANNE LApOINTE is professor of French literature at Laval University, a post she held when she was named to the Commission. During the fifties she was a literary critic for Cite Libre and more recently she has served on the Commis­ sion on Higher Education of the Superior Council of Educa­ tion and the Royal Commission on the Status of Women. Professor Lapointe regularly acts as consultant for national and provincial cultural organizations. JOHN McILHONE was Assistant Director of Studies in charge of English classes at the Montreal Catholic School Commission when he was appointed to the Parent Commis­ sion. He has had wide experience in teaching, teacher educa­ tion, adult education and administration and at present holds the post of Deputy Director General of the Montreal Catholic School Commission.

DA VID MUNROE was Director of McGill's Institute of Educa­ tion at Macdonald College at the time of his appointment, and in 1964 he replaced Gerard FiIion as vice-chairman of the Commission. He also served as vice-chairman of the Superior Council of Education from 1964 to 1969 and has just com­ pleted a three-year term as special advisor to the Department of the Secretary of State in Ottawa. SISTER GHISLAINE ROQUET, c.s.c., was chairman of the philosophy department of Basile-Moreau College in Montreal when she became a member of the Commission. In recent years she has served as Canada's delegate to the United Nations Committee on Human Rights and has participated in a UNES­ CO symposium on education. At present she is in charge of the university branch of the Provincial Media Centre in the Ministry of Education and is an executive member of the Multi-Media Adult Education project. The non-Commissioners include: THERESE BARON is Assistant Deputy Minister of Education and has special responsibilities for elementary and secondary schools. She has had considerable experience as teacher, prin­ cipal, and leader of professional associations and has served on various planning and advisory committees including the Superior Council. JEAN-GUY CARDINAL, a notary and teacher of law, is now one of the Unite-Quebec (formerly Union Nationale) members of the National Assembly. In 1967 he was named Minister of 190 Magdelhayne F. Buteau

Education, a portfolio he held for almost three years, and a year after his appointment he was elected to the National As­ sembly as representative for Daniel Johnson's former riding. Before entering politics he was on the Commission on Higher Education of the Superior Council and was Dean of the Faculty of Law of the Universite de Montreal.

C. W. DICKSON has had an active career as teacher, adminis­ trator, and consultant and in 1960 was already introducing such innovations as subject promotion and continuous pro­ gress. Subsequently he has been an associate secretary to the Parent Commission, Director of the Lakeshore Regional School Board, and was appointed Associate Deputy Minister of Education in 1967. Since his retirement from the Depart­ ment of Education in 1971 he has been serving as interim secretary-treasurer of the Provisional Council of the Lake­ shore School Board.

LEOPOLD GARANT has been president of the Superior Council of Education since 1968. For several years he was president and later special advisor to the provincial French-speaking teachers' association, formerly the Corporation des Institu­ teurs Catholiques, now the Corporation des Enseignants du Quebec. orientation of the interviews

During the fall of 1971 and the spring of 1972, each person was interviewed individually. The sessions were informal and non-directive in nature but the focus was on three closely re­ lated questions: 1. What do you consider the essential features of the Parent Report? 2. To what degree have the essential recommendations of the Report been implemented? 3. What do you consider the most significant reforms implemented during the past decade? In order to eliminate undue repetition and provide continuity, the responses for the most part have been paraphrased. Al­ though we have not been able to include as many of the obser­ vations of the respondents as they may have a right to expect, we have tried to be faithful to the style and substance of their remarks. 191 Retrospective on the Parent Report

what do you consider the essential features of the Parent Report?

The responses of the former Commissioners: FILION: The fundamental concepts were the official recog­ nition of the right of all Quebecers to equal opportunities for higher and better study programs, the creation of a respon­ sible Ministry of Education, and the principe de polyvalence that aimed at doing away with the existing parallel systems which precluded any kind of academic or professional reorien­ tation. The introduction of comprehensiveness at the second­ ary level and the creation of a polyvalent post-secondary level constitute the significant break-through of the Report because the innovations were likely to promote business and tech­ nological careers so badly needed to invigorate Quebec's economy.

LApOINTE: The recommended appointment of a Minister of Education and the assigning of coordination as one of his explicit functions deserve first mention. Un organisme uni­ ficateur was badly needed to counteract the detrimental lin­ guistic, denominational, cultural, socio-economic, and academic partitioning that had grown throughout the Quebec educa­ tional system. The intended democratization of education was basic to the Report. It aimed at overcoming fallacious elitism and at promoting universal accessibility to all levels of educa­ tion through the establishment of a well-articulated network of institutions, the organization of adequate transportation facilities, and the extension of financial assistance programs. The introduction of a post-secondary pre-university level was a daring suggestion for promoting, among other changes, the healthy mixage social et professionnel des jeunes Quebecois. Such a mingling is becoming more and more necessary because of the urbanization and industrialization that are going on in many of the formerly rural regions.

McILHONE: The proposed creation of a Ministry of Educa­ tion was most challenging. It aimed at removing one of the most important portfolios from the protection of a nominated Superintendent in order to place it under the aegis of an elec­ ted responsible Minister who would have to explain and de­ fend his policies and decisions. However, in order to avoid the pitfalls of a system that had been tried unsuccessfully in the nineteenth century, the proposal for one Minister to direct one 192 Magdelhayne F. Buteau education system had to be accompanied by allowance for cultural and religious differences. The priority given to the cultural format implies far-reaching consequences. MUNROE: It was necessary for the commissioners to reach a consensus on objectives that were not only in line with modern educational trends but were also tailored to Quebec's own economic and social patterns of development. The most funda­ mental proposal concerned the urgency of establishing a sys­ tem that would insure universal, diversified and continuous education to all Quebecers. Such a system was necessary in order to improve an existing school situation with unequal facilities, inadequate resources, and limited services for a large portion of the population. Of prime practical importance were the suggestions that the new school system be unified, comprehensive, centralized, and democratic. RoQUET: The following four principles constitute the seminal concepts of the Report. First, the school should be primarily centred on the student and on the "parent-student­ teacher constellation" rather than on concerns of administra­ tion, curriculum, and structure. Second, the school should be considered in a universal perspective in the sense that it should be opened and adapted to all, independent of creed, social origin, sex, language, and age. Third, society at large should be responsible for the cost of educating the young. For too long a time, private organizations have borne this burden almost exclusively. Fourth, the Parent Report showed that attention should be given to the new social dynamics arising from irre­ versible processes of urbanization and from the formation of new pressure groups. These four concepts are contained in the first part of the Report which deals mainly with principles and designs. Because of this content, this first part is of great­ er permanent value than the subsequent volumes which are already outdated because they outline many practical adminis­ trative details that no longer fit the accelerated growth of the new system. The responses of the non-Commissioners: BARON: In general, the significance of the various parts of the Report depends on the importance of the phases and prob­ lems through which the school situation has evolved since 1964. Nevertheless, the new type of humanism and the trend toward democratization and coordination that permeated the Report constitute its basic value. The entrusting of education, 193 Retrospective on the Parent Report like commerce and agriculture, to a Minister who is respon­ sible before the National Assembly and the public was a rec­ ommendation that indicated a movement toward a new view of the social function of education. Also of importance in the Report was the special concern for that segment of the school clientele that was not and could not be attracted to advanced academic studies and careers.

CARDINAL: The Parent Report is a compendium of propo­ sals aimed primarily at correcting or redressing flagrant in­ justices, deficiencies, or inadequacies in one area or another. Of particular importance were the recommendations dealing with higher education and the part of the Report that treats of the politicization of education. The creation of a Ministry of Education was a momentous proposal but it was particular­ ly daring because of Premier Jean Lesage's previous opposi­ tion to the establishment of such a Ministry. The Report, how­ ever, can be criticized for not anticipating the conflicts and difficulties that were bound to arise from the teaching profes­ sion.

DICKSON: The Report possesses three outstanding features: first, the primary concern for promoting the welfare of the in­ dividual student, exhibited throughout the various recommen­ dations for the improvement of school facilities; second, the earnestness displayed for breaking down the restraining rigid conditions that prevailed in most educational milieus and for facilitating individualized schooling patterns; third, the real­ istic approach in dealing with the problems of school adminis­ tion and in suggesting a golden mean between the highly-cen­ tralized and the highly-decentralized models that the commis­ sioners had been examining in various parts of the world. In addition, the financial solutions advocated by the commission­ ers proved their sensitivity to the dual necessity of relieving the parents from some of the onerous costs while stimulating them to be closely interested consumers of education.

GARANT: The essential value of the Report lies mainly in the stress on the necessity of humanizing institutional educa­ tion and of aligning school activities with the exigencies of contemporary and future lifestyles. Its insistence on broad training and its cautious reminder that twenty-five per cent of today's children will be engaged, when they become adults, in occupations practically now unknown, show awareness of present reality. Finally the fact that the last report of the 194 Magdelhayne F. Buteau

Superior Council of Education, Educational Acti'Vity~ develops a theme that was originally formulated in the Parent Report shows the Report's continuing relevance. to what degree have the essential recommendations been implemented?

FILION: Many of the recommendations regarding elemen­ tary and secondary education have not been actualized in the spirit with which they were formulated. There are two rea­ sons for this: first, the commissioners' naivete in overlooking the sociological and psychological consequences of reducing elementary education to six years; second, the effects of the centralization of secondary education. Many of the evils en­ suing from the present transportation situation could have been avoided by a more rational regrouping of pupils and by using a system of itinerant or floating teachers. The Ministry was too hasty in building large schools designed to give pri­ ority to administrative aims rather than to the well-being of the students and teachers. The deleterious effect of the present impersonal atmosphere was so flagrant that the Minister, sup­ ported by the Superior Council, had to proclaim humanization of the schools as a slogan for the school year 1971-1972. A second area of concern is that the teachers will become secure enough to develop the type of professionalism that is essential to the success of the reform. Teachers should be given more assistance in developing their competence, more freedom, greater powers of decision-making, and more recognition by administrators and parents. Finally, the Cegeps have not de­ veloped according to expectations. The heavy three-year pro­ gram in certain professional branches compared with the two­ year program for pre-university students seems to have con­ tributed, together with inadequate projections of student voca­ tional choices, to mar the original intent in introducing this intermediary level.

LApOINTE: The Ministry and Superior Council of Education continue to reflect the spirit of the Parent Report, even if the former has already come under the leadership of five different ministers and the latter has had two presidents. Similarly, the gradual coordination of all educational levels and the region­ alization of school administration follow the directions given by the Report, except for the reorganization of school struc­ tures in the Montreal area. Essentially, the system is develop- 195 Retrospective on the P.ent Report ing coherently throughout the Province according to the basic design of the Report. Although there are variations, devia­ tions, and amplifications resulting from the necessity to adapt, these concern modality rather than basic concepts.

McILHONE: The commissioners were sufficiently realistic to know that public opinion would tend to distort the original intent of their proposals and this may explain why some rec­ ommendations have gone awry, but in general the creation matches the model, at least from the viewpoint of administra­ tive structures. The congruency can be explained by the fact that Paul Gerin-Lajoie was both the chief promoter of the Parent Commission in 1961 and the first Minister of Educa­ tion in 1964. The differences that have arisen can be attri­ buted, at least in part, to the various planning committees created within the Department of Education by the Deputy Minister. At first glance, these seemed to be counterchecks to the Superior Council and their establishment was for some time a source of considerable anxiety to the commissioners. In other areas, the Catholic and Protestant Committees, the only two bodies with regulatory powers proposed by the Commis­ sion, have not asserted their prerogatives as much as they might have been able to do, the emerging Cegeps have not matched the content or the intent proposed by the Report, and it is only now that the streamlining of the universities is being attempted.

MUNROE: Two series of positive and negative elements can be clearly lined up. Among the realizations according to de­ sign, are the following: a) The Ministry has been established. b) Democratization has been achieved to a great extent, con­ sidering such developments as free textbooks in elementary and secondary schools, tuition-free pre-university education, increased financial assistance in the form of loans and bur­ saries, comprehensive programs widely accepted at the sec­ ondary and post-secondary levels, termination of an academic­ oriented school system, and growing participation of parents in school board affairs. c) Continuing education is expanding and serving a constantly growing clientele of all ages through­ out the Province. d) Teacher-training institutions have merged with universities. There are also some negative elements. The Ministry is itself a unified structure but it has not succeeded in uniting the pluralistic and multi-ethnic elements of Quebec society. All groups are not equitably rep- 196 Magdelhayne F. Buteau resented and some social and cultural values are being lost. When the Ministry was first set up, it was left with the burden of reassigning a large number of civil servants from the old Department of Public Instruction. This long process somewhat delayed the integrating of the best elements of the two existing systems and the recruiting of experienced senior officials from the two language groups. Also, the Ministry never accepted decentralization but consistently practiced mere "deconcentration" with most of the decision-making power at the top and mere administration at the local level. Furthermore, in the use of existing structures and the co­ ordination of private and public institutions the Ministry has moved too quickly and has not adhered to the Report's suggestions for gradual change. The Superior Council of Education with its confessional committees and its advisory commissions has not been fully able to play the consultative role assigned to it. In the last few years particularly, bi­ lingual and pluralistic representation has not been fully respected and the Council's influence and efficiency have been impaired by overruling measures taken by the Ministry. Finally, what seems to have been most influencial in obstruct­ ing the implementation of the Commission's recommendations seems to be a rising tide of unhealthy competition and rivalry concerning education. Power groups have developed, inspired by syndicalism, unilingualism and other "ism's", and have distracted attention from the true educational aims.

ROQUET: In the elementary schools, pedagogical reform is progressing and activity methods are being introduced as rec­ ommended in the Report. But the secondary schools are slow in implementing the suggested changes. The anticipated bene­ fits of polyvalence tend to be jeopardized by two factors. First, the actual size of the schools is often twice as large as pro­ posed, and consequently administrative organization and coor­ dination often take precedence over educational and cultural objectives. Second, depersonalization mars pedagogical ac­ tivity due to the excessive specialization of teachers and the premature selection of options in students' programs. The tutorat or homeroom-teacher system and the gradual rate of specialization suggested in the Report have not come into being. In many instances, the school has become an U3'ine de cours, that is, a well-scheduled organization of lectures and movements with little or no consideration for human aspira­ tions. Although the Cegeps constitute a very important realiza- 197 Retrospective on the Parent Report tion of the Report, they present many unforeseen problems, such as the relation between the technological and academic sectors (content of programs, duration of studies, number of students), and the general lowering of standards. Further­ more, the intent of the commissioners on Continuing Educa­ tion has been misinterpreted. There is still too much rigidity in prerequisites, credits, examinations, and certification. College studies should be accessible to larger and more diversified student populations, including those who interrupt their schooling as well as those who attended college immediately after secondary school.

Higher education is relatively backward. Conservatism over­ rules progress in most of the older institutions. "Les univer­ sites sont, comme l'albatros, embarrassees dans leurs riches­ ses." As for l'Universite du Quebec, which was created with­ out being recommended by the Parent Commission, its various campuses are developing unevenly and they are all experi­ encing the growing pains inherent in new institutions.

The responses of the non-Commissioners: BARON: The existing educational system is a close adaptation to the model suggested. The relatively few discrepancies and extensions that were introduced have to do with contingent ways and means rather than with essential objectives. The following factors have influenced the modality and rate of implementation of the initial design. First, the Report was published with a three-year interval between the first and the final parts. Second, the election of the Union Nationale party in 1966, the return of the Liberals in 1969, and the recent reassignment of portfolios have resulted in the succes­ sion of five different Ministers within the last eight years. Third, the formation, between 1962 and 1965, of the Planning Committee for Operation 55, of the Belanger Commission on Taxation, and of a number of advisory Department commit­ tees, such as those on Technical and Vocational Education, Schools of Agriculture, and Adult Education, led to the identi­ fication of certain priorities that had not received the same emphasis in the Parent Report. If the internal organization of the Ministry recommended by the Parent Report is com­ pared with the one described in Bill 60, there seems to be great concordance, but if it is compared with the present organiza­ tion, a number of vertical and horizontal transformations must be noted. These were brought about to improve the efficiency 198 Magdelhayne F. Buteau of the Ministry in its responsibility for coordinating all the educational services at all levels. The Reform in elementary and secondary education seems to be in the direction of the suggested model, at least much more so than the reform in higher education. However, the pedagogical organization of the schools themselves is somewhat different from what was envisaged by the commissioners. The same can be said about the Cegeps. Their rapid proliferation among the francophones and their slow emergence among the anglophones resulted in a network of collegial institutions that do not replicate exactly the instituts described in the Report. CARDINAL: In some areas, such as the creation of central struc­ tures, most of the recommendations have been carried out. In other areas, such as the application of Regulation One to school organization, transformation has been proceeding slowly. In general, the modernization of pedagogy that was advocated by the Parent Report has been barely noticeable in most schools. Faculties of Education have been set up as recom­ mended, but adequate teacher-training programs have yet to be developed and adapted to suit the various needs of the Province. The Universities Council which was formed ac­ cording to the design of the Parent Report has recently been publicly criticized as inadequate by Guy Rocher who was one of the authors of the Parent Report. On the other hand, with the laws on Cegeps and the Universite du Quebec, the reform has gone beyond the initial proposal. In the light of the past eight years of experience and, due to present evolutionary tendencies, the implementation of the Parent Report needs readjustment and revitalization, particularly in the human­ ization of educational milieus, the training and re-training of teachers, and the regrouping of school commissions in line with demographic changes. DICKSON: It is difficult to compare actual realizations with initial proposals, because one is often so interested in what is happening that he tends to forget whether it follows a prede­ termined pattern or whether it just develops according to in­ cidental needs. Before 1962, my philosophy towards individual­ ized instruction may have been more radical than what the Parent Report had envisaged, but the school system has ac­ tually gone so far left that I now feel like a conservative. Also, the participation and consultation that were intro­ duced subsequent to the Parent Report, and the syndical con­ flicts that lately have been shaking the teaching profession 199 Retrospective on the Parent Report have led to a type of radicalism that by far surpasses the en­ thusiasm and activism that the commissioners had expected to arouse among the population. Moreover, the existing com­ prehensive school has not yet met the objectives of polyvalence and social integration that had been set. This partial failure relates to two factors. First, a wide gap has long separated the academic and vocational sectors and fostered an attitude of mutual distrust. Second, these two sectors in many cases, were forced together hurriedly on the same campus so that federal financial assistance available for vocational training could be secured. But this assistance was based on the Robarts' Plan in Ontario, where schools maintained distinct technological and academic streams. Consequently, a number of new schools were built for student populations much larger than the 1200 or 1500 advocated by the Parent Report. In many instances, in fact, some large schools were indeed only aggregates of specialized schools under a single roof. The comprehensive school, as envisaged by the Parent Report, never got off the ground.

GARANT: Reform has been taking place more rapidly than it had been anticipated in areas dealing with administration, structures and equipment. The creation of a Ministry and Superior Council, secondary schools, Cegeps, and the Univer­ site du Quebec, the development of continuing education, and the regionalization of school boards are examples of these rapid transformations. But reform has been moving much more slowly in its pedagogical aspects such as curriculum, in­ structional approaches, and humanization, particularly at the secondary and college levels. That is why the present develop­ ments are only preliminaries and the most important phase of the reform is yet to come. what do you consider the most significant reforms implemented during the past decade?

The responses of the former Commissioners: FILION: Democratization of education has been particularly successful in the sense that more children go to school longer, and that higher education, particularly among francophones is accessible to a larger clientele. Quebec society has been made aware of its educational responsibility; it accepts now that education budgets be increased to comprise nearly thirty­ five percent of public expenditures. The creation of the various 200 Magdelhayne F. Buteau campuses of the Universite du Quebec in Montreal and in other regions is a noteworthy achievement in line with the democratization of education. LAPOINTE: One of the most successful results of the Parent Report has been a growing respect and appreciation in the community for education and for those who work in this field and also a deeper sense of professionalism in all those who are responsible for it. Education in Quebec is becoming a vast social project in which the various groups of the community participate to an ever-increasing extent. McILHONE: There are many good points in the present re­ formed school system. First, there is the new style of adminis­ tration that is being displayed in the Ministry. Communica­ tion between the Ministry and the school boards is improving. Consultation by high officers with school administrators, teachers, and parents takes place more regularly. Admittedly, there is room for improvement but this democratic approach seems to awaken among Quebecers a growing interest in educational matters. Another good point is the introduction of tuition-free comprehensive schools and junior colleges to re­ place the complex, unarticulated networks of widely diverging institutions that existed throughout the Province before 1963.

MUNROE: It is difficult to pin-point a single result of very high importance but it is possible to mention a few areas of out­ standing success. The public's recognition of education as a high social priority reflects a beneficial change of attitude which is closely related to the setting up of an efficient Minis­ try of Education as suggested in the Parent Report. The teaching profession is growing in prestige and most teachers show a sense of professional pride and a positive attitude toward self-improvement. In the eyes of many the reform has taken on the significance of a greater challenge. The creation of the tuition-free public pos~secondary level, accessible to all types of ability, is a unique achievement in Canada. Finally, the unification that has been realized in the Ministry and in the Superior Council, the coordination that is being developed at all levels of administration, and the integration of formerly­ isolated institutions such as Macdonald College and The St. Joseph Teachers College which now constitute McGill Univer­ sity's Faculty of Education, deserves to be mentioned as successful realizations that are likely to bear fruit for Quebec's future. 201 Retrospective on the Parent Report

ROQUET: Many of the innovations in instructional strategies at the elementary and college levels are proving to be highly effective. In many places, new techniques and media are being tried involving group work, team teaching, programmed in­ struction, and the use of electronic and audio-visual devices, to the satisfaction of administrators, teachers, and students. These achievements show that the traditional teacher-pupil relation is being modified and that the learner can be taught to participate productively in determining what is to be learned, how and when learning and evaluation can best take place. A meaningful trend has been initiated, consisting in guiding the young into a new type of autodidactisme at the elementary and college levels. It is deplorable, however, that these accomplishments are receiving inadequate diffusion and publicity. The responses of the non-Commissioners: BARON: The reform has been more successful in the new ob­ jectives it has set than in the structures it has modified. A new attitude and a new spirit towards schooling and culture has been generated among the community at large as well as among most educators. Today, many more people than before discuss education and its evolution. Newspapers and other media now include the school among topics of general interest. The emergence at the elementary level of renewed pedagogy based on non-graded ness, continuous progress, and pupil ac­ tivity and involvement, reflects the progress of a new spirit. At the secondary level, the general movement toward compre­ hensiveness and desegregation of programs, subject promo­ tion, and graduated compulsory and free options, shows the beneficial change of mentality that has taken place during the sixties. CARDINAL: Two post-secondary innovations deserve special mention. The creation of the Cegeps is a first-class achieve­ ment, both for their originality in Canada a.nd for the advan­ tages they bring to a large number of young Quebecers. At first, Bill 21 was sharply criticized and went through a series of amendments, but not long after its promulgation much of the opposition melted into a supportive position and this new type of college became very much in demand. The Cegeps have been growing painfully but the change of attitude toward their existence is a major sociological conversion highly conforming to the spirit of the Parent Report. Equally signif­ icant is the founding of the Universite du Quebec and its rapid 202 Magdelhayne F. But... spread to different regions of the Province in spite of inherent difficulties and seemingly concerted opposition from existing institutions. Its constantly increasing student enrolment and academic expansion testify to the growing democratization of education.

DICKSON: The most exciting event of the sixties is the emer­ gence of tuition-free colleges. Their importance stems from what they have replaced and redressed, even if they are not quite so good as the instituts the commissioners had devised. Also the elementary-school reform, especially in the French­ language schools, deserves to be cited as an achievement, par­ ticularly from the point of view of instructional approach and curriculum development. Elementary schools on the French side are truly vibrant. They seem to have accepted change more readily than the English-language schools.

GARANT: The creation of the Superior Council of Education is a major successful change in the educational scene. The type of collaboration worked out between the Ministry and the Superior Council in elaborating and finalizing laws and regulations is a worthwhile realization of far-reaching signif­ icance in spite of the fact it is less tangible than some of the structural innovations. The growing publicity given to the Council's reports and recommendations on current educational events shows increasing interest in school affairs. This is a marked progress over the attitude that prevailed before 1960. conclusion

The Commissioners and non-Commissioners alike represent a wide variety of backgrounds. The Commissioners, of course, were selected initially with an eye to balancing representation of the various sectors of Quebec society: English-French, Catholic-Protestant, male-female, lay-religious, pUblic-private, and academic-business. When the Commissioners first met as a group, they were strangers to one another, reflecting the Province's islands of isolation. As one Commissioner ex­ plained, through frequent contacts and discussion they built up broader mutual understandings and a more objective inter­ pretation of the ethnic and religious problems in Quebec. In­ deed, one is struck by the high degree of consensus in the outlook of the Commissioners and the extent to which this common view is shared by the non-Commissioners as well. 203 Retrospective on the Parent Report

Underlying the statements of all participants there is a buoyant if cautious optimism and, perhaps, a touch of pride in what has been accomplished in Quebec education during the past decade. Although we will have to wait somewhat longer to find out how history will judge these accomplish­ ments, we can at least say that the events of the 1960's, in­ spired by the Parent Commission, have contradicted the theory of Louis Hemon that "Au pays du Quebec rien ne doit mourir et rien ne doit changer."

204 REVIEWS

Real G. Boulianne

Louis-Philippe Audet and His Work

It is difficult to appreciate the current state of Quebec society without understanding its past. Perhaps the idea of the past has dominated Quebec more than any other province in Canada. Indeed, the preservation of institutions and of a culture deeply rooted in hundreds of years of history seems to have been one of the major determinants in the evolution of Quebec society. Because education reflected this pre-occupation with the past, it is important to view its current development in the perspective of history. Unfortunately, until very recent­ ly there was rea1ly no comprehensive and objective survey of the history of education of Quebec, and much of what French­ Canadian historians had written was, as Marcel Lajeunesse has suggested, Cl ••• pour glorifier leur 'alma mater,' ajouter un argument a la mission essentiellement civilisatrice en Ame­ rique du Nord ou elargir le champ des luttes nationales .... Clearly there was need for a we1l documented and objective history of education in Quebec and in this context the public­ ation of Louis-Philippe Audet's Histoire de l'enseignement au Quebec, 1608-1971 (Montreal: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971, Vol. I, 432 pp., Vol. Il, 496 pp., $24.95) marks a mile­ stone in Quebec historiography. It marks a milestone also in Audet's own career. While this book fulfills a vital need, it re­ flects also the author's own considerable contribution to the history of education in the Province. Furthermore, Histoire de l'enseignement au Quebec is the product of a historian who, for more than half a century, not only experienced the agoniz­ ingly slow development of Quebec education but also, as Sec­ retary to the Parent Commission, witnessed directly the birth of the recent educational reforms associated with the "Quiet Revol ution." 206 Louis-Philippe Audet

Audet's own career has been a varied one - teacher, school administrator, civil servant, and scholar with numerous pub­ lications to his credit. From 1921 to 1939 he was a teacher in elementary and secondary schools, a high school adminis­ trator, and a normal school professor. In 1939 Audet shifted his activity away from the classroom. After working for a short time in a laboratory as a biologist,' in 1940 he began his long career in the Quebec civil service. For twenty-one years he worked in educational capacities for a variety of ministries and in 1961 he retired from his civil service position as Direc­ teur de l' enseignement for all schools coming under the Minis­ try of Youth (special and technical education). However, Audet never left teaching entirely. For twenty-six years he taught, on a part-time basis, at Laval and at the Universite de Mont­ real. Furthermore, he maintained his contact with education in other ways. For thirty-two years (1932-1964) he edited a weekly column on natural history in l'Action Catholique and for twelve years he edited a daily column in the same paper on education and guidance. In addition, he delivered numerous radio lectures on education for Radio-Canada. Audet's appointment as Secretary to the Parent Commission in 1961 marks another turning point in his career. He worked for the Commission from 1961 to 1964. This experience was undoubtedly valuable for the historian, and Histoire de l'en­ seignement au Quebec is richer for it. Audet went from the Commission to become a director of the Centre de Psychologie et de Pedagogie (1964-1966), and from there he returned to full-time teaching and writing as a professor at the Faculte des Sciences de l'Education, Universite de Montreal. He re­ tired as professeur titulaire in May, 1970, and is now living in Sillery, Quebec, where he continues his research. Of all Audet's many activities, his major contribution has been as an historian. His interests in the history of education in Quebec are varied and he has written widely on topics ranging from aspects of education during the French Regime to contemporary school organization. He has published a num­ ber of biographical works on prominent Quebec educators in­ cluding Mgr. de Laval, Dr. Jean-Baptiste Meilleur and P.-J.-O. Chauveau.3 He has written also on such controversial issues as the problem of the Jewish schools in Quebec, the attempts to restore the ministry of education in 1897, and the long struggle to establish compulsory education! Audet has been interested likewise in the history of particular institutions, and has written articles dealing with some schools under 206 Real G. BouIianne the Royal Institution for the Advancement of Learning, the College de Quebec, and l'Ecole poly technique de MontreaJ.5 He has done a great deal of work also on what seems to be his particular interest - school organization and structures, the Council of Public Instruction, the Ministry of Education, and school reforms during the crucial decade, 1959-1969." In addition to these specialized studies, Audet was also a collaborator on publications of a more general nature. In 1967, he wrote with Armand Gauthier Le systeme scolaire du Que­ bec, Organisation et fonctionnement,' an outline history of education in Quebec combined with current educational struc­ tures. Three years later he contributed, with J. Donald Wilson and Robert M. Stamp, to a survey of the history of education in Canada, Canadian Education: A History.s Audet's major work until now, however, is his well known six-volume history of education in Quebec, Le systeme 8colaire de la province de Quebec.s This work covers the period from 1608 to 1840. Volumes In and IV in particular were a valuable contribution to historiography in as much as they presented a new and more objective interpretation of the work of the much abused Royal Institution for the Advancement of Learn­ ing, which was responsible for Lower Canada's first attempt at establishing a school system. Currently Audet is writing Volume VII of this series, a biography of Dr. Jean-Baptiste Meilleur, Quebec's first superintendent of education. In 1969, Audet delivered his le~on inaugurale upon his ap­ pointment as professeur titulaire at the Universite de Mont­ real, Bilan de la reforme scolaire au Quebec, 1959-1969. In his introductory remarks he mentioned that the history of educa­ tion in Quebec still had to be written. . . . trois provinces canadiennes seulement possedent leur histoire de l'enseignement dument publiee, la Colombie britannique, l'Alberta et Terre-Neuve: celle duQuebec reste encore it ecrire. J'entends ici une histoire solide et scientifique qui ne soit pas une simple enumeration de faits ou de dates, mais une synthese vivante de revolution des struc­ tures scolaires et des modifications de la societe politique, religieuse et economique.'o This is the task that Audet set for himself when he wrote Histoire de l'enseignement au Quebec. The 363 years of Quebec education covered by this book are divided into five chronological periods. The first period, 1608- 1760, is itself divided into two sections, the French heritage and education in New France; the second, 1760-1840, is di­ vided into the Anglo-Saxon heritage and the evolution of 2IJ7 Louis-Philippe Auclet education from the Conquest to the Union; the third covers the development of the basic structures in education from 1840 to 1875; the fourth, 1876-1959, deals with the evolution of the school system into two separate confessional systems and traces this development to the eve of the "Quiet Revolu­ tion;" the final period, 1959-1971, covers the recent reforms in Quebec education. The author has achieved good balance in his overall pres­ entation in as much as he gives each period the attention it warrants without being unduly dominated by chronology. For example, although chronologically the period 1959-1971 is re­ latively short, Audet gives it considerable attention since this period covers the introduction and implementation of funda­ mental changes in Quebec education as well as the current educational structures. The historian has managed to link the past to the present successfully. One of the key sections of this book is that covering the period 1876-1959. These chapters present a graphic descrip­ tion of a school system that had so stagnated for eighty-three years that it had become virtually unmanageable and badly in need of reform. The contrast between this period and that of 1959-1971 is so vivid as to make one wonder how the old system had managed to survive so long. The reforms of the Parent Commission would be difficult to understand ade­ quately without knowledge of the dire conditions prior to 1959. Although the general orientation of this book seems to favour educational legislation, structures, organization and institutions, it does not do so at the expense of other important aspects of education. Some of these reflect Audet's previous work. There is an entire chapter devoted to the pioneer work of the first two superintendents, Meilleur (1842-1855) and Chauveau (1855-1867). There is also reasonable coverage of some of the more controversial issues associated with Quebec education: Mgr. Ignace Bourget and ultramontanism, the 19th century university quarrel, the crisis over the Jesuit Estates (1888). In fact, there are few topics that are not given the attention they deserve. Each major section of the text has an introduction which outlines the political, religious, social, and economic context of the period. In addition, the content is supported by sixty­ two tables and charts dealing with data such as demographic evolution, school population, legislation, and the financing of school boards, and by a collection of 110 original documents. These tables, charts, and documents in themselves make the 208 RlIaI G. Boulianne book a useful reference work. It must be remembered however, that despite its scope and thoroughness, Histoire de l'enseignement au Quebec is still essentially a survey and a synthesis of the development of education in Quebec. There are many topics introduced by Audet which require further research; For example, although there are some articles and theses written on certain aspects of classical colleges, a history of these colleges remains to be done. When one considers the generations of the leading classes of Quebec educated in these institutions (including the current elite of French Canada) the need for this kind of study seems more imperative. There is also little done on the work and influence of the religious orders in education. What is needed is a parallel history to the one Labarrere-Paule wrote on the lay teachers of the 19th century.ll The education of minority groups in Quebec has received only cursory examina­ tion. Historians would find a rewarding field in the develop­ ment of English (Protestant and Roman Catholic) and Jewish education. The ecoles normales, of which there were hun­ dreds, deserve some attention, as does teacher education in general. Little has been done on university education .as well as professional and technical education. Other topics linking education to social development, such as the effects of ur­ banization on education need further exploration. Although a great deal of basic research on Quebec educa­ tion remains to be done, Louis-Philippe Audet's Histoire de l'emeignement au Quebec in its objectivity and comprehensive­ ness, must be recognized as a major contribution. references

1. Marcel Lajeunesse, L'education au Quebec "19" - !to· siecles", Trois­ Rivieres: les editions du Boreal Express, 1971, p. 7. 2. Audet's first academic interest was in the field of natural history. He obtained a Licence es Sciences from Laval University and studied also under Frere Marie-Victorin, the founder of the Montreal Botanical Gardens. His first publications likewise were in natural history. 3. Louis-Philippe Audet, "Mgr. de Laval et I'education," in Rappore de la Societe canadienne d'histoire de l'Eglise catholique, 1958, pp. 59-78; ---., "Index analytique du Memorial de l'Education du Dr. Jean-Baptiste Meilleur," in Memoiree de la Societe 1'oyale du Canad4, 1964, pp. 49-68; Louis-Philippe Audet

----, "Jean-Baptiste Meilleur etait-il un candidat valable au poste de surintendant de l'Education au Bas-Canada en 18421," in lea Cakt£era des Dw, 1966, pp. 163-203; ----" "P.-J.-O. Chauveau et l'education," in Memoirea de la Societe royale du Canada, 1966, pp. 13-41; ----, "P.-J.-O. Chauveau, ministre de l'Instruction publique: 1867-1873," in Memoires de la Societe royale du Canada, 1967, pp. 171-187. 4. Louis-Philippe Audet, "La question des ecoles juives: 1870-1931," in Memoires de la Societe royale du Canada, 1970, pp. 1()9-122; ----, "Le projet de ministere de l'inst:tuction publique de 1897," in Memoires de la Societe rfYJIale du Canada, 1963, pp. 133-163; ----" "La querelb de l'instruction obligatoire," in les Cahiera des Dix, 1959, pp. 133-151. 6. Louis-Philippe Audet, "Deux ecoles royales: Sainte-Marie de la Nouvelle-Beauce et Cap Sante," in Memoires de la Societe rfYJIale du Canada, 1956, pp. 7-25; ----, "Programmes et professeurs du College de Quebec (1635- 1763)," in les Cahiers des Dix, 1969, pp. 13-38; ----, "La fondation de l'Ecole poly technique de Montreal, 1873," in les Cahiers des Dix, 1965, pp. 149-193. 6. Louis-Philippe Audet, Histoire du Conseil de l'Instruction publique: 1856-1964, Montreal, Editions Lemeac, 1964, 346 pp.; ----, "Le premier ministere de l'Instruction publique: 1867- 1876," in la Revue d'histoire de l'Amerique franl}aise, 1968, pp. 171- 223; ----, Bilan de la reforme scolaire au Quebec, 1959-1969, Mont­ real, les presses de l'Universite de Montreal, 1969, 70 pp. 7. Louis-Philippe Audet et Armand Gauthier, Le Systeme scolaire du Quebec: organisation et fonctionnement, Montreal, Beauchemin, 1967. 8. J. Donald Wilson, Robert M. Stamp, and Louis-Philippe Audet, Canadian Education: A History, Scarborough, Prentice-Hall, 1970, 235 p. 9. Louis-Philippe Audet, Le systeme scolaire de la province de Quebec; Vol. I, Quebec, Les Editions de I'Erable, 1951, 345 p.; VoI. n, Quebec, les presses universitaires Laval, 1951, 362 p.; Vol. Ill, Quebec, les presses universitaires Laval, 1952, 323 p.; Vol. IV, Quebec, les presses universitaires Laval, 1952, 416 p.; Vol. V, Quebec, Les Editions de I'Erable, 1955,325 p.; Vol. VI, Quebec, Les Editions de l'Erable, 1956, 353 p. 10. Louis-Philippe Audet, Bilan de la reforme scolai1'e au Quebec, 1959- 1969, Montreal, les presses de l'Universite de Montreal, 1969, pp. 7-8. 11. Andre Labarrere-Paule, Les instituteurs la'iques au Canada fran;ais, 1836-1900, Quebec, Presses de l'Universite Laval, 1965, 471.

210 Reviews

society and promotes a dependence upon specialized institutions. The result of schooling, says 11- lich, is the alienation of learning from living: Ivan lIIich. School prepares for the alienat­ DESCHOOLlNG SOCIETY. ing institutionalization of life by teaching the need to be taught. New York: Once this lesson is learned, peo­ ple lose their incentive to grow Harper It Row, 1971. in independence; they no longer 116 pp. find relatedness attractive, and close themselves off to the sur­ prises which life offers when it is not predetermined by institu­ tional definition. (p. 47). Ivan Illich has a radical solution for today's educational problems: At a time when more and more do away with the schools entirely. billions are being spent on schools, He wants to disestablish schools "everywhere nature becomes poi­ and create instead "an educational sonous, society inhumane, and the network or web for the autono­ inner life is invaded and personal mous assembly of resources under vocation smothered" (p. 118). 11- the personal control of each learn­ Iich demands that we give up our er" (p. 70). Illich sees the deschool­ faith in schools as a source of sal­ ing of society as the first step in vation and look for alternatives. the liberation of man from the He suffers this loss of faith be­ manipulative institutions of so­ cause of his view that "learning is ciety. His book consists of a blister­ the human activity which least ing attack upon schools as we needs manipulation" and that most know them and a set of proposals learning is "the result of unham­ for a new institutional framework pered participation in a meaning­ aimed at promoting action, parti­ ful setting" (p ..39). cipation, and self-help. His alternative to schooling is Illich's attack upon schools cen­ to set up "convivial" (i.e. non­ ters on what he sees as their mani­ manipulative) channels for learn­ pUlative aspects. Like the military, ing that are self-activating and mental hospitals, and nursing self-limiting. These can be distin­ homes, schools are social agencies guished into four kinds of learning which specialize in the manipula­ exchanges or reference services tion of their clients. By a "school" having to do with: things, models, he means "the age-specific, teach­ peers, and educated elders (p. 76). er-related process requiring full­ The "Reference Services to Educa­ time attendance at an obligatory tional Objects" would try to break curriculum" (pp. 25-6). The bud­ down the barriers that obstruct gets may vary from country to our understanding and use of both country, but the invariant struc­ ordinary things (e.g. dismantling ture or "hidden curriculum" is a machine in a garage ) and of spe­ fundamentally alike throughout the cial things made for educational world. The student must attend, he purposes (e.g. computers). Illich's must be taught by a teacher in experiences among the poor in New school, and he must learn the pack­ York City and in Latin America aged commodities or "subjects" of have convinced him that we must the curriculum. All of this conveys stop producing for consumption to the student that whatever is of and the creation of new needs and value can only be learned through start working toward a "durable­ a graded process of consumption in goods economy" in which items are the school. School thus serves as a made for "self-assembly, self-help, kind of initiation ritual for modern reuse, and repair" (p. 63). 211 Reviews

Al(mg with this built-in acces­ line his own alternatives to school­ siblity to common things, Illich ing. I share his distaste for the would make more accessible the manipUlative aspects of modern specialized tools er! modern tech­ society and can recognize them in nology. He would set up storefront our schools. My main quarrel is depots with books, tape-recorders, with his premise that learning is T.V. sets, films, printing prl!sses, "the human activity which least etc. staffed by custodians or guides needs manipulation by others" and to facilitate use and understand­ hence that most learning is "the ing. Big corporations would be en­ result of unhampered participation couraged to make their daily in a meaningful setting" (p. 39). operations "more accessible to the IlIich rejects manipulation in public in ways that would make both the manner and the matter of learning possible" (p. 86). This education. Thus, he opposes com­ greater accessibility of objects pulsory attendance as well as an would be complemented by "Skill obligatory curriculum. He wants to Exchanges" whereby teachers of replace all this with free choice, skills could be contacted. By re­ greater accessibility of things, moving the institutional trappings skills, and people, and autonomous (e.g. certification for teachers), learning. But are there no pre-req­ lllich feels we could make skills uisites for autonomy? Are not more available. He advocates free differences in ability, background, skill centers open to the public and and interests reflected in the kinds suggests the establishment of a of choices we make? Is what we "bank" for skill exchanges with choose to learn as important as the "edu-credit cards" provided to each fact that we have a choice? citizen at birth (cf. pp. 14, 90). Putting these questions in terms A third channel for learning of Illich's alternative networks, we would be that of "Peer-Matching". might ask the following: Can we Here people with the same inter­ (or should we) try to prevent ests could meet and learn from "smarter" or more aggressive each other. Illich thinks the com­ learners from monopolizing the puter could be used to get such best skill banks or the most de­ people in touch with one another sirable masters? Will society treat and that abandoned school build­ all learning exchanges equally, or ings would make for convenient will it emphasize some (e.g. nu­ meeting-places. The final refer­ clear physics) over others ( e.g. ence service would be to "educated needlepoint)? Will all learners be elders" which he differentiates rewarded equally? If not, then how into two groups: 1) the adminis­ do we avoid setting up yet another trators and counsellors needed to "market" for learning (e.g. the operate the four networks (Illich doctor gets paid more than the assures us not many of these would mechanic and hence his skills are be needed); and 2) the intellectual seen as more valuable)? This is to leaders or masters, those individu­ make the point that Illich has by als who possess "superior intellec­ no means eliminated factors like tual discipline and imagination and unequal abilities or social pres­ the willingness to associate with sures which have caused so much others in their exercise" (p. 100). of the present manipulation of These would become known learners. through the reputations acquired among peers and disciples. Even more important, he has not considered what components of It would be somewhat petulant learning are necessary for social to chide IlIich for the lack of con­ welfare and autonomous choice. crete details in many of his pro­ Most would agree that a child posals. Obviously the man feels should learn a language, patterns deeply about the world's problems of logical thinking, his cultural and thinks that drastic changes background, recent developments are in order. At least he does out- in science and math, in addition to 212 Reviews developing a strong moral sense convey the primary components and hopefully some amount of of learning), while doing away aesthetic awareness. How are these with the outmoded framework. to be taught in Illich's new frame­ What is needed in the schools (and work? Do we allow the student to likely in the Church as well) is a choose not to learn these things? manipulation of the institution by Or to learn them from anyone he the clients. To be effective this pleases? Has society no stake in all requires communication and in­ of this? formed use of things, skills, and I have the feeling that Illich persons. All of which could well does not discuss such primary com­ preceed, but certainly cannot be ponents of learning because his replaced by the new channels of system presupposes them. That is, learning Illich proposes. he presupposes that people are capable of making intelligent Brian H endley University of Waterloo choices and that the only real prob­ lem is that of increased accessibil­ ity and communication. I submit that the equipping of persons for intelligent choice is the first prob­ lem and that it can still be best ac­ complished through the schools. Rather than disestablish schools, Anthony Burton. therefore, we should be re-estab­ THE HORN AND li8hing them, taking a fresh (and THE BEANSTALK: critical) look at what they are for PROBLEMS AND and how we can best accomplish POSSIBILITIES their objectives. IN CANADIAN EDUCATION This attempt to re-define object­ ives is a solid opportunity for Toronto: Hott. Rinehart Ini bringing together the interested Winaton, 1972. parties (students, teachers, parents, politicians) and letting them see that the institution is meant to serve not to manipulate. Anthony Burton's is a happy With some agreement on object­ book. To read it is to feel the gen­ ives, the next task would be to de­ unineness of the author's excite­ cide how one can measure attain­ ment and optimism about humanity ment of them and then to open up and his insistence that an increas­ for students the time, means, per­ ingly technocratized Canada can be sonnel, and occasions for learning. rehumanized. In some ways it can. Perhaps a set of exams could be to mind Theodore Brameld's no­ set and the students allowed to tions of cultural renascence and the prepare in any way they see fit, so part education might play in the long as they can pass. This would dynamics of social change. The encourage autonomous learning Horn is happy too because of ita while preserving the primary com­ immensely personal literary style ponents of learning. Passing such which occasionally, at least, ap­ exams could well be followed by proaches the poetic and in 80 doing use of one of Dlich's new channels excels much of the rad-chic lit of for further learning. the past few years. Illich likes to compare the im­ Burton has tasted of the Cuer­ pending demise of schools with navaca mushroom and had a high that of the Church, and suggests from it; and yet The HO'rn and that for both institutions the time The BeanBtalk is fundamentally has come. I prefer to look for a where most of us are: in Canada possible reformation that would re­ and the 1970's. He writes of Rei­ tain the essential purpose of the mer, Reich, and Roszak in a sen­ institution (i.e. the schools should sitive but unfawning way. One 213 Reviews may observe in Professor Burton's work the influences of the late Paul Goodman's anarchism and the socialist humanism of Erich Fromm. The reformers of the Kohl, Dennison, Kozol ilk are there Everett Reimer. too. SCHOOL IS DEAD It may well be that because Bur­ ton's is an eclectic philosophy of New York: life and education, The Horn will Doubleday & Co .• 1971. be dismissed by ideologues of all shades. Still, one of the most chal­ lenging aspects of the book is the author's ability to provide more than an explanation of Paulo Though inappropriately and Freire's Marxist conception of rather sensationally titled, Mr. praxis in education. Burton's in­ Reimer's book is a thoughtful and volvement with the X-Kalay Foun­ sincere, if uneven, work. As an­ dation and with the Lyceum (a other of the pUblications which Winnipeg "free school") give had its genesis in the CIDOC ample testimony of his ability to seminars of Cuernavaca, Mexico, make the leap from thought to ac­ in essence it is similar to Illich's tion. Few of us in the world of aca­ De-Schooling Society and Celebra­ demia ever try! tion of A warenflSS. The message is clear - technology has encom­ The range of "Problems and passed human individuality, de­ Possibilities" is too great to be stroyed initiative and perverted even hinted at in this review. man's values. The school is the Perhaps an explanation of the me­ perpetuator of this state of affairs taphors in the title will suggest by its elitist tendencies, authori­ the general thrust of the work. The tarian and bureaucratic nature and "Horn" is the cornucopia, the tech­ coercive tendencies. Ringing very nocracy we've too un critically ac­ close to the educational criticisms cepted as both inevitable and a of Paul Goodman's Compul80ry positive good. Burton reminds us Mis-Education and Jules Henry's that if we couldn't get to heaven Cultu"e Against Man, Reimer in a model T, a '73 Imperial serves states: "Schools treat people and the purpose no better, that the nir­ knowledge the way a technological vana which consumerism promises world treats everything, as if they is as remote as ever. And so it is could be processed." Continuing with the rapid growth of "ed bizz", with arguments similar to Holt, the "Beanstalk," which likewise A. S. Neill, or Jonathan Kozol, on promises, but can't deliver. Tony the conforming, repressive and Burton announces that if ordinary soul-destroying effects of school­ people are to free themselves from ing, Reimer concludes: "Contradic­ the seductiveness of the horn and tions in the world are best illus­ the smothering embrace of the trated by the school and best cor­ beanstalk, the struggle must begin rected by freeing education from now. And the schools may be the the school so that people may learn ideal place to begin the fight. the truth about the society in Even for those of us unwilling which they live." To correct the to take up the cudgels for per­ unequal distribution of educational sonal liberation and social change, opportunity Reimer suggests that The Horn and The Beanstalk will nations think in terms of educa­ provide an encounter with a crea­ tional networks which free men tive response to problems which from compulsory schooling, that should be of CJncern to all. funds be diverted from public schooling to the student himself M o1'ton Bain in the form of educational credit McGill University and that teachers compete for 214 Reviews

clients just like doctors, lawyers forcefully but then rather sim­ and night-club singers. plistically singles out one institu­ Undoubtedly, Mr. Reimer's ideas tion as the bearer of all ill-tidings are admirable yet hardly suffi­ and evil. Though public schooling ciently analytic or based upon a in North America is undoubtedly comprehensive knowledge of educa­ much too oppressive and totalita­ tional systems. Though in his in­ rian, massive efforts at change are troduction Mr. Reimer states that taking place daily, e,g. Project he does "not expect to satisfy the PLAN in Southern California, the norms of academic scholarship", he Philadelphia Parkways Project, can hardly expect to write a book attempts at an open classroom, about education without clarifying Jencks' voucher plan, systems an­ certain major issues. alysis and the science of utilization of information and dissemination One extremely disturbing fact of knowledge as applied to educa­ about School is Dead is that the tion. In no way has Reimer grap­ author makes no attempt to distin­ pled with the possibility that the guish between countries in his an­ school changes its function as an alysis of the 'schooling' phenome­ oppressive institution as a society na. For Reimer the school, be it in becomes more literate and politic­ Mexico, Europe, or U .S.A., is a ally conscious. Is it not conceivable total institution which strives to that schools as institutional forms prevent individuals from achiev­ might reflect changes in man's ving any degree of self-realization. consciousness so that they serve Schools everywhere indoctrinate, different purposes as his society oppress and sustain social strati­ evolves? Might schools actually fication - all in the guise of giv­ become (as Kenneth Galbraith has ing people an education. An ele­ suggested) the last bastion of re­ mentary knowledge of comparative flection against technological ad­ or international education data and vances? theory could have assisted Mr. Reimer in clarifying his overly Reimer's ideas for opportunity general conception of schooling. networks, though interesting and Certainly there are gradations of imaginative, must be considered power or influence held by the more cautiously than either he or 'school' depending on a country's Illich has done in their writings. political structure and the manner It w(Juld seem that corporate in­ in which curriculum is legislated. terests, true to their past perform­ ance, would only be too glad to Mr. Reimer and other advocates profiteer from this kind of of 'de-schooling' fail to see that educational de-institutionalization. schools reflect a society's stage of Neither Illich nor Reimer has modernization and democratizing shown clearly that commercial in­ tendencies. Blaming the school for terests will not bastardize learning society's ills is rather like blaming as they have the mass media. In an individual because he manifests an era which is moving ever more a disease. Schools reflect the dom­ closely to the public control of inant ideological base of their health and law in the form of med­ society and eliminating them icare and judicare, de-schooling would only mean that 'new' kinds seems more like a reactionary of institutions or structures pos­ proposal than a plea for viable sessing similar value orientations radical reform. would spring up in their place. If Mr. Reimer had allowed his book Yet, School is Dead does hint at to be a critique of technological some interesting ideas which, un­ society with all its attendant evils fortunately, are never developed. it would have been a more substan­ Speaking of institutions, Reimer tial work in the humanistic tradi­ suggests that we must make every tion of Fromm and his Revolution attempt at understanding them, of Hope. As it stands it criticizes their historical processes and their industrial values soundly and organizational structures so that 215 Reviews we can change them. He suggests sponsibility - these are all de­ that we work at achieving a "gen­ picted in the film, and also in Dr. eral theory of institutional Smith's very readable and useful change" and "a language in which social studies book on the impact of we can speak with precision about urbanization on the way people the needs of modern man." live, work, think, feel, and behave. Reimer is to be commended for I am impressed with the extent calling our attention to the grave to which the author has been suc­ injustices of public schooling. He cessful in bringing to bear on con­ does his readers a disservice, how­ temporary urban issues not only ever, by over-generalizing and by the discipline of history, with over-simplifying complex issues. which he has been primarily iden­ tified, but also the concerns, the H. Wagschal questions, and the modes of analy­ Dawson College sis associated with the various social sciences. An example of this is the section on residential mobil­ ity in Winnipeg. The student is encouraged to consider questions that relate to the political makeup David C. Smith. of the metropolitan area, the demo­ CHANGING VALUES: graphic patterns over a period of THE HUMAN IMPACT OF time, the effect of movement on UR8ANtZATION. various ethnic-cultural groups, and the impact on the economy of ur­ Sc.-borough: ban changes. Another fine exam­ Bellhaven House United, ple of the author's success in 1971. 126 pp. utilizing a truly integrated social studies approach is in the chapter entitled "Responsibility" which provides data relating to people on social welfare in Vancouver. The About two years ago I saw the complex of personal, family, educa­ award-winning Canadian film tional, medical, and financial con­ Goin' Down the Road. Though I've cerns of an unemployed divorcee lived in large cities all my life, I on welfare are pursued. was able to relate to Donald She­ bib's portrayal of the experiences A great deal of material on ur­ of Pete and Joey, two Maritimers banization is available for the who leave the Atlantic region, imaginative teacher and learner to where they've spent their child­ use in creative ways, and so the hood and youth, and arrive in To­ book is true to the aim enunciated ronto in a flashy car with about in the foreword by Professor Eric .30 between them. I know that my Winter, the editor of the series of having read Changing Values in which Changing Value8 is the recent days enabled me to bring third publication (the first two new insight to my recent second were Urban Landscapes and Ur­ viewing of Goin' Down the Road. ban Areas). In this book we have The stl·uggle of Pete and J oey access to numerous data, tables, when they first arrive in Toronto, maps, pictures, newspaper and the noise and colour of the city at magazine articles, and case stu­ night, the difficulty in securing dies. From time to time the reader employment, the adjustment to is invited to "Check Your Values" somewhat different attitudes re­ on topics such as the building of gardingprivacy, the fear of lone­ expressways in large cities, the liness, the conflict between per­ need for privacy, and the im­ ceived values of the metropolitan portance of human interaction. At community and those formerly held the end of each section questions regarding individual worth, fam­ are suggested for investigation ily relationships, and social re- and discussion. 218 Reviews we can change them. He suggests sponsibility - these are all de­ that we work at achieving a "gen­ picted in the film, and also in Dr. eral theory of institutional Smith's very readable and useful change" and "a language in which social studies book on the impact of we can speak with precision about urbanization on the way people the needs of modern man." live, work, think, feel, and behave. Reimer is to be commended for I am impressed with the extent calling our attention to the grave to which the author has been suc­ injustices of public schooling. He cessful in bringing to bear on con­ does his readers a disservice, how­ temporary urban issues not only ever, by over-generalizing and by the discipline of history, with over-simplifying complex issues. which he has been primarily iden­ tified, but also the concerns, the H. Wagschal questions, and the modes of analy­ Dawson College sis associated with the various social sciences. An example of this is the section on residential mobil­ ity in Winnipeg. The student is encouraged to consider questions that relate to the political makeup David C. Smith. of the metropolitan area, the demo­ CHANGING VALUES: graphic patterns over a period of THE HUMAN IMPACT OF time, the effect of movement on UR8ANtZATION. various ethnic-cultural groups, and the impact on the economy of ur­ Sc.-borough: ban changes. Another fine exam­ Bellhaven House United, ple of the author's success in 1971. 126 pp. utilizing a truly integrated social studies approach is in the chapter entitled "Responsibility" which provides data relating to people on social welfare in Vancouver. The About two years ago I saw the complex of personal, family, educa­ award-winning Canadian film tional, medical, and financial con­ Goin' Down the Road. Though I've cerns of an unemployed divorcee lived in large cities all my life, I on welfare are pursued. was able to relate to Donald She­ bib's portrayal of the experiences A great deal of material on ur­ of Pete and Joey, two Maritimers banization is available for the who leave the Atlantic region, imaginative teacher and learner to where they've spent their child­ use in creative ways, and so the hood and youth, and arrive in To­ book is true to the aim enunciated ronto in a flashy car with about in the foreword by Professor Eric .30 between them. I know that my Winter, the editor of the series of having read Changing Values in which Changing Value8 is the recent days enabled me to bring third publication (the first two new insight to my recent second were Urban Landscapes and Ur­ viewing of Goin' Down the Road. ban Areas). In this book we have The stl·uggle of Pete and J oey access to numerous data, tables, when they first arrive in Toronto, maps, pictures, newspaper and the noise and colour of the city at magazine articles, and case stu­ night, the difficulty in securing dies. From time to time the reader employment, the adjustment to is invited to "Check Your Values" somewhat different attitudes re­ on topics such as the building of gardingprivacy, the fear of lone­ expressways in large cities, the liness, the conflict between per­ need for privacy, and the im­ ceived values of the metropolitan portance of human interaction. At community and those formerly held the end of each section questions regarding individual worth, fam­ are suggested for investigation ily relationships, and social re- and discussion. 218 Reviews

My enthusiasm is great for from some of the data which are Changing Value •. It represents an included. I encourage the author important contribution to high and the publisher, therefore, to school and college courses on ur­ consider seriously the preparation ban studies. I am disappointed and the distribution of kits that with some specifics, however. We would include a variety of items are given a number of glimpses such as a filmstrip on changing of cultures outside Canada in the environments in schools, a colour author's attempt "to place Cana­ film on core districts of cities at dian developments in a larger per­ different times of the day and spective." In this way we are in­ night, an aUdiotape of urban troduced to settings as diverse as sounds and noises, and perhaps Forth Worth in Texas, where a even a copy of Pete and Joey proposal has been put forward for Goin' DoU'n the Road. a city centre free from car, truck, and bus traffic, and Zaria in Ni­ Myer HoroU'itz geria, where children grow up sur­ The University of Alberta rounded by large extended fam­ ilies. Almost without exception the reports of communities outside Canada suggest differences be­ tween life in Canada and in other countries. The reader is not helped to appreciate the extent to which the issues related to urbanization M.eel Lajeun86Se. in Montreal or Winnipeg or Van­ couver are issues common to urban L'S)UCAnON AU Qu&BEC centres around the globe, rather "198-208 SIB:LES". than those peculiar to urbanization in Canada. Trois-Riviwes: .. ~ditions du Bor6a1 Expren. The book seems to be missing a 1971. 147 p. $2.90. final chapter that should have re­ lated to one another the concepts in the five chapters that are in­ cluded privacy, aesthetics, 'lIhis book is part of a new col­ mobility, individual worth, and re­ lection, Etude. d'histoire du Qu­ sponsibility. The author could have beo, edited by Red Durocher and made more explicit the interre­ PauI-Andre Linteau. It is the sec­ latedness and complexity of these ond of a series which proposes to changing values and could have cover a wide range of topics hIgh­ encouraged the reader to explore lighting some specific aspects of the extent to which undue empha­ the evolution of Quebec society. Le sis on the value of privacy, for "retarq;' du Quebec et l'inferiorite example, affects the values re­ 6conomique des CanGditmll fra;n,. lating to social responsibility. gais, by Durocher and Linteau, My major criticism is that the has been published already and author and his editor have limited five other works are in the pre­ themselves to the printed word and paratory stages: L. peTSM&'IIel po­ to charts, pictures, tables, and dia­ litique, Le pkmomme ewctoral, grams which can be presented on SyftdicaliBme et travail, Agricul­ pages of a book. Nowhere, not even ture et colO'llisa.tiO'll, Les ideologies in the "For Further Study" sec­ au 1ge NCW. It is gratifying to tion, are we advised to look at and see a publication on the history of to listen to the videotapes, audio­ education written not in isolation tapes, films, and filmstrips which but as an integral part of political, I know Dr. Smith and Prof. Win­ social and economic history. ter use in their teaching. Audio­ The title of the book is some­ visual material would enable the what misleading in that the reader reader to derive greater meaning is led to expect at least some kind 217 Reviews

My enthusiasm is great for from some of the data which are Changing Value •. It represents an included. I encourage the author important contribution to high and the publisher, therefore, to school and college courses on ur­ consider seriously the preparation ban studies. I am disappointed and the distribution of kits that with some specifics, however. We would include a variety of items are given a number of glimpses such as a filmstrip on changing of cultures outside Canada in the environments in schools, a colour author's attempt "to place Cana­ film on core districts of cities at dian developments in a larger per­ different times of the day and spective." In this way we are in­ night, an aUdiotape of urban troduced to settings as diverse as sounds and noises, and perhaps Forth Worth in Texas, where a even a copy of Pete and Joey proposal has been put forward for Goin' DoU'n the Road. a city centre free from car, truck, and bus traffic, and Zaria in Ni­ Myer HoroU'itz geria, where children grow up sur­ The University of Alberta rounded by large extended fam­ ilies. Almost without exception the reports of communities outside Canada suggest differences be­ tween life in Canada and in other countries. The reader is not helped to appreciate the extent to which the issues related to urbanization M.eel Lajeun86Se. in Montreal or Winnipeg or Van­ couver are issues common to urban L'S)UCAnON AU Qu&BEC centres around the globe, rather "198-208 SIB:LES". than those peculiar to urbanization in Canada. Trois-Riviwes: .. ~ditions du Bor6a1 Expren. The book seems to be missing a 1971. 147 p. $2.90. final chapter that should have re­ lated to one another the concepts in the five chapters that are in­ cluded privacy, aesthetics, 'lIhis book is part of a new col­ mobility, individual worth, and re­ lection, Etude. d'histoire du Qu­ sponsibility. The author could have beo, edited by Red Durocher and made more explicit the interre­ PauI-Andre Linteau. It is the sec­ latedness and complexity of these ond of a series which proposes to changing values and could have cover a wide range of topics hIgh­ encouraged the reader to explore lighting some specific aspects of the extent to which undue empha­ the evolution of Quebec society. Le sis on the value of privacy, for "retarq;' du Quebec et l'inferiorite example, affects the values re­ 6conomique des CanGditmll fra;n,. lating to social responsibility. gais, by Durocher and Linteau, My major criticism is that the has been published already and author and his editor have limited five other works are in the pre­ themselves to the printed word and paratory stages: L. peTSM&'IIel po­ to charts, pictures, tables, and dia­ litique, Le pkmomme ewctoral, grams which can be presented on SyftdicaliBme et travail, Agricul­ pages of a book. Nowhere, not even ture et colO'llisa.tiO'll, Les ideologies in the "For Further Study" sec­ au 1ge NCW. It is gratifying to tion, are we advised to look at and see a publication on the history of to listen to the videotapes, audio­ education written not in isolation tapes, films, and filmstrips which but as an integral part of political, I know Dr. Smith and Prof. Win­ social and economic history. ter use in their teaching. Audio­ The title of the book is some­ visual material would enable the what misleading in that the reader reader to derive greater meaning is led to expect at least some kind 217 Reviews

of surveyor synthesis of Quebec played a negative role; finally, education, but instead, he is pre­ with Bill 60, the beginning of the sented with a series of specialized state's assertion of its place in essays. These articles have ap­ education in a quietly revolution­ peared already in other publica­ ized society. tions and from this point of view Lajeunesse brings nothing new to It is unfortunate that editorial the reader, but nevertheless, he policy did not provide for some does gather under one cover six kind of introduction and/or con­ articles arranged chronologically clusion which could have expressed to present fundamental issues in and explained the basic theme in the development of Quebec educa­ these articles. The good selection tion: Fernand Ouellet, "L'enseigne­ made by Lajeunesse would have ment primaire: responsabilite des been better served had a brief com­ Eglises ou de l'Etat? (1801-1836)"; mentary on church-state interac­ Marcel Lajeunesse, "L'eveque tion in Quebec education been in­ Bourget et I'Instruction publique cluded. au Bas-Canada, (1840-1846)"; An­ The basic plan of the editors is dre Labarrere-Paule, "L'institu. to present brief historiographical teur laique canadien-fran~ais au studies with each collection of 1geme siecle"; Louis-Philippe readings in this series and Lajeu­ Audet, "Le projet de Minisrere de nesse's well documented twelve l'Instruction publique en 1897"; page introductory essay is excel­ Louis-Philippe Audet, "La querel­ lent. He presents concisely a critic­ le de l'instruction obligatoire: al review of the literature and (1875-1943)"; Leon Dion, "Le Bill indicates those topics in need of 60 et la societe quebecoise". further research. This kind of sur­ It is easy to second guess a col­ vey should prove helpful to stu­ lection of this kind and to suggest dents of the history of education, that the editor should have selected and if similar surveys in the other other articles and topics instead volumes are as well done, the whole of or in addition to those pre­ collection will make a valuable sented. This line of criticism is not contribution to Quebec historio­ particularly fruitful. It is far more graphy. important to determine whether the selection made does represent Real G. Boulianne some of the major trends in Quebec Vanier College education in the 19th and 20th cen­ turies. Lajeunesse has indeed made a representative selection of some very basic themes. The dom­ inant theme is that of the con­ Laurence K. Shook. stant interaction between church and state over the control of edu­ CATHOLIC cation: the clash between church POST-SECONDARY and state in the early 19th century EDUCATION IN over the first education acts; the ENGLISH-SPEAKING beginning of the hegemony of the CANADA: A HISTORY. church in education under Bishop Toronto: Bourget in the mid-19th century; the virtual elimination of the in­ University of Toronto Press, fluence of lay teachers in educa­ 1971. 457 pp. $15.00. tion by the end of the 19th cen­ tury; the defeat by the church of the attempts of the state to re-af­ firm its authority in education by Laurence K. Shook's book, eight proposing the re-establishment of years in preparation, is a thor­ a Ministry of Education in 1897; ough study of English-speaking the long struggle over compulsory Roman Catholic institutions of education in which the church post-secondary education from 218 Reviews

of surveyor synthesis of Quebec played a negative role; finally, education, but instead, he is pre­ with Bill 60, the beginning of the sented with a series of specialized state's assertion of its place in essays. These articles have ap­ education in a quietly revolution­ peared already in other publica­ ized society. tions and from this point of view Lajeunesse brings nothing new to It is unfortunate that editorial the reader, but nevertheless, he policy did not provide for some does gather under one cover six kind of introduction and/or con­ articles arranged chronologically clusion which could have expressed to present fundamental issues in and explained the basic theme in the development of Quebec educa­ these articles. The good selection tion: Fernand Ouellet, "L'enseigne­ made by Lajeunesse would have ment primaire: responsabilite des been better served had a brief com­ Eglises ou de l'Etat? (1801-1836)"; mentary on church-state interac­ Marcel Lajeunesse, "L'eveque tion in Quebec education been in­ Bourget et I'Instruction publique cluded. au Bas-Canada, (1840-1846)"; An­ The basic plan of the editors is dre Labarrere-Paule, "L'institu. to present brief historiographical teur laique canadien-fran~ais au studies with each collection of 1geme siecle"; Louis-Philippe readings in this series and Lajeu­ Audet, "Le projet de Minisrere de nesse's well documented twelve l'Instruction publique en 1897"; page introductory essay is excel­ Louis-Philippe Audet, "La querel­ lent. He presents concisely a critic­ le de l'instruction obligatoire: al review of the literature and (1875-1943)"; Leon Dion, "Le Bill indicates those topics in need of 60 et la societe quebecoise". further research. This kind of sur­ It is easy to second guess a col­ vey should prove helpful to stu­ lection of this kind and to suggest dents of the history of education, that the editor should have selected and if similar surveys in the other other articles and topics instead volumes are as well done, the whole of or in addition to those pre­ collection will make a valuable sented. This line of criticism is not contribution to Quebec historio­ particularly fruitful. It is far more graphy. important to determine whether the selection made does represent Real G. Boulianne some of the major trends in Quebec Vanier College education in the 19th and 20th cen­ turies. Lajeunesse has indeed made a representative selection of some very basic themes. The dom­ inant theme is that of the con­ Laurence K. Shook. stant interaction between church and state over the control of edu­ CATHOLIC cation: the clash between church POST-SECONDARY and state in the early 19th century EDUCATION IN over the first education acts; the ENGLISH-SPEAKING beginning of the hegemony of the CANADA: A HISTORY. church in education under Bishop Toronto: Bourget in the mid-19th century; the virtual elimination of the in­ University of Toronto Press, fluence of lay teachers in educa­ 1971. 457 pp. $15.00. tion by the end of the 19th cen­ tury; the defeat by the church of the attempts of the state to re-af­ firm its authority in education by Laurence K. Shook's book, eight proposing the re-establishment of years in preparation, is a thor­ a Ministry of Education in 1897; ough study of English-speaking the long struggle over compulsory Roman Catholic institutions of education in which the church post-secondary education from 218 Reviews their origin to 1970. The majority was it "to be expected" that Christ of the chapters are a "chronicle" the King College in London would (Shook's choice of words with "lack . . . money to acquire and which I agree) of schools, grouped maintain adequate staff" (p. 296) by regions, organized from east to when it began operation in 1955? west across the country. With pre­ Coupled with the information that cision, almost to the point of over­ there was "too little space for a regularity in arranging his ma­ college operation" one is left to terial, each institution is first lo­ wonder why King's College, as it is cated geographically and then we known now, was opened at all. are told of its founding, the style, When King's became co-education­ cost and construction of buildings, al in 1968 it placed Brescia, an who taught there and the curricu­ Ursuline girls' college founded in lum. As promised in his introduc­ 1919, in an embarrassing position tory chapter, Shook points out of redundancy. According to Shook "identifiable patterns running "after considerable soul-searching through them - transfer of em­ Brescia decided to accept the whole phasis from the providing of development of King's College as priests to the providing of lay lead­ historically valid and to rely on ers, separation of high school from goodwill and collaboration to re­ college programmes, . . . conscious dress possible injury." (p. 304) awareness of degrees, admission of Further down on the same page women . . . acceptance of the valid­ the author calls a government ity of high standards, and the ded­ grant system to Brescia for uni­ ication to the pursuit of learning versity-wide Home Economics stu­ for its own sake and God's." (p. dents "just" but flails the govern­ 31) ment for saving the principle of no grants to denominational insti­ Most chapters are a traditional tutions "in the context of honest history of schools recording what, collaboration", by describing it as when and where. However, in "somewhat ridiculous". The ques­ many cases, Shook's book provides tion why King's was allowed to the first readily available record muke Brescia redundant goes un­ of institutional development, a answered and one is left to wonder service to Canadian scholars and at the import of Robin Harris' ob­ laymen which will undoubtedly servation in his Foreword that make his work a respected and "the welfare of Canadian higher valued reference. Taken collective­ education may well depend upon ly, Shook's chronicles contain much how many members of parliament more than sterile accounts of one and government officials read this event after another. While it is not book." (p. vi) the major thrust of the book, the author's personal experiences as a Also, the author's occasional ex­ church scholar enabled him to cursions into the contemporary make many critical insights into controversies of university de­ the educational role of the Church. velopment are sometimes unsatis­ His record of its power, the catho­ factory. The creation of the Uni­ licity of its interests and involve­ versity of Prince Edward Island in ments in an increasingly temporal 1970 is treated at some length but society and particularly his obser­ is marred by inaccuracies. It is in­ vations of the various personalities correct to suggest that Frank Mac­ of churchmen who have controlled Kinnon had little respect for the growth and shaped the charac­ either St. Dunstan's or Prince of ter of the Church's educational in­ Wales College (p. 51); it is com­ stitutions represent a significant mon knowledge that he had none contribution to our understanding for St. Dunstan's and considerable of Canadian education. respect for Prince of Wales to which he devoted a great deal of Despite these positive features, himself to improve its strengths the why of educational history is and eradicate its weaknesses. often missing. For example, why Reference to his book, The Politics 219 Reviews of Education, in this case is un­ who shall pay for it and whether warranted supposition. It is cor­ or not it will survive if public rect to say that the Bonnell Com­ support is not forthcoming. These mission was "wanting in courage" serious issues are approached (p. 58) but incorrect to write that forthrightly in that both strengths MacKinnon "looked at the report and weaknesses are underscored. as a double victory." He had ex­ But the fundamental issue is un­ pected more from the Commission resolved: "The Church's only con­ and knew that its recommenda­ cern can be man's learning in the tions left too much room for context of his faith and religious political manoeuvering and perpe­ experience." (p. 415) Policy state­ tuation of the chronic university ments from the First Council of question in which the quality of Canadian Bishops at Quebec in higher education available in P.E.I. 1851 through Vatican II (1~62-5) might suffer irrevocable damage. and the International Congress of Everyone did not know (p. 53) Catholic Universities (Rome 1969) that two universities could not be have not changed that fact and the afforded for a time. It depended contiguous one that many people on how scarce public funds were do not regard it an adequate spent on two institutions, one pub­ framework in which to define lic and non-denominational, the scholarship in post-secondary edu­ other private and sectarian. And cation. Whether or not such a time might have allowed for denominational position is good growth of understanding among enough to warrant public funds in all parties rather than the bitter­ its support must continue to be a ness occasioned by the premature vital but, as yet, largely un­ nuptials arranged by Premier answered question. The position of Campbell's government which the Church, stated fairly and open­ prompted MacKinnon.'s resign a., ly by Shook in this chapter de­ tion. A balanced interpretation of serves careful consideration. His the St. Dunstan's-Prince of Wales own conclusion regarding the fate merger will not be written until of Catholic colleges is decidedly we have access to some documents ambivalent and ironically tem­ held in private collections and the poral. "They should probably be memoirs of key participants from preserved." (p. 432) "For what all factions. they achieve, they deserve sur­ Father Shook's last chapter en­ vival, which is open to as many titled "Contemporary Directions" forms as man's ingenuity can pro­ is undoubtedly the most important pose." (p. 433) in the book. Here, the author con­ fronts the nature of Catholic Hugh A. Stevenson higher education and to a lesser The University of extent the chronic questions of Western Ontario

220 CONTRIBUTORS

REAL BOULIANNE has a Ph.D. in History from McGiII, has worked for the Federal Department of National Defence and now teaches at Vanier College in Montreal.

MAGDELHAYNE BUTEAU has many years' experience es a teacher, admin­ istrator, and counselor and is presently Chairman of the Department of Education in Second Language in the Faculty of Education, McGiII.

ANN DENIS, Ph.D. London, was formerly Assistant Professor and Chail'­ man of the Sociology Department of Bishop's University and is currently an Assistant Professor of Sociology at the University of Western Ontario.

PAUL GALLAGHER has been a Director of Studies at the St. Joseph Teachers College, a member of the Superior Council of Education, the director of a large school board and is presently Director-Gener.1 of Dawson College, Montreal.

GERMAIN GAUTHIER has had a distinguished career in universities, was the Director General of the Higher Education branch of the Quebec Depart­ ment of Education, is presently President of the Conseil des Univenités.

NORMAN HENCHEY received his Ph.D. in Education from McGiII Univ&nlity where he is an Associate Professor in the Social Foundations of Education Department.

ROBERT E. LAVERY was secretary of the Federation of Engllsh-Speaklng Catholic Teachers of Montreal and of the Provincial Association of Catholio Teachers and is now Chairman of the Department of Educational Admin­ istration in the McGiII Facu.lty of Education.

ANDRE LEBLANC has taught at The St. Joseph Teachers College and Dawson College and is at present Secretary-Gener.1 of Vanier Collage.

JOHN LlPKIN, author of Secondary School Teacher Education in Transition, te.ches comparative education at McGiII.