The Kitchen Maid That Will Rule the State: Domestic

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Kitchen Maid That Will Rule the State: Domestic THE KITCHEN MAID THAT WILL RULE THE STATE: DOMESTIC SERVICE AND THE SOVIET REVOLUTIONARY PROJECT, 1917-1941 by ALISSA KLOTS A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in History Written under the direction of Jochen Hellbeck And approved by ____________________________________________ ____________________________________________ ____________________________________________ ____________________________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey January, 2017 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Kitchen Maid That Will Rule the State: Domestic Service and the Soviet Revolutionary Project, 1917-1941 By ALISSA KLOTS Dissertation Director: Jochen Hellbeck This dissertation examines domestic service during the first two decades of the Soviet regime as a symbol of revolutionary transformation, as gendered politics of labor, and as experience. In spite of the strong association between domestic service and exploitation, the Soviet regime did not ban or shun paid domestic labor; it turned domestic service into a laboratory of revolutionary politics, to ultimately embrace it as an essential part of socialist economy. At the center of the study lies the trope of the kitchen maid that will rule the state – a misquote from Lenin that turned into a call for transformation addressed to “victims of tsarist oppression,” particularly women. During the first decade after the revolution, transformation implied gaining proletarian consciousness. Domestic servants were to overcome their servile mentality and become workers by developing awareness of their labor rights, engaging in union activities and inscribing themselves into the revolutionary narrative. With the onset of the ii industrialization campaign in the late 1920s, domestic workers were to be transformed once again, this time to join the ranks of industrial workers. The state mobilized domestic workers along with housewives into production, and it nurtured an expectation that paid domestic labor would disappear in the near socialist future. However, once the foundations of socialism were announced to have been laid in 1934, paid domestic labor was proclaimed an important part of socialist economy. Domestic workers were to become skillful and reliable executors of state goals in the home: raising Soviet children, attending to socialist households, and providing workers with rest. At the same time, the older, emancipatory rhetoric of a domestic worker reinventing herself as a production worker retained strong resonances in popular culture. The ambiguous position of domestic service in the Soviet Union stemmed from the contradiction between the rhetoric of women’s emancipation and the gendered vision of labor that defined housework as women’s work. Beyond charting the history of domestic service in the Soviet Union, this dissertation seeks to question widespread assumptions about the inherent connection between modern domestic service and capitalism, and contribute to a global conversation about the place of paid domestic labor under socialism. iii Acknowledgements I owe this Ph.D. dissertation to the help and support of many individuals, communities, and institutions. This projected started as a kandidatskaia dissertation at the Department of History and Political Science at Perm State University (Russia) - in many ways a unique department for post-Soviet Russia. Under the supervision of Galina Aleskandrovna Yankovskaya I first got interested in the question of paid domestic labor in the Soviet Union. Not only did she share her expertise in Soviet history with me, she carefully guided me through all the endless administrative hoops the Russian graduate system has in store for anyone who wants a degree. Once I got close to defending my kandidatskaia dissertation, I came to realize that there was a lot more I could do with the topic if only I could get more training. I was very lucky to meet Maria Cristina Galmarini-Kabala who helped me navigate the dark waters of the US graduate school admission process and who has been a friend and a role model (starshyi tovarishch) ever since. I was extremely fortunate to be accepted into the history program at Rutgers University. The diversity of courses offered by leading historians in a variety of fields forced me to get out of my Russianist shell, while the sense of academic community at the Department of History helped me develop confidence in my work. I enjoyed the camaraderie of fellow graduate students. I am particularly grateful to Courtney Doucette and Hilary Buxton for taking the time to read my chapter drafts and give me their invaluable feedback. Courtney has also been my cherished archive and conference iv companion, from Philadelphia to Cologne. Dina Fainberg was always ready to give advice or just have a friendly chat. A special thank you (and a hug) goes to Matthew Mangold for still wanting to be my friend after spending hours? days? inserting definite articles into the numerous texts I have produced throughout my graduate student life. While Rutgers was an excellent place to broaden my horizons, the Slavist community at the University of Pennsylvania was a great place to reconnect with my Russianist roots. Graduate seminars with Benjamin Nathans and Peter Holquist shaped me as a historian of Russia. My dear kruzhkovtsy were the best company imaginable for sharing my thoughts about the idiosyncrasies of Soviet history and Russian life. Iullia Skubytska and Jacob Feygin were particularly generous with their friendship and hospitality. When I left the east coast to start my archival research I was welcomed by yet another community - those of scholars and good people of Moscow. Anna Ivanova, Oleg Zhuravlev, Timur Mukhamatulin, and Evgenia Misenzhnikova have generously shared their homes and ideas with me. A lot of great people - too numerous to name here - helped me collect material for my dissertation, commented on my presentations at conferences and generally expressed interest in my work. One more important community that I was lucky to find was the wonderful faculty of the Summer School in Social Sciences in Ukraine. Dominique Ariel, Anna Colin-Lebedev, Mayhill Fowler, Mikhail Minakov, Anna Muller, Ioulia Shukan, and Francois-Xavier Nerard were not only good company to spend summer vacations with, v but also great scholars that helped me develop a more complex understanding of the Soviet experience. While in Russia I was able to go back to my alma mater as a fellow at the Center for Comparative History and Political Studies. Vsevolod Bederson, Aleksei Gilev, Lyudmila Kuznetsova, Maria Romashova, Alexandr Reznik, Jesko Schmoller, Andrei Semenov, Irina Shevtsova, and Margarita Zavadskaya were great colleagues and friends. Several institutions provided financial support for this dissertation, including the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the German Historical Institute in Moscow and the Open Society Foundation. I am particularly grateful to the History Department for the grants for language training and conference travel as well as the Susman Dissertation Fellowship that gave me the opportunity to concentrate on writing during my final semester at Rutgers. I am deeply indebted to my dissertation committee members. Melissa Feinberg’s European History seminar and her comments on my drafts helped me think of my research as part of a global history of gender. Belinda Davis has always been there to help me with anything I needed, whether it was my dissertation prospectus or the German language examination. I am grateful to Yuri Slezkine for the interest in my work and finding time in his busy schedule to be an outside reader for my dissertation. My biggest thanks and gratitude go to my advisor, Jochen Hellbeck. It takes a special kind of vision to find a balance between guiding your student and letting her do her own thing (or at least making her believe that she is doing her own thing). I am forever grateful for his scholarly insights, encouragement, and friendship. vi Table of Contents Abstract…………………………………………………………………………....ii Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………….iv List of Illustrations………………………………………………………………viii Introduction………………………………………………………………………..1 Chapter 1: Defining Domestic Service…………………………………………..22 Chapter 2: Regulating Paid Domestic Labor……………………………….……70 Chapter 3: Servants into Workers………………………………………………118 Chapter 4: Domestic Workers into “Real” Workers……………………………173 Chapter 5: In the Land of Victorious Socialism………………………………..213 Epilogue………………………………………………………………………...255 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………271 vii List of Illustrations Fig.1 Poster ‘Every Kitchen Maid Should Learn to Rule the State’, Il’ia P. Makarychev, 1925. www.neboltai.org...........................................................................................3 Fig.2 Lenin and the Female Worker (“In the Soviet Country Every Kitchen Maid Should Learn to Rule the State,” Lenin), artist unknown, 1926. After Perestroika: Kitchenmaids or Stateswomen (Independent Curators International, 1994), 8……………………………………………………………………………………4 Fig.3 “Domestic worker and the Doctor,” Rabochii Narodnogo Pitaniia 10 (1925):1…56 Fig.4 “Underground domestic workers,” Rabochii Narodnogo Pitaniia 12 (1925): 32...56 Fig.5 “Chairman of the state insurance company Lipatkin pays his domestic worker in installments,” Rabochii Narodnogo Pitaniia 12 (1925): 33……………………57 Fig.6 “How they Make Skeletons,” Rabochii Narodnogo
Recommended publications
  • Citizens-In-Training in the New Soviet Republic’ Gender & History, Vol.13 No.3 November 2001, Pp
    05_Wood 08/10/2001 1:50 pm Page 524 (Black plate) Gender & History ISSN 0953–5233 Elizabeth A. Wood, ‘The Trial of the New Woman: Citizens-in-Training in the New Soviet Republic’ Gender & History, Vol.13 No.3 November 2001, pp. 524–545. The Trial of the New Woman: Citizens-in-Training in the New Soviet Republic Elizabeth A. Wood Our task consists in making politics accessible for every labouring woman and in teaching every [female] cook [kukharka] to run the government. – Vladimir Lenin, Third Congress of Soviets, 1918 The accusations were flying thick and fast against the defendant. She had pretensions to running the government and meddling in public affairs. She had taken part in strikes and demonstrations. She was trying to put all women on an equal footing with men. She had destroyed her own femininity, ceasing to be an object of beauty and pleasure for men, ceasing as well to raise her children and, instead, giving them into others’ hands. All these things, it was alleged, con- tradicted woman’s very nature, which was to serve as decoration in men’s lives. The setting was The Trial of the New Woman. The prosecution witnesses included a factory director, a lady secretary, a rich peasant, a priest, and a traditional family woman. The so-called ‘bourgeois’ court initially found the defendant guilty, but then workers appeared on stage, and her judges ran away. Her rights were restored, and she was recognised to be ‘equal to men in all respects’. This Trial of the New Woman was, of course, a mock trial, and the new woman herself emerged as the heroine of the play.
    [Show full text]
  • Utopian Visions of Family Life in the Stalin-Era Soviet Union
    Central European History 44 (2011), 63–91. © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association, 2011 doi:10.1017/S0008938910001184 Utopian Visions of Family Life in the Stalin-Era Soviet Union Lauren Kaminsky OVIET socialism shared with its utopian socialist predecessors a critique of the conventional family and its household economy.1 Marx and Engels asserted Sthat women’s emancipation would follow the abolition of private property, allowing the family to be a union of individuals within which relations between the sexes would be “a purely private affair.”2 Building on this legacy, Lenin imag- ined a future when unpaid housework and child care would be replaced by com- munal dining rooms, nurseries, kindergartens, and other industries. The issue was so central to the revolutionary program that the Bolsheviks published decrees establishing civil marriage and divorce soon after the October Revolution, in December 1917. These first steps were intended to replace Russia’s family laws with a new legal framework that would encourage more egalitarian sexual and social relations. A complete Code on Marriage, the Family, and Guardianship was ratified by the Central Executive Committee a year later, in October 1918.3 The code established a radical new doctrine based on individual rights and gender equality, but it also preserved marriage registration, alimony, child support, and other transitional provisions thought to be unnecessary after the triumph of socialism. Soviet debates about the relative merits of unfettered sexu- ality and the protection of women and children thus resonated with long-standing tensions in the history of socialism. I would like to thank Atina Grossmann, Carola Sachse, and Mary Nolan, as well as the anonymous reader for Central European History, for their comments and suggestions.
    [Show full text]
  • ISHA NEWSLETTER International Social History Association
    Vol. 7 | No. 1 | December 2018 ISHA NEWSLETTER International Social History Association CONTENTS 1. Labor and historical periodization of capitalism by Alessandro Stanziani >>> 2. Labor Feminists and Domestic Workers by Eileen Boris >>> 3. The Latin American Problem in the Liberal Mind: Adolph Berle and the Limits of Anti-Communism as Social Policy by Leon Fink >>> 4. Cooperation across disciplines: The Bonn Center for Dependency and Slavery Studies (BCDSS) by Jeannine Bischoff >>> 5. Co-existence and interaction between free and unfree labour: The workers’ perspective, Turin, 21–22 September 2018 by Giulia Bonazza >>> Labor and historical periodization of capitalism by Alessandro Stanziani* Unlike Polanyi, I will not speak of a “great transformation” to show a break in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries that swept away the old pre-capitalist world through enclo- sures and the poor law and replaced it with a self-regulating economy which, in turn, is said to have been replaced by a new form of interventionism in the twentieth century. This chro- nology is false not only because the privatization of lands,1 the proletarization of the peasant- ry (see here after) and the mechanization fully developed only after the mid-nineteenth cen- tury, but also because the nineteenth-century market was anything but self-regulated.2 On the contrary, there is no reason to oppose the liberal nineteenth century to the eighteenth and twentieth centuries described as interventionist, each in its own way. What differentiated these periods was not liberalism versus regulation, but different forms of regulation, with different aims, goals, and tools. Eighteenth and nineteenth century liberal interventions sup- ported increasing social and economic inequalities, while since the late nineteenth century state intervention sought to reduce inequalities, although only between labor and capital in- side each country and increased inequalities between the main land and its colonies.
    [Show full text]
  • The Purpose of My Talk Today Is to Share the Results of My Research On
    The NEP Era: Soviet Russia 1921-1928, 2 (2008), 61-80. ELIZABETH A. HARRY (St. Paul, MN, USA) PETITIONERS AND THEIR DISCONTENTS: THE LOST GENERATION OF THE 1920s The history written on the early years of the Soviet Union has changed fo- cus in the past few decades. Instead of concentrating on high politics and the struggle for succession to the leadership of the Communist Party, scholars in the West have increasingly addressed the everyday life of average citizens, how they viewed and shaped the communist experiment, and how Soviet leaders responded to and attempted to mold popular views.1 Postcommunist studies concentrating on party politics and Soviet society at the grassroots level have shown that in the formative years of the Soviet Union, the division between leaders and led was less pronounced than had previously been as- 1. One line of revisionist historiography on the Soviet Union idealizes the NEP period and is based not merely in the desire to reveal Russia’s lost chances (see Robert Tucker’s summation of a conference of Russian and American scholars held in Moscow in 1989 which focused on “[t]he question of alternativnost’, the possible 1920s alternatives to the course history actually took in the 1930s” [“Soviet History in the 1920s,” Slavic Review 50, no. 2 (summer 1991): 239-40]), but also in a traditional conception of how history happens. Traditional interpretations see the politi- cal, economic, and social transformation of the Soviet Union that began in the late 1920s as a revolution from above (an assertion made by Stalin himself).
    [Show full text]
  • The State and Revolution: Theory and Practice Contents
    The State and Revolution: Theory and Practice Iain McKay This is almost my chapter in the anthology Bloodstained: One Hundred Years of Leninist Counterrrevolution (Oakland/Edinburgh: AK Press, 2017). Some revisions were made during the editing process which are not included here. In addition, references to the 1913 French edition of Kropotkin’s Modern Science and Anarchy have been replaced with those from the 2018 English-language translation. However, the bulk of the text is the same, as is the message and its call to learn from history rather than repeat it. I would, of course, urge you to buy the book. Contents The State and Revolution: Theory and Practice ......................................................... 2 Theory .................................................................................................................... 2 The Paris Commune ........................................................................................... 4 Opportunism ....................................................................................................... 7 Anarchism ......................................................................................................... 10 Socialism ........................................................................................................... 18 The Party .......................................................................................................... 20 Practice ................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Zhenotdel, Russian Women and the Communist Party, 1919-1930
    RED ‘TEASPOONS OF CHARITY’: ZHENOTDEL, RUSSIAN WOMEN AND THE COMMUNIST PARTY, 1919-1930 by Michelle Jane Patterson A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History University of Toronto © Copyright by Michelle Jane Patterson 2011 Abstract “Red ‘Teaspoons of Charity’: Zhenotdel, the Communist Party and Russian Women, 1919-1930” Doctorate of Philosophy, 2011 Michelle Jane Patterson Department of History, University of Toronto After the Bolshevik assumption of power in 1917, the arguably much more difficult task of creating a revolutionary society began. In 1919, to ensure Russian women supported the Communist party, the Zhenotdel, or women’s department, was established. Its aim was propagating the Communist party’s message through local branches attached to party committees at every level of the hierarchy. This dissertation is an analysis of the Communist party’s Zhenotdel in Petrograd/ Leningrad during the 1920s. Most Western Zhenotdel histories were written in the pre-archival era, and this is the first study to extensively utilize material in the former Leningrad party archive, TsGAIPD SPb. Both the quality and quantity of Zhenotdel fonds is superior at St.Peterburg’s TsGAIPD SPb than Moscow’s RGASPI. While most scholars have used Moscow-centric journals like Kommunistka, Krest’ianka and Rabotnitsa, this study has thoroughly utilized the Leningrad Zhenotdel journal Rabotnitsa i krest’ianka and a rich and extensive collection of Zhenotdel questionnaires. Women’s speeches from Zhenotdel conferences, as well as factory and field reports, have also been folded into the dissertation’s five chapters on: organizational issues, the unemployed, housewives and prostitutes, peasants, and workers.
    [Show full text]
  • Unfree Labor, Capitalism and Contemporary Forms of Slavery
    Unfree Labor, Capitalism and Contemporary Forms of Slavery Siobhán McGrath Graduate Faculty of Political and Social Science, New School University Economic Development & Global Governance and Independent Study: William Milberg Spring 2005 1. Introduction It is widely accepted that capitalism is characterized by “free” wage labor. But what is “free wage labor”? According to Marx a “free” laborer is “free in the double sense, that as a free man he can dispose of his labour power as his own commodity, and that on the other hand he has no other commodity for sale” – thus obliging the laborer to sell this labor power to an employer, who possesses the means of production. Yet, instances of “unfree labor” – where the worker cannot even “dispose of his labor power as his own commodity1” – abound under capitalism. The question posed by this paper is why. What factors can account for the existence of unfree labor? What role does it play in an economy? Why does it exist in certain forms? In terms of the broadest answers to the question of why unfree labor exists under capitalism, there appear to be various potential hypotheses. ¾ Unfree labor may be theorized as a “pre-capitalist” form of labor that has lingered on, a “vestige” of a formerly dominant mode of production. Similarly, it may be viewed as a “non-capitalist” form of labor that can come into existence under capitalism, but can never become the central form of labor. ¾ An alternate explanation of the relationship between unfree labor and capitalism is that it is part of a process of primary accumulation.
    [Show full text]
  • NDWA Domestic Worker Sample Contract
    Domestic Worker Employment Agreement The Employer and Domestic Worker should negotiate the terms of the agreement to best suit both parties. This agreement is entered into between ___________________ (“Employer”) and __________________(“Domestic Worker”) on ________________(date). 1. Beginning date of employment: 2. Employment length:! □ Until either party terminates the agreement. □ For a fixed term: ______________# of □ Month(s) □ Year(s) □ Other:____________ 3. Position Title: 4. Supervisor Name: Contact Information: 5. Location of Employment (address): 6. Employer’s Address: 7. Work Responsibilities (check all that apply and, if applicable, describe nature): □ Housekeeping □ House cleaning! □ Home management! □ Childcare and nanny services Description of child(ren) (number of children, name, age, gender, etc.): ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ Description of duties related to care of child(ren): ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ □ Adult care, including sick, convalescing, and elderly individuals Description of adult(s) (number of adult(s), name, age, gender, etc.): ______________________________________________________________________ ______________________________________________________________________ Description of duties related to care of adult(s):
    [Show full text]
  • RICHARD STITES (Lima, Ohio, U.S.A.) Zhenotdel: Bolshevism And
    RICHARD STITES (Lima, Ohio, U.S.A.) Zhenotdel: Bolshevism and Russian Women, 1917-1930 From reading about the early years of Soviet history in the vast majority of textbooks and accounts, the student the ' general might easily carry away impression that nothing of enduring significance went on in Russia between the inauguration of NEP in 1921 and the beginnings of industrialization in 1928 except the struggle for power between Stalin and his enemies. Materials on social innovation, experi- mentation, and popular mobilization are usually relegated to separate chapters subordinate to the "main" story. This is the result partially of our Western pre- occupation with purely political events and personalities; but partially also, it would seem, of a reluctance to grant excessive space to the positive achievements of the Russian Revolution. The campaigns against anti-Semitism and illiteracy, the labor schools and the mass edication drives, and the variety of morally inspired egalitarian and affirmative action movements-in other words, early "communism"-receive short shrift in most Western studies. This is all the more regrettable since much of the educational and liberation work done in these years, though certainly pushed into the background under Stalin, really constitutes the social and psychological foundations of present-day Soviet life. Nowhere is this truer than in the Zhenotdel campaign to emancipate Russian women in the years 1917 to 1930. Zhenotdel, the women's section of the Communist Party, had a pre-history. The first generally known Russian work dealing with the problem of women from a Marxist viewpoint was Krupskaia's pamphlet, The Woman Worker, written in Siberia and published in 1900.
    [Show full text]
  • The Marxist Vol
    The Marxist Vol. XII, No. 4, October-December 1996 On the occasion of Lenin’s 125th Birth Anniversary Marxism Of The Era Of Imperialism E M S Namboodiripad The theoretical doctrines and revolutionary practices of Vladymir Illyich Lenin (whose 125th birth anniversary was recently observed by the Marxist-Leninists throughout the world), have well been called “Marxism of the Era of imperialism.” For, not only was Lenin a loyal disciple of Marx and Engels applying in practice their theory in his own homeland, but he also further developed the theory and practices of the two founders of Marxism. EARLY THEORETICAL BATTLES Born in Tsarist Russia which was seeped in its feudal environment, he noticed that capitalism was slowly developing in his country. He fought the Narodniks who advocated the doctrine of the irrelevance and no-applicability of Marxism to Russian conditions. His first major theoretical work was the Development of Capitalism in Russia where he proved that, though in feudal environment, capitalism was rapidly developing in Russia. He thus established the truth of Marxist theory of the working class being the major political force in the development of society. Further, an alliance of peasantry under working class leadership will form the core of the revolutionary forces in the conditions of backward feudal Russia. Having thus defeated the Narodniks, he proceeded to demolish the theory of “legal Marxists” according to whom Marxism was to be applies in perfectly legal battles against capitalism. He asserted the truth that the preparation for the social transformation in Russia should be based on the sharpening class struggle culminating in the proletarian revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • Vladímir Lébedev (1891-1967). Ruta (1924)
    Todos nuestros catálogos de arte All our art catalogues desde/since 1973 Vladímir lébedeV (1891-1967) 2012 El uso de esta base de datos de catálogos de exposiciones de la Fundación Juan March comporta la aceptación de los derechos de los autores de los textos y de los titulares de copyrights. Los usuarios pueden descargar e imprimir gra- tuitamente los textos de los catálogos incluidos en esta base de datos exclusi- vamente para su uso en la investigación académica y la enseñanza y citando su procedencia y a sus autores. Use of the Fundación Juan March database of digitized exhibition catalogues signifies the user’s recognition of the rights of individual authors and/or other copyright holders. Users may download and/or print a free copy of any essay solely for academic research and teaching purposes, accompanied by the proper citation of sources and authors. www.march.es Fundación Juan March Fundación Juan March Fundación Juan March Fundación Juan March VLADÍMIR LÉBEDEV (1891-1967) Fundación Juan March Este catálogo se publica con ocasión de la exposición VLADÍMIR LÉBEDEV (1891-1967) Museu Fundación Juan March, Palma 22 febrero – 26 mayo 2012 Museo de Arte Abstracto Español, Cuenca 15 junio – 9 septiembre 2012 Th is catalogue is published on the occasion of the exhibition VLADIMIR LEBEDEV (1891-1967) Museu Fundación Juan March, Palma February 22 – May 26, 2012 Museo de Arte Abstracto Español, Cuenca June 15 – September 9, 2012 3 Fundación Juan March Este catálogo acompaña la primera exposición monográfi ca en España Presentación dedicada al artista ruso-soviético Vladímir Lébedev (1891-1967), que se celebra en el Museu Fundación Juan March de Palma (22 febrero a 26 mayo) y en el Museo de Arte Abstracto Español de Cuenca (15 junio a 9 septiembre).
    [Show full text]
  • Legal Protection for In-Home Care Workers in the United States
    University of Connecticut OpenCommons@UConn Faculty Articles and Papers School of Law 2016 Serving in the Master’s House: Legal Protection for In-Home Care Workers in the United States Michael Fischl University of Connecticut School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_papers Part of the Labor and Employment Law Commons Recommended Citation Fischl, Michael, "Serving in the Master’s House: Legal Protection for In-Home Care Workers in the United States" (2016). Faculty Articles and Papers. 491. https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_papers/491 Reprinted from Employment Relations and Transformation of the Enterprise in the Global Economy (Edoardo Ales, Francesco Basenghi, William Bromwich, & Iacopo Senatori, eds.) (Giappichelli, Turin) (2016), with permission graciously provided by the publisher. Serving in the Master’s House: Legal Protection for In-Home Care Workers in the United States Richard Michael Fischl∗ SUMMARY: 1. Introduction. – 2. Labor stories. – 3. The emerging law of in-home care work: Three initiatives. – 4. Evaluating the initiatives. – 5. References. – Appendices. 1. Introduction This essay will focus on the developing forms of legal protection available in the United States to those whose principal place of work is another person’s home and 1 who are paid to do what is broadly referred to as “care work.” The particular services vary widely – from housecleaning, to child care, to companionship and routine health care management for the elderly and the infirm – but the labor market demographics do not: This is low-wage/no-benefit work performed almost exclusively by women and primarily by women of color and of extra-national origin (Blackett, 2011; Boris, Klein, 2015; Markkanen, Quinn, Sama, 2015).
    [Show full text]