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HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF AFGHANISTAN

Apri_l- May- June No.2 1962 'April-June, 1962 VOL, XVII- No.2

Revue trimestrielle P u b li e e p a r I a Societe des etudes historiques d' Afghanistan \

ABONNEMENT ANNUEL Kaboul ...... 60 Afghanis Province ...... 62 Afghanis Etranger ...... 4 Dollars

DIRECTEUR: MOHAMMAD NABI KOHZAD ADRESSE: Societe d'Histoire d' Afghanistan KABOUL, Ghyasuddin Wat, Tel. 20:{74 C'ONTENTS

Page 1-BRITISH DIPLOMACY IN AFGHANISTAN D.P. Singhal 1

\

2-MOVEMENT OF PEOPLE AND IDEAS IN AND FROM AFGHANISTAN 18

3-LES GHORIDES UNE GRANDE DYNASTIE NATIONALE Charles Kieffer 40

Couverture: Mundigak: Tete de calcaire blanc (Periode IV, 3). BRITISH DIPLOMACY IN AFGHANISTAN:

An Example

History has often neglected to record episodes which are later discovered to be of importance. One such omitted event is the Turkish Mission to Kabul (1) of 1877, despatched in the name of the Sultan of Turkey Abdul Hamid II, but really en­ gineered by the local representatives of the British government in Calcutta and Constantinpole, against the expressed wishes of their superiors. Except a very casual ~eference in one or two contemporary works no mention seems to have been made of the mission in the works of history. The mission provided a necessary link in a chain of events and had serious repurcus­ sions on the future of Afghanistan. Furthe~more it unfolds the helplessness of British 9abinet against their designing pro-consuls in the East. The documents concerning the episode are preserved in a separately bound volume in the European Manuscripts Section of the British, Museum, London. Until 1950, these were not to be inspected without the previous permission of the Secretary of State for India. In the European Manuscripts Section Indian materials, with some known exceptions, are generally not located. Perhaps for this reason they have managed to remain in disuse; a scholar of European history has little use for them as the story they reveal has much bearing on Indo-Afghan relations and none on the course of the Russo-Turkish war. It is possible that these documents which constitute the only correspondence between Lytton an.d Salisbury who were at the time Viceroy and the Secretary of State for India respectively, could be deposited in that section. But what is surprising is that these papers are not duplicated either in the Lytton Papers or in the Salisbury Papers which are available for public inspection in the Com- -2-- monweal th Relations Office, London and Christ Church College, Oxford respectively. Nor are they found, which is most puzzling of all, in the Political and Secret Correspondence between the governments of India and Britain. Why should these documents be detached from their habitual residence almost in toto? In private and official correspondences, casual references to the mission are found, but actual documents upon which the episode and the scene behind can be reconstructed are obtained elsewhere.· Let me here warn against attempts to read too much into this somewhat unexpected arrangement. There may well be a very simple explanation of this, but the non-availability of these documents in places and archives o~dinarily expected to possess them together with the almost complete detach­ ment from official .correspondence and the stipulation of secrecy. do raise some eyebrows. This indeed is curious, and perhaps needs further investigation. But the net outcome of this so far. has been the near anonymity of this mission in his-· tori cal writings.

The time when this miSSIOn was despatched was one of brisk international activity, both military and diplomatic. New patterns of power politics were being formed in Europe and Britain was assuming a new Iook in politics. After the Napo­ leonic Wars the British power remained supreme and with minor exceptions, outside any major involvements. But with the rise of Germany as a potential challenger in 1870, British conce~n for their vast colonial empire grew and they began to erect protective walls around their possessions, through strategic fortifications, and, particularly through diplomatic devices (2). Of all the colonies, India was the one most valued and the most menaced.

From the side of North Asia there was pr,essing a giant power, Russia, towards India, constituting grave danger to British interests. In 1873, Russia after an accelerated pace, had occupied Khiva and reduced the original gap of the two expand- -3-

ing empires in Asia from about 6,000 to only 600 miles. The in­ tervening country was rugged and unsuryeyed. Unsure of Russian professions of non-interference in British Asian sphere of influence and also of the attitude of the inhabitants of the area the British became excessively apprehensive of their colo­ nial safety. Afghanistan was the only organised major power which effectively interposed between the two empires, and it became Britain's paramount policy to obtain a commanding influence in that country. The Conservative Cabinet under Disraeli, the~efore, sent out Lytton as Viceroy of India in 1876 specifically charged to establish British ascendancy at Kabul. He was at best permitted to ask the Amir for a share in so­ vereignty, but the new Viceroy, who had ideas of his own, be­ gan with such arrogance and impatience that it became im­ possible for. the Amir SherAli to come to any terms with him without crippling his sovereignty and honour permanently. Even his entreaties denoting fear of incurring his peoples' wrath if he accepted the proposed terms failed to move Lytton. For he was convinced that the Colonial expansion of both the British and the Russians was a destined 'march of civilization' in the east against the receding barbarism, and sooner or. latter the frontiers of British and Russian Asia were certain to be­ come coterminus. It was therefore, for Britain through him to reach Merv first, if possible, or Kabul certainly. Possession of Kabul, in addition, would place Britain in a striking position against Russia. He tried coercive tactics in his attempt to frighten the Amir into submission, but London would not give him freedom to force rupture as, afraid for their world-wide colonies, their policy at the time was to avoid disr,uption through non-aggression. The diffused state of their empire stood to lose in an indiscriminate adventure. Eventually they did sanction war with Afghanistan, but under duress of Lytton's skilful combination of manipulation and defiance. His disobedience threw even Disraeli into a temper, who himself was locking the ''keys of India" in. search of a "scientific frontier". Forced by London to explore avenues of compromise acr.oss conference tables, Lytton carried on the negotiations with such show of -4--

strength, impatience and contempt for the "earthen pipkin bet­ ween the two iron pots" (3) that unless his dictated terms were accepted, no talks could succeed. The last of these was the abor­ tive Peshawar conference in early 1877, between Sir Lewis Felly and Syed Nur Mohammad. The breakdown under Lytton's instructions, though excuses wer.e found for public consump­ tion, ensured rupture with the Amir who was, it appears, un­ aware of or incapable of comprehending the mounting pressure. He made fresh overtures, but Lytton was determined not to "reopen negotiations till the Amir had apologised for his breach of faith and ~ecent bad conduct". (4) What was the Amir's bad conduct or breach of faith is not known. Lytton's own letters, on the contrary, reveal that it was he who should have merited this epithet. Reading his correspondence, however, one is soon conditioned to disregard his powerful expressions of condem­ nation of his Asian opponents.

Having failed to dictate his terms to the Amir, Lytton turned to strengthening the frontier: by other methods. Pie had organised a very complete system of secret inteligence through­ out the Amir's territories. He had already occupied Quetta, which opened for him an opportunity to extend his influence along the western border of Afghanistan. He was also end­ eavouring to strengthen Kashmi~ by authorising the Maharaja to accept the suzerainty over Chitral and Yassin. He planned to work round gradually the more turbulent tribes on the nor­ thern frontier and gain their support. While Lytton was thus engaged in encircling Afghanistan and prepar,ing to pounce, hostilities between Russia and Turkey commenced in Europe. Britain was expected to join the Turkish side. Lytton kne'Y well that London would not sanction war with Afghanistan without a very definite provocation from the Amir, while they were at war with Russia. One war was bad enough, too won't be disastrous. Frustrated in his enthusiasm he had to look for some other ways. -5-

The Russo-Tu~kish war commenced in April 1877 and lasted until the San Stefano treaty was signed in January 1878. For more than 200 years Russia and Turkey had been engaged in a succession of wars. Turkey, weak at the time, was dependent on the British for help. The Sultan of Turkey, once a powerful monarch, was still the Khalifa of the Islamic world, commanding allegience of all the Muslims. Lytton saw in this situation tremendous possibilities as this was the per­ iod of Pan-Islamic ascendancy.

Having failed in diplomacy and restrained in armed in­ te~vention, he could cause religious pressure to be applied in the name of the Khalifa on the Amir to accept British terms. Turkey was a "poor relative" and willing to oblige by lending the little authority she was left with to her potential bene­ factor. Seldom political alliance has been used to borrow re­ ligious power to achieve political ends.

Layard, another disciple of the Forward School and a friend of Lytton, was the British Ambassador, in Constanti­ nople. In the absence of a clear documentary evidene it must remain a plausible hypothesis, inspite of the strong feeling one gets from the whole series of incidents which followed, that it was at Lytton's initiative that on 8th June 1877, Layard telegraphed Simla that the Sultan of Turkey was anxious to send an envoy to the Amir of Kabul, and to know whether the Indian Government would guarantee their safe passage through India to Afghanistan. He stated that the object of the appointment was "to promote the Sultan's influence, a good understanding between England and Afghanistan and to counte~act influence of Russia" (5). If the request was unpro­ mpted then it was most opportune. Lytton promptly agreed to guarantee the mission's unimpeded passage and emphasis­ ed that if the Sultan really wished to raise Afghanistan against Russia, ''he (the Sultan) should lose no time in sending a formal embassay to Kabul under a person of some consequence, the -6- object of whose mission should be made generally known to the Amir's subjects, whom His Highness is trying to deceive as to his real intentions." (6) If the Amir Fefused to respond to the religious pressure from Turkey, his ·peoples may thus be persuaded to revolt against him.

On the 14th June, Layard replied that the Sultan had re­ solved to despatch at once an Alim of high rank. ·He would carry letters from the Grand Vizier, and the Sheikh-Ul-Islam. urging the Amir to abandon the Russian cause, and to enter into friendly alliance with England. If the Amir, should persist in his present course, the Sheikh-Ul-Islam .would ·excommu­ nicate all the Muslims aiding or abetting him. (7) Within a week the. plans of an important mission were laid down. It was, however, an imperial matter requiring London's: permis­ sion. Lytton had anticipated their reluctance, hence, on June 9th, he communicated to the Secretary of State for. India the substance of Layard's message adding that, while the decision rested with them, he considered the .Government of India en­ titled to express its opinion. He pointed out the advantages of the mission to Anglo-Indian interests, and the danger of pro­ hibiting it. The British Cabinet did not treat the matter as .urgent. It was eleven days later on 21st June, that in a tele­ ;graphic reply the Secretary of State disagreed and disallowed .the facili ti tes, which Lytton had already guaranteed to the mission, including that of the passage through Indian terr,itory. (8) The Viceroy protested strongly. He had .already; acceded to the request without waiting for London's reply. Even :if t.London had replied at once, it would still ha:ve been. too late to stop. Lytton's approval. He threatened that the refusal of passage to a Turkish Mission would . arouse excitement ·amongst Muslims and would be regarded by them .as an act hostile to Turkey, dictated by fear of Russia. He asked for: a .reconsideration of the decision. India had often used this de­ vice, that if the resentful India opinion or· the ,prinees were not to ~be disaffected London should accept ,the view preffer -7--

ed. Sometimes "the prestige of the British was involved" and' "denial would soil their good name" and the like arguments were used. Men sitting in London found it safer to accede to such frantic appeals rather than run the risk of an uprising. The trick always did not work and as the time passed by, the argument became stale. But this was the time when the Br.itish were· recovering form the shock of 1857 uprising, which was still regarded by the British as a predominantly Muslim re­ volt against their authority and thus they were naturally dis­ inclined to risk Muslim displeasure. More than this fear, how­ eve~, it was the fact that Lytton's offer to Layard, had already been communicated to the Sultan, which led the British cabinet to review the entire situation. In the upshot they cancelled their previous· decision, because the granted permission could not be·withdrawn without discourtesy to the Sultan, especially as the arrangements had already been made public. (9) Never.:. theless Salisbury pointed out as a warning for the future that "It has been the rule of the British Gover.nment to discourage the reception at Kabul of the representatives of any other power".

The Sultan of Turkey selected the Kasiansker Mesmet Khoulussi Etlendi, a well-known and much esteemed brother of the late Grand Vizier, (10) as his envoy to the Amir of Afghanistan. His selection had British approval. The envoy was a very intelligent man, and professed himself very much in favou~ of British interests and policy. Layard ·had given the Grand Vizier some hints on affairs in Afghanistan, and even supplied instructions to be furnished to the envoy. How­ ever, Layard and Lytton not fully trusting the mission attached­ a trustworthy person to it in the guise of an interpreter_ whose real job, in fact; was to report to the Government of India aU that transpired between the envoy and others.

The Viceroy took care not to connect himself openly and formally with the mission so as to arouse no suspicion about · -8- its real independence. But the Amir and the Afghan peoples did not believe that the Mission was sent by the Sultan of his own accord or that the whole transaction was not a ''make-up" of the British Government promoted by their desire to settle their differences. Lytton also directed that due honours, but not official, be given to the mission during their journey through India. Yet he kept his watchful eye on every movement of the envoy, through his carefully chosen interpreter.

An Afghan, named Lal Shah, was chosen to accompany the mission. Since he was an Afghan, he was not trusted by Layard. Although Lytton contemplated the dismissal of Lal Shah, but he could not do so, as after having been once appoint­ ed and attached to the mission he (Lal Shah) could expose the British designs and thus do harm to the very purpose so dear to Lytton. However, Lytton made full enquiries about Lal Shah's past and satisfied himself as to his loyal intentions. The Viceroy was a man of a somewhat suspicious nature. He hardly, in fact, could r,econcile himself to trust anyone but the English. Previously Lytton had proposed the name of Sayed Ahmed, who was loyal to the Government and the only Muslim he felt he could trust. But for reasons not known, Syed Ahmed did not accompany the mission. Syed Ahmed was the founder of the Muslim College at Aligarh, and was later to be disignat­ ed as the father of "Muslim Nationalism" in India. Coming from Lytton that he was the only Muslim to be trusted it was a compliment of great significance. On 9th August, 1877, the Mission landed at Bombay. After a stay of two days in Bom­ bay, the Mission left for the frontier, in charge of Colonel Disbrowe. The Turkish Consul-General at Bombay also ac­ companied the party. The Envoy, as desired by the Viceroy, received no Muslim addresses and declined all interviews with newspaper correspondents.

On arriving at Rawalpindi on 16th August, the Envoy sent a deputation to the Akhund of Swat and some presents. -9-

,,But the Akhund declined to receive the deputation and refused , th,e presents. It is said that the Akhund regr,etted his conduct later on~ .His · r.efusal, however, was not based on any feeling . . of hostility towards the English, but being a religious head, he did not consider it befitting to his.position to receive a mission of a politicalnature. Akhund's denial clearly indicates that the Afghans knew the real character of the Mission. It may be of interest to mention that on Friday, the 14 September the Envoy attended .public prayers in Mohabat Khan's Mosque. The ser­ vice was condueted by Mulla Gulam Jilan and his son, leading followers of -the.Akhund. At the close of the service, prayers were offered for the defeat of the Russians.

On 27th September, 1877, all the members of the Mission were accompanied into the Amir's presence. He gave them , due courtesies;. and even came forward to receive them. Hav­ ,. ing most graciously r:eceived the firman of the Sultan, he raised it, to his head, welcomed the Mission, and implored them to .consider Afghanistan as their home. And then he enquired ''What news of. the foxes (English), and what is their inten- . tion?" (11)

The Envoy did his best to persuade the Amir to turn against . Russia.· Even in an open Durbar, the Turki.sh Envoy, strongly . condemning the Russians, said, that they "are an avaricious, lying and deceitfulrace. On four different occasions they had violated. their. treaties with Turkey and commenced hostilities . . . The.Russians are not to be relied upon, they are lying tyrants and friends only in self-interest." But the Amir remarked, "Yes, such is the way of the world. Friendship is claimed only . when there is an object in view." (12)

The Envoy fully explained the object of the m1sswn to . ;the Amir and urged him to form a Muslim combination on his , .Western .bord.er, as a p,reliminary to openly declaring war on ..Ru:ssia. The Amir replied that this was impossible as the -Io-

peoples of Central Asia were unwarlike, and the himself had not the means for the undertaking. Had he the means and the choice, he added, he would attack the English rather than the Russians, who unlike the English, had not broken promises or injured or molested him. He, however, professed to nourish no feelings of hostility against the British Government or_ wish­ ed to make war upon England; but the British Government was pressing upon him, and it was necessary that he should not be caught unprepared. "They have taken possession of Quetta" he said "and established a force there, looking in at Kandahar. If an armed man places himself at the back door of your house, what can be his motive, unless he wants to find his way in when you are asleep." (13) Indeed Quetta had been taken as a permanent military possession without his consent; the Khan ''Having been won over by a monthly grant of Rs. 10,000". This he considered a violation of the treaty of friend­ ship, in no circumstance to be condoned. Quetta had been for long a part of Afghanistan, and after its annexation by the British, the two Khans-Khodadad Khan and lVfullah Ahmud had written letters of submission to the Amir of Afghanistan. These he had sent to the British Government, but no reply was received; even the letters were not returned. This was a "trea­ cherous" act at which he felt highly indignant. Moreover, he believed that the British agents had encroached upon his autho­ rity by entering his territory and had incited rebellion against him. The British conduct in the Sistan boundary dispute was also a subject of his deep resentment in which the British arbitrator had awarded rich lands to the Shah and sterile to the Amir. Quetta, more than anything else however, remained his source of great dissatisfaction and fury.

The Amir was quite conscious of his meagre strength against the English and his other limitations: "compared with the English I am a bird possessing no power, nor do I boast of my capabilities." But he regarded the English to be selfish, unreliable, and unwise. An example of their unwisdom was their attack on Afghanistan without annexing the Punjab -11- first. They had pushed through obnoxious reforms during the year of disturbance in India. For a place like Quetta, they had severed friendship with an old and trusted f.riend, i.e. himself. The Amir was genuinely baffled by these acts of thoughtless­ ness and unfriendliness. Either their frontier agents sent wrong reports or the English Parliament considered its own national interests only. Yet he clearly said "Let them relinquish Quetta. and I am as ever their friend." (14) little did he know that it was not the Parliament which was aggressive, it was Lytton who was acting for the British nation. But if the nation gets cr.edit for its ofhcials, it must be ready for the discredit too.

On the other hand, though he did not like the Russians, either, infidels, and therefore, enemies-and had rejected per­ sistent approaches by the Russians agents, yet as the Russians had not conquered and territory which the Amir considered his own, he had no complaints against them. Moreover, the Russians always approached him in a more friendly manner, and let him feel and equal, where the English approach was that of a superior power to an inferior one, carrying an un­ spoken threat of war.

Conscious as he was of his weaker position and afraid of English aggression, the Amir could not openly displease the Russians, on whom he presumably intended to rely for help in the event of attack. Yet he never allowed Russian troops to be stationed on Afghan territory. Speaking of his relations with the Russians before the Turkish Mission, he said, "It is now eight months since the Russian Agent has been seated in Kabul, begging,for a reply to his letter, which he (the agent) had not received. News has just reached me that another agent has arrived atMazari Sharif ...... I do not know what to do with them. (15)

All Afghans, including the Amir, looked upon all ''infidels"- -12-

English, Russians other non-muslims- as their traditional enemies. How could he then willingly allow the "Ferangee" agents into his country. He was sure that they would be as­ sassinated by the fanatical and hostile mobs of his subjects. Similarly, he considered the Russians as devils· and would· not permit their agents either; though invariably they sent Muslims of Samar:kand and Tashkent. He was fully aware that · the Russians were deceitful. To him all Christians desired the· extermmation of Muslims from the face of earth:

These proceedings of the Mission enable us to understand the minds of both Sher Ali and Lytton, and it is impossi blt not to notice the validity of the Amir's grievances. But how could Lytton show any consideration to Sher Ali when he was bent upon having his own way, even against the final arbiters of policy in London.

Lytton had held important diplomatiC' posts. Before ·his Indian appointment he was British Minister at Lisbon; and later Ambassador at Paris. If, therefore, he acted without pre­ viously consulting London, we may properly ask whether this was not to forestall the anticipated opposition of the Cabinet. His vigorous protest against the Cabinefs order ·makes- it clear that he was determined to put pressure on the Amir in favour of the Br,itish -and intended to leave no alternative--before the British Cabinet.

It is equally strange that Layard; who likewise was ·an experienced diplomat, did not try to secure the sanction of the· Foreign Office before communication with Lytton: ·Tnat ·both·' Lytton and Layard should have aeted before consulting Londorl: - is significant of their complete agreement in policy: Perlraps,:- · their personal friendship goes some way to explain·· it. Tffar ·' both Layard and Lytton were aware of the significance of·thetr.. -· action is borne out by their private correspondence on·· thiS"-"· subject. (16) Evidently, Lytton considered this mission to be -13- of great· importance, and was determined to go on with it, even at the displeasure of London. He was exploring the possi­ bility of applying the religious influence of the Sultan on the AmiJ:. In the beginning he was optimistic about the success of the .missien, but even .when a letter of warning from Cavag­ nari'"'~-made.:him. doubtful, he still considered it worth trying. For~fthe~Amir refused to take the advice of the Envoy, public opiWGn.1dn: ·Afghanistan might be changed in favour of the BritishH and this would influence the Amir. On 19th June, 1877)-' : .Cavagnari wrote to Lytton, "Theoretically, he (the Sulta.a) ,is certainly regarded as the Head of Islarr.; but, in pra~e .re1igi~n .only finds supporters when it suits the per­ sonaL.4n11e:rests,of the parties whose aid is sought, and there is a fam pr~pect of the movement proving successful. On the other ha.nd1,it is quite disregarded when people find it incon­ venie-nt to respond- to the call of their religious leaders." ( 17) Con&idermg~.what. happ_ened to the Amir of Bokhara was re­ garaed-t: as onlyr. seccmd · in point of religious influence to the Sul\a&-.,of -Turkey, and yet his overthrow by Russians created compa~Q!'tiVIely little· comment amongst the Muslims of those part&•. ,

How.ever,.- there were many in Kabul and throughout Afghanist&n;-.es~&ly.in the Kandahar direction, who favour­ ed an~alliancl~ with the English; and a Turkish envoy. It was in them :that,Ly.tton.saw his chance. But he failed to convince the ''Mdslims:- genera1ly that the Ulemah had been really sent by the. Sultan, free from British prompting. If the people were convinced of the mission's authenticity, Lytton's task would have been accomplished, for he expected a general revolt agaPt.the;Amir.. Beyond unauthentic reports of expected dis­ turbanees..i:n Afghanistan Lytton hardly had any other evidence for ,his., belief;, but he feared internal trouble. Before that hap­ pe~dihe-.desired to secure British interests. He wrote to the Sect'etar~.(;,(tf; State. for India: "If the Amir is not murdered within thernext.six months, he will be obliged to employ a -14- large army he has collected for holy war. Better it should be directed against Russia than against us ...... Nothing short of de'- position of Amir or strong appeal to him by the Sultan, can pre­ vent completion of understanding between Amir and Russian· authorities ...... "(18) There is no improbability in Lytton's · belief but it was not backed by facts then and knowledge now~ Can't it be a front argument? However, he certainly was afraid of an early Russian occupation of Merv. While there were many British statesmen who had come to accept Russian occupation of Merv as a logical certainty and were reonciled to it, Lytton was not. Hence he not only wanted results, but wanted them in a hurry. Before Mery was, occupied, if at all, he considered it absolutely essential that Kandahar ana Herat were under British control, and if Turkish mission could' se­ cure Amir's assent to the esta~lishment of British agents af these points the Government of India would be satisfied with­ out interfering with the independence of Afghanistan, but "if no such agreement count be effected with the Amir, within the next two months, we shall probably be obliged to upset him; we cannot afford to wait much longer." (19) Lytton's determination to upset the Amir, in case the Turkish mission !ailed to effect a great and immediate change for the better in British relations with Kabul, is further reaffirmed by his letter to Cavagnari, to whom he generally wr,ote frankly: ,"1 think our only course will be to upset the Amir, conclude direct relations with Afghan chiefs and others, and separate Western. Afghanistan from Kabul as a semi-independent' Khanate, including Herat, Kandahar, Merv, and Maimena under British prot€.ction." (20)

The Turkish Envoy did try to pacify the Amir, since he could not do anything else and repeatedly urged him to come: to terms with the British. The Envoyr w:as in no position· to remedy his grievances; he· could not even show his sym:tnithy.-, with him, if he had any. His function was not to:listen,;'.blit~ to say, which he performed honestly and emphatically; · :J:n · -15-

·face of such complaints, he naturally could not plead with the . Arpir. effectively. Thus, the Turkish Mission met an unfoi:tu­ nate, though not unexpected failure, which, indeed made the second Afghan war invevitable, for Lytton had decided that if the mission failed, he would upset the Amir and divide Afghanistan. He did not have to wait long for the spark he needed to set off the second Afghan war.

All this interference in Afghan affairs was occasioned by the fear of Russian invasion of India. Yet Lytton and London did not seriously believe that it was either feasible or even· formidable. The apprehension, precautionary measures and motives, are a subject of a separate study. (21) Suffice it to say that the vibrations of the power-palpitations in Afghanistan were felt as much in St. Petersburg as in. London. While the Turkish Mission was in Afghanistan, Mr. der Giers on 12th September, 1877, complained to Loftus that an envoy from the Sultan of Turkey to the Amir of Afghanistan had passed through India. (22) The Russian Government could not view this event without some apprehension and anxiety, as they were not friendly to Turkey. The Russian Ambassador stated that the. object of the Envoy's mission was to preach a religious crusade amongst the Muslims of Central Asia, and induce the Amir of Bokhara, through the Afghan Amir, to excite r.evolt against Russia. The Amir of Bokhara, the Ambassador observ­ ed, had been a faithful ally of Russia, but difficulties might arise in consequence of religious agitation. It was, therefore, of importance that the Amir of Afghanistan be advised to abstain from any action which might create such difflcultjes .

.. Replying to this complaint, Derby blandly assured the Russian authorities that "Her Majesty's Government have no reason to believe that the object of His (Turkish) Mission was to preach a crusade in Central Asia." (23) The Russians were not mollified. If the English were thus reticent about their plans for complicating matters for the Russians in Central -16-

:Asia; the Russians were scarcely candid when on July---S:rd, 1878 they denied that any Russian agent' was· to ·leave"' for Kabul - a fiat lie.

University of Queensland D.P. SINGHAL Brjsbane.

Footnotes 1. See- Add. Mss. No. 39164 in the British Museum London

2. The Cambridge History of the British Empire, VoL ·ut .See , Chapters 2, 4 and 7.

3. Lytton's description of Sher Ali before Mohammad at Simla in October 1876 (Vide Lytton papers 518/1)

4. Lytton to Sandeman, 8th April, 1877 (Vide Lytton .papers 518/2 p. 261)

5. Add. Mss. No. 39164, p.8. In the same telegram .Layard stated that the Envoy selected would be Suleiman :Effendi, a native of Bokhara, and who was known to' the Indian authorities. But Layard doubted the tr,ustworthiness of Effendi and discouraged his selection. Hen~e, ·he-:was drop­ ped and a different selection was made.

6. Tel. to Layard No. 1344 dated 10.6.77 Add:. Mss;;S9l84

7. Ibid. , p.9 -17-

8. Add. Mss. 39164, p.10, dated 21st June, 1877

9. Tel. 24th June, 187i, Add. Mss. 39164

10. Shere Vanizadeh Mehemet Ali Rushdi

ll. Add. Mss. 39164. Interview with Amir, dated 27th Sep­ tember, 1877.

12. Ibid.,

13. Ibid.

14. Add. Mss. 39164. Amir to the Turkish Envoy, dated 29.9.77

15. Ibid.

16. Add. Mss. 39164, pp. 10-s5

17 Add. Mss. 39164, Cavagnari to Viceroy, 19th June; 1877.

18. Tel. lOth June, 1877. Add. Mss. 39164

19. Lytton to (Layard). Add. Mss. 39164, dated 20th June, 1&'17 Address is not mentioned

20 Add. Mss. 39164, dated 28th June, 1877. Lyttoa to Cav·a.g­ nari

21. The present writer has analysed them in d~tail.in afocth­ coming publication.

22. Parl. Papers, Central Asia, No. I 1878, p. 121

23. Ibid., p.122, dated 17th October, 1877 MOVEMENT OF PEOPLES AND IDEAS FROM PRE-

IDSTORIC TIMES TO THE SEVENTH CENTURY, IN

AND FROM AFGHANISTAN

(Delivered by Afghan Delegate in Asian History Cong~ess 9-13 December 1961, Delhi.)

Afghanistan is a mountainous country situated in the heart of Central Asia under 'the roof of the world' i.e. the Pamirs at a point linking Eastern and Western Asia and adjoining the Indian sub-continent and the Central Asia steppes. In simple geographical language, Afghanistan is like a Mountain-spur containing high mountain peaks protruding from the Pamir r.ange, the great Himalayan range and the Karakoram range with snow-covered highlands yielding vast amount of water flowing in the shape of rivers and streams on all sides.

·From the point of view of geography and history, Afghanis~ tan is a vast stony plateau containing broad plains and well­ watered streams. It has different climates and is located, so to speak, at the cross-roads between Eastern, Western, Northern and Southern Asia. It has, therefore, p,r.oved favourable for human habitation during stone age and the period of Cave­ dwelllers, when the river banks and the grassy plateau were suitable for humari habitation: Afghanistan has, therefore, seen the movement of diverse races and the message of different civilizations throughout the ages.

Is it not a scientific fact that humans have, at different periods in history, especially during the stone age, lived in mountain caves, and have they not continued to progress by -19-. tnventing clay pottery and developing agriculture and domes­ ticating animals during the Bronze Age in the deltas and on the banks of large rivers? Is it also not a fact that migrations have taken place through valleys and along water-sheds, which constituted the natural routes over which people could move from one place to another?

On the basis of these fact~., archaeological researches have also made it evident that Afghanistan and the adjoining lands including Iran, the Central Asian Republics in the . Soviet­ Union (previously called Trans-Oxiana) the Indian sub-con­ tinent and China, have passed through the stone and neolithic ages and the pre-historic ages. In one of the relics discovered as a result of excavations in Qara Kamar Caves near Aibak in the heart of Hindu Kush range, and analysed by ~cientists. traces have been found of life in Central Afghanistan of the Stone age between ten, thirty and fifty-thousapd years B.C.; these cave-dweller:s are understood to have been hunters. Other discovery at Mundigak Hill fifty kilometres to the North-west of Kandahar show traces of the last stages of the civilization of the stone age and the beginni~g of the Bronez-. age tound about 3,000 B.C. along the banks of Helmund and Arghandab rivers. This shows that in between the beginning of the ancient stone age and the later stone age in our coupt;r.y . a gap of nearly 20 to 30 thousand years exists and abouttp€h, beginning of one-third of this age, i.e. about 10;000 B.C., a. wave _,,, of Indo-European elements appear in the upper, b_asin of Syr- •,, darya and Amu-darya; the concentration of these elements shifted gradually from the colder regions to the Amu basin. These people lived for many thousands of years, .in these re­ gions and used domestic animals, especially horses to runram­ part over the land of Balkh and Bakhtar. Afterwards, they be-.... came scattered in the river-valleys of other parts of Afghanis­ tan.

On the basis of discoveries made :!_n Indus_yalley at Har- .· -20- rappa ·and Mohanjo-dero by (1) John Marshall nearly fifty years· ago, · it· has · been proved that about six thousand years ago, the 'iJ>e

The plentiful discovery of figu~es of the mother goddess through· excavations in the Indus-valley upto the Nile Valley shows that the religion and·way of thinking of humans in that period resembled each other throughout these lands.

In view of the fact that in Afghanistan such figures and relics have been discovered in Bakhtar, Kandahar and Seistan

1 1 {1) . •'Mohan-jo~dei'o · arlti' tfi'J si1fd Civilizl:ttibn'. by Sir J~h'ti lifarshall

" ...... - ...... / ...... ~·-· -21- areas. it can be stated that the transfer and exchanges of ideas, religion and civilization between the countries and pre-historic peoples of the Indus and Nile r,iver valleys, continued even at that time and the people of Afghanistan had closed links with that very important ancient civilisation. THE ARYAN PERIOD: As stated above, Afghanistan was inhabited by humans in pre-historic times, and the people who lived here during these ages possessed a civilization, way of thinking, believes and a special culture of their own, while possessing many things in common, with the peoples living in the Indus valley, Iran and Trans-Oxania. After this pre-historic period, about whose language and culture detailed information is not now available, but may become available one day, a bright period of Aryan migration began. Afghanistan was again an important centre of these movements and migrations of the ribes, about which we possess old literary works which can be gener.ally used by all Indo­ European races, but which relates in a more specific way to a special branch of these people,. namely the people of Afghanis­ tan or ancient Aryana. Thus, this land attains an important place in history as the place of habitation and cradle of the Aryans. ARYANA-VAEGO: Nearly 4,000 years B.C. the Aryan people lived in a land called 'Aryana-Vaego' (2). This name means: "the land of the genteel, the pure and the aristocrats (3). . (2) Avesta;· Vendidad; Firgird -1. ------(3) The history of Eastern Iranians, page 64-70, by W. Geiger and Cam­ bridge History of India, Vol. 1, page. 73. In this place, we have nothing to do with its position or the clash of opinion between the Scholars of the East and West, but we can say this much that the word 'Ara' and 'Aryan', also mentioned in 'Rigveda' (Rigveda, Vol. III, page 207 and 'Ancient India' by Panikar, Vol. I ,page 4.), as also according to Dr. W. 'Geiger, the German Scholar, this word has been derived from 'Ar', which in Sanskrit means race or origin and therefore, the word 'Arya' meant gen­ teel, devout and well-bred...... (Tamadun-e-Iranian-Khavari, Vol. I,_ page. ?5.); exactly the same word meaning the same thing has_,be7n us~d m, anc~e~t Pashto literature and present-day colloquy. The word vaego or vaega 1s also used in the present-day Pashto spoken in Kandahar in the meaning of 'home-land' or 'abode' or 'habitat'. -22-

It must be' stated that the term "Aryana-Vaego'' was also used by aryan immigrants in India, but they also used instead the phrase 'Arya Varsha' or 'Arya-Vartha', mentioned in 'Manu-Samhita' round about the second or third century B.C. (4)

The Aryan migration and the routs taken by them:- The Aryan people of the white race, who lived in Aryan-Vaego or Aryana, dispursed to the area left of the River Oxus (Amu) or in ancient Bakhtar or Bakhdi upto the foot hills of the Hindu Kush range. According to Avesta, this occurred due to the cold climate and scarcity of food. This is shown by the ancient Vedic hymns and in the Avesta about the life of the Aryans in· Afghanistan. According to Dr. P. Giles, Professor of Compara­ tive Philology in Cambr,idge University, these people succeed­ ed in domesticating certain animals and could distiguish cer­ tain herbs; they knew some handicrafts and lived in Bakhdi area of Northern Afghanistan round about 2,500 B.C. (5)

These people of pure Aryan stock migrated, because of the increase in numbers and other natural factors, from their central and or,iginal abode, which was a region including pre­ sent-day Afghanistan, to Afghanistan of today (Bakhdi and Valleys of Northern Afghanistan) and then moved towards the East and West and spread to the Indus-valley and the Punjab via the routes through the Spinghar range in the East. Simi­ larly, they also reached Iran and even Asia Minor through Khorasan and the present-day Herat. After settling down in a common home-land in Bakhdi, they took their language, beliefs, ideas, folklore and cui ture with them tQ the East and West. These qualities of theirs resemble each other closely in­ asmuch as the language, subjects and the gods in both an­ cient Aryan books, namely Avesta and Veda have close affi­ nities with each other. The inscriptions discovered in the Capital of the Hittites, called Patarium (belonging to the year (4) Cambridge History of-India, Vol. I, page. 51, P~2;-V~se: 22. The same word 'Varshu' is even now used in Pashto language. (5) Cambridge History of India, Vol. 1, page. 73. -23-

1400 B.C.) in Boghaz-Koi in Asia Minor proved that there, too a people of Aryan extraction, named Maitani lived in the area. The names of their princes, gods and mythological figures also· resemble those of the Avesta and Vedic ~ryans. We, therefore, come to the conclusion that about 1500 B.C. the Aryans from India to Asia Minor possessed a common ci viliza­ tion, culture and religion. ( 6).

The Aryans of Bakhdi or the Central Aryans:- After the migration of the Aryans from the Centre of Bakhdi; some of the tribes remained in Bakhdi, Bakhtar and the foot-hills of Hindu Kush, which they have called Bakhdi (Bakht, Pakhat, Pasht, Pashtoon). It is these same people who took part in the war between the ten Aryan tribes on the banks of the river Par.­ ushni (Ravi) and have been mentioned by the name of "Pakhtas (7). Similarly we find in the most ancient Aryan texts, i.e. Veda, repeatedly the name of Pakhat (the Pashtoon people), their kings, princes and prominent figures(8). This proves that the Pashtoon tribes lived upto the banks of Ravi Rive.r: round about 1400 B.C. It is interesting to note that the names of many ancinet Aryan personalities and tribes are even now obtained among the Pashtoon tribes, such as Turvayana, the name of the King of Pakhat (9), which in the present-day P.ashto language means 'Swordsman' (''Tura", meaning sword and 'Honi' that of wielder). Similarly, the names of such tribes as 'Dasa' 'Brisaya', 'Pani' and 'Paravata', who lived on the banks of the river 'Sar:asvati' or 'Heravati', i.e. the river 'Dehravat' and 'Arghandaba', and according to Hilh~'brandt belonged to the people of Arakosia or present-day 'Kandahar'. (10), or even now known as 'Daso', 'Pani', 'Parut', and 'Barech' among the Pashtoon tribes of Zabul and Zhob (11). · (6) Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, and 'Vedic India·, page 26. (7) Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, page 82. (8) 'Veda', Vol. II, page 18, Hymn 17, part 7- Vol. II, page 15, -Hymn 22, part 8- Vol. II, page 260-Hymn I, part - 8, Vol. II, page 465 -Hymn 61, part 10; published in London. (9) 'Veda', Vol. II, page 465 -Hymn 61, Part 10. (10) Cambridge History of India, -Vol. I, page 87. (11) 'Hayat~e-Afghani' - pages 118, 156, 241, 258. On the basis of the texts of the Vedic Hymns and later literature upto 'Mahabharata', we find that the Aryan tribes spread to the south. from the Oxus basin and the Norther of Hindu Kush range, and from there proceeded towards the heart of India along the banks of the river Kabul, (Kobha), Kurram (Krumo), Gomal (Gomani), Swat (Swastav), and Sind (Sindhu), and from there they spread over the Punjab or 'Sapta-Sindhu' or ·Hepta-Hindu' meaning 'seven rivers'; by doing this they reached the heart of the Indian sub-conti­ nent and pushed the original inhabitants towards the South of the Peninsula.

The Indian Scholars, who have studied ancient 'Sanskrit' manuscripts should know more about the ancient abode called 'Indara' or the Northern home or Craddle of the Bharata tribes.

In the light of the researches made by certain European Scholars, it can be stated more clearly that the craddle of the 'Bharata' tribes of the Aryan race was 'Balkh' whence they migrated to the East and \Vest. The name of this ancient abode and craddle of the Aryans in Vedic literature was called 'Balhika', mentioned in 'Atharva-Veda' and mentioned as 'Balhika' in 'Mahabharata'. 'Panini', the famous Sanskrit Grammarian named the 'Balhika' tribes as "Balhikans' in fourth century A;D. (12). In Avesta itself, Bakhdi was the fourth country among the sixteen Aryan countries (13) and possess­ ed the quality of 'beautiful Balkh or 'Bakhdiam'-Sariram'. According to the researches carried out by Scholars of the Avestar the lette.rs forming this name were equivalent to 'Bakhal' and 'Bakhli' in Pehlavi literature, which means 'Bakhtal. According to Jackson, in the copy of Avesta of the 8th Century A.D., discovered at Samarkand, this name in the

· "(12) 'Mahabharata', Urdu Translation 'Atharva- Veda' Tarikh-e-Adab - Pashto, Vol. I, page 30. (13) 'Vandidad' - 'Firgird' I. -·25-

Pehlavi language was 'Bakhal' Bamik', which remains as 'Balkh-Bami' in 'Dari' literature (14).

The same belief has been expressed by the European scholar Vallee de Poussin. As we have already stated, the Vedic name "Pakht'', and ''Paktheus" of Herodotus have been derived from the words ''Bakhdi" and "Bakhti" of Avesta, which, with the passage of time turned into "Bakht", "Past'~ and ''Pashtoon", now the name of a great nation in Central Asia.

Mahabharata also gives us more information, even though indirectly, concerning rel'ationship between the Aryan tribes, who had migrated to India, with those in Bakhtar and Balkh. For instance, it has been stated that Bhadra, the my­ thical ancestress of "Madra" tribe was the wife of one named Vyushit Aceva, a name which closely resembles that of Visht­ Aspa, one of the fabled kings of Balkh; even if this person may not be the King of Balkh himself, he may at least be one of the historical figures of Balkh and Bakhtar. The word Aceva, or its Pushto version, Aspa, was extensively used in the names of prominent person ali ties of Balkh, in the form of "Suffixe".

Panini, one of the great scholars of the 4th century B.C., who lived at the confluence of Kabul and Indus rivers on the western bank at Attock, and was the author of Vedic grammer ''Asht-Adhyaya", meaning 'the eight lectures', polished and perfected the Vedic language and called it "Sanskr.it", mean­ ing the "Perfected" ( 15). Since Panini appeared on Pushtoon soil and on the west bank of the Indus, therefore, his mention of the tribe of "Bahika" is more reliable. Professor Louis de La Vallee Poussin also believes that the Bahikas belonged to Bakhtar and were famous among Aryan immigrants in India. These

(14) Farhang-e-Avesta', page 110. (15) Vedic India, page 80; Encycl- Britianica Vol. XIX, page 954. -26-

people, he believes, migrated to India along the banks of the rivers· flowing through Afghanistan. Furthe~ to the ancient Sanskrit texts and sources, the Father of Greek Historians, Herodotus, who was a contemporary of Panini in 400 B.C., also mentioned the names of certain tribes in Afghanistan, such as Paktiuke, Gandarioi, Satta-Gudoi, Dadikai and Aparutai (16), who according to other eminent scholars are no other than Past and Pastoon, Gandhari (Gadara- on the inscribed slab of Darius), Shuttak (Thatagush of Achaemineds), Tajik and Afridi, who are evn now among the well-known inhabi­ tants of Afghanistan and have continued to live in their his­ torical homeland since the Aryan migration. The name of a central town, i.e. Peshawar, is also mentioned in the writings of Hecateus (500 B.C.) as "Kaspapuros" in Gandhara. The American archaeologists of Chicago have also discovered in recent times the name of Peshawar as "Paskiboura" or ''Pshkbur" inscribed on the Parthian and Greek slabs of Sha­ pur-I at "Naqsh-i-Rusthum" (round about 260 A.D.) (17). This became "Shapura" in Sanskrit, Po-lo-sha-po-lu of Huan. Tsang, the Chinese pilgrim, and "Shapur", "Fershapur" and ''Peshawar" during the Islamic e~a. 'l'(his shows that these people inhabited their homeland since ancient times up to the early Christian era, and that even though they may have taken part in the war of ten Aryan tribes on the banks of Ravi river, their remnants survived in their ancient home­ land, Afghanistan.

The five tribes, described in Sanskrit as "Pank-jana", in­ cluded those of "Druhus", "Yadus", "Turvashas", ''Anus" and "Paurus". Professo~ Chandra Dass, Professor of the History of Ancient India in Calcutta University, believes that the whole of the Bharata masses should be included in these. The most important of these five tribes is that of "Pauru", the progeny of which, i.e. the Pouravas, were closely related with the (16) History of Herodotus, Book-III, pages 91, 93, 94, 102; Book- Vll, page 66, and Book-I, pages 127 and 85. ( 17 ) The Pathan, Sir Olaf Caroe, page 33. -27-

Bharata-mass. These five tribes followed, in their migration, the same route, which the Bharata tribes had taken; in other words, they emerged from Balkh and Bakhtar to the north of Hindukush, descended to the south and dispersed in the land of the Punjab·and the vast plains of India.

Professor Dass considers the Upper Indus Valley near Gandhara to be the abode of the "Paurus"; this is true because during the Aryan migration they were evidently in this area. But by going deeper into the past of the Aryans, we must try to discovet their abode, as those of other tribes of their kin, in the mountains of Afghanistan. If we study Mahabharata, Puranas, the Vedic writings and the epic of Shahnama and Avesta and then set them side by side on the basis of compara­ tive literature and folklore, we will discover that the life of the ancient Aryan immigrants of India and Iran centred in an area north of Hindukush in the Oxus Basin. Whatever we have said sofar was based upon Vedic hymns and Sanskrit and Greek sources. These facts are substantiated by the ancient A vesta of Balkh reflections of which can be found in the Pehlavi- Sasanide texts. Although the ancient Avesta is not available, yet we can derive certain conclusions from the Sasanide text of the Avesta and other Pehlavi books we can, for example, discover in a very clear manner the position of Balkh and other provinces in Afghanistan, which included the most of the sixteen regions inhabited by the Aryans. It would be tedious for us to mention these facts in detail, and those who are interested in this subject may refer. to Fergad-I (Vandidad), one of the sections of Avesta, and to "Yeshts".

The study of Avesta shows that from the viewpoint of history, geography, the Aryan communities and tribes and their social, cultural, literary and religious systems, it has a greater bearing upon our history than the Vedic texts. Similarly, a comparison between the Vedic and Avesta texts, and a comparison between their contents relating to history, -28- geography and folklore, throw a strong light upon the history of Afghanistan and her relations with the neighbouring countries to the north, east and west.

The close resemblance between the language of the Avesta with the Vedic language is so great that these may well be called "two dialects of a more ancient language." This strong resemblance demands that the folowers of Veda and Avesta must have lived together in one home at some period. This 'home' and 'land' is none other than the Oxus Basin - the vast hasin of Oxus river where the ancient Aryans lived and which included Balkh-Guzin, Bakhdium-Sariram, Balhika, Bakhtran, Bakhl-Bamik, Balkh-Bami and Balkh-El-Hasna, and which is considered to be the ancient abode of the Aryans by all ancient mythologies of India and Iran.

While the discoveries at Mohen-jo-Dero, the hills of Ano, Mundigak Siyalak, Jian in Afghanistan, Trans-Oxania, India and Iran show us traces of life before the Aryans, the Sanskrit and Avesta literature acquaints us with the place, the move­ ments and the rise-and-fall of the white Aryan tribes.

Afghanistan is a land situated between India, Iran and Central Asia; in the heart of her mountains and among her valleys of the Hindukush range can be found the progeny of the ancient Aryans. These people have preservd, to a large extent, their ancient culture, civilization and languages. The inhabitants of the Central and Eastern Hindukush and those whose of the Safid-Koh (the White Mountain) are outstand­ jng specimens of these people, where nearly twenty local dialects, in addition to Pushto, are spoken in its valleys, dales and rocky plateus.

Historical Periods: Since the dawn of history, which be­ gan in the Iranian Plateus with the Achaemenids and in the Indian Peninsula with the advent of Budha, the movements -29- of peoples begin in another form, which has the characteristics of "armed conquest" or "religious propaganda". The invasions of Cyrus and Darius together with the conquests of the Achaemenids spread in Afghanistan and even in India the use of the Aramaic script, and the Samic and Iranian systems of book-keeping and architecture (18). ·we can, therefore, say that these waves of tribal migration and the ransfer of Aryan ideas and culture spread not only to the east and India, but also to the west and Persia.

After the Achaemenid Period, Alexander's invasions and conquests in round about 327 B.C. established a constant re­ lationship between the East and West; a number of Alexandrias were built in Afghanistan, where a considerable number of Greeks took abode. Alexander's invasion opened to the Greeks the door to the Trans-Indus areas. Among his troops were a large number of inhabitants of Afghanistan, from such places as Bakhtran, Paropamizad, Kapissi, Lampaka, Gandhara and valleys of the Hindukush; these accompanied him on his ex­ pedition to India. The contest between Sleukus Nicator, the ruler of the Syrian branch o£ the Greeks with Chandra Gupta Murya, the first monarch of the celebrated Indian dynasty, on the banks of Indus river, brought together the Indian and Greek elements. Murya's victory led Asoka and his Buddhist preachers, two generations later, to extend Buddhic culture and creed and the Indian civilization up to the Arghandab Basin.

During the reign of Bakhtarian-Greek monarchs, more constant contracts were establjshed between Afghanistan and (18) The 'Old Persian' language has such close affinities with Pushto that in an inscribed slab at Boghistan (Bestoon), prepared on the order of Darius ( 522-486 B.C.), in column 4, :>tanz~ 1:3, three attractive couplets about Moral Epic are found (Old Persian by Kent, printed in New York; and 'Kunjkavi-Haye Adabi' ·printed in Tehran, page 40), \vhich when analyzed, prove that these closely resemble Pushto verse; it also proves that Old Pushto was akin to Old Persian (and, therefore Avesta), thereby establishing the movement of people and .ideas from Afghanistan toward the west and Persia. ---30-

India. At that time a large number of G:reeks and Afghans used to go to India and many Indians travelled to this side of the Indus. With the arrival of Alexander in the East, the political situation was disrupted, but humanistic and intellec­ tual contacts were established between those living in the area extending from the Mediterranean Sea up to the heart of India. The intellectual contacts in Afghanistan during the Achaemenid-Greek Period created the new Irano-Greek civi­ lization, and the contacts between Buddhic and Greek philoso­ phies in Afghanistan brought a new civilization, ''GreeD­ Indian". The leadership of ·the Kushans, who originally be­ longed to nomadic tribes in Central Asia, were instrumental in mingling together the elements of the civilizations hitherto descirtjed, in the religious, intellectual, artistic, literary and architectural fields, and thus founded great civilization in Afghanistan; this civilization continued up to the 7th century A.D. and the advent of Islam. The history of Afghanistan, from 600 B.C. to 700 A.D. covers a vast peri_od, which has kept our Department of Archaeology extremely preoccupied during the past forty years; with every excavation a new find is un­ earthed, which for Afghanistan herself and her: neighbours, particularly India and Iran, is extraordinarily interesting and valuable.

Since the Achaemenid era and afterwards, caravan routes passed through Afghanistan; these land-routes linked western lands with India. On the map of Afghanistan we have aring of tracks, which in the north and south, for example Herat and Kabul, link these two places. These two north-south routes, one of which passed via Balkh and Baghlan and other from Kandahar and Ghazni, were extremely important because both of them served as caravan-routes and did much to pro­ mote the exchange of thought, commerce and ideas between Afghanistan and her neighbours, as also between the East and West. It is interesting to note that since ancient times up to the present most of our larger cities and places of worship -31-

are located along these two routes. It was also during that time that Afghanistan became the "Crossroads of Asia" where different civilization, peoples, beliefs, lanuages and cultures met and intermingled. In the preceding lines we mentioned the blending process o{ Achaemenid, Bactrian, Greek and Indian thought and culture in Afghanistan in 500 B.C. out, standing examples of this process can be found in the style of architecture, sculpture, city-planning, literature and also religious beliefs in that remote period; this many-sided civi­ lization is reflected in our country in diverse ways. One of these examples is Asoka's laws inscribed on a slab, which was discovered in recent years in the ruins of Old Kandahar on the ancient caravan route, which we have described as the ·'Southern Route". This slab has been inscribed in two langu­ ages and two scripts namely in Aramaic and Greek languages and scripts. The Aramaic language and script reminds us of the remains of Achaemenids administration, while the Greek in­ scription leads us to think back of the spread of Greek civiliza­ tion. The text of the inscription concerns Buddhic moral princi­ ples inscribed under the name of the Emperor Asoka the Great. It can therefore be seen that in one of the ancient cities of Afghanistan, which must have existed before Alexander and Asoka, perhaps in the 5th and 6th centuries B.C. during the Achaemenid Period, Alexander settled the Greeks there and Asoka introduced the Buddhist religion, thus reflecting the many-sided civilization of that time.

While the flow of thought and civilization from these three fountainheads continued to intermingle, a new and powerful force appeared in Afghanistan from among the nomads of Central Asia in the form of the Kushans, who with their dynamic energy, proved not only good statesmen and rulers, but also notworthy lovers of arts and culture. The people spread, at first in the nor.th and then to the south of Afghanis­ tan, and thus took the place of the Bakhtarian Greeks for nearly three centur.i.ib, up to 300 A.D.; like their predecessors, -32-

they, too, carried their culture and infiuence into India.

This dynamic energy with its fresh and unspoiled ap­ proach and capacity for abso~bing new ideas, adopted, without prejudice all those things which had developed through the intermingling of the different civilization during the five cen­ turies B.C. 'This rapid adoption of the things as they existed, created a favourable atmosphere for further development; therefore the Kushan dynamjsm opened a new path of civi­ lization from the Oxus to the Ganges Basins a:pd from Balkh to Mathura, traces of which are evident in the literature. arts, architecture and sculpture of both countries.

From the viewpoint of movement of peoples we see that an apparently harsh and nomadic people arose in Central Asia and then spread to Afghanistan and India; we can see them in their original dress as commissioners, princes, kings and em­ perors, in the sculptures extending from Baghlan, Bagram and Hudda to Taxila, Mat and lVf athura. The excavations started at Surkh-Kotal in ancient Baghulang and present-day Baghlan by the French archaeologists eight years ago have opened a new chapter, which has changed many of the pre­ vious conceptions about history, arts and culture.

During the Kushan Period in the first three centuries A.D. traftl.c and human relations between the East and West grew; the Silk-Route with its southern branch, which passed through Balkh and Taila to India, linked the Mediterraanean coast with China, security was maintained over this great Asian highway and the doors from Peking to Alexandria and from Tyre to Mathura were thus flung open to merchants, preachers and artists. The coins of the Kushan Period shoV\ the plentifulness of gold and silver and gods, together with religious freedom, and diversity of languages and scripts.

Archaeological excavations at Surkh-Kotal, as Mr~ -33-

S:bltm1berger, Director of the French Archaeolvgical Expedi­ tion in Afghanistan has analyzed them, disclosed their de­ tails in the Congress of Orientalists at Moscow and the maga­ zine "Syria", are enough to change the views of other scholars aoout t:la.e sou:rce .and the course of development of the Greco­ Budclhic ·sdh:ool of art.

It is m0:r.e than half a century that we are hearing every­ where, especially in Afghanistan and India, about the merits of the Greco-Buddhic school orf art this School came into being in Afghanistan as a result of the blending Buddhic­ Indi.an ideas with tile principles of Gree'k sculf>ture, which launched :a oort .of im.teil.lectual-re'lig:i!ous wave in this country sometime in the early Christian era. 'I\he discoveries at Surkh­ KG>tal Sihow us that this ·SehG>@l :was a religioas or Buddhic branch .o[ a :gr.eater school, which Mr. Schlumberger has aptly called the "Kushan School"; it also pm;sessed certain non­ Baddbic exp>ressions a statue of which has existed for a long time at Matt and" Mathura in India, the roots and basis of which rem~ned ohscuTe, but which now can be described as another non-spiritual branch of the Kushan School.

We hav.e .alreacly -srtated that the Kushans wen~ a nomadic p~le, thereior-e they did no± bring any 'School' of their own with themselves, but that they helped in creating a new sclu0ol based ,on the elements of -the Greco~Indian school, which with the establishment of order in Bakhtaran and the inter­ mingling of the Iranian and Greek civilizations during the five centuries B..C. This new School is clearly reflected in the sculptures folJlllad at Surkh-K.otal in its temple. This same Gr-eoo-Irani.an elements 1e:d to the development of Parthians S-chool in Iran itself; the qualities of this .School have also been described :hJ;y the French scholar, M. Schlumberger. By going a little .oleeper in to the .past toward the source of art, we fi:ocl that the Kulsh:an and Parthian schools of art are reflections of Greek .art as opposed to the Christian School (the Greco- -34-

Roman School) or the so-called "Mediterranean School"; this art can, therefore, be described as "non-Mediterranean Greek School of art''.

In the light of these descriptions, it can be seen why there exists such a strong resemblance between the sculptures at Mat and Mathura in India and those at Baghlan in Afghanis­ tan. A large figure of Kanishka has been discovered at Mathura and another figure, that of Vimakadfisis, another Kushan king has also been discovered.

Such figures and S\..enes have been discovered at Surkh­ Kotal in Baghlan; these figures, found in Afghanistan and India, have no relationship whatsoever with the Buddhist re­ ligion; they reflect, in fact, the results of the amalgamation of the Kushan School with Buddhist religon, the best example of which is the Gandhara art, which has been unearthed at Mathura and also in Surkh-Kotal. We, therefore, a.rrive at the conclusion that from the Oxus to the Ganges Basins, the Kushan School made equal progress all over the area included in the Kushan Empire.

By keeping these facts in view, we can also call the Kushan School as "Greco-Bactrian School"; outstanding ex­ amples of this can be found in the literature, script, language, architecture and sculpture of Surkh-Kotal and ancient Bagh­ lan.

We have also mentioned in the preceding paragraphs the intermingling of the Iranian, Greek and Indian cultures in one ot the ancient cities in Afghanistan, which was situated on the southern branch of the ancient caravan route, namely Old Kandahar. We now present another example of this inter­ mingling of civilizations in another one of our ancient towns, situated on the northern branch of the ancient caravan route. Previously, we mentioned the inscribed rock of Asoka, we now -35-- give the example of the Kanishka inscriptions; this example is not limited even to Kanishka's inscriptions, but to a collection of inscribed rocks.

At this point the Bactrian languages, which is a new branch of the Iranian family of languages, has been inscribed in Greek script under the name of Kanishka. The might of the Kushans supplemented by the Bactrian language and Greek script, both of which existed in Afghanistan centur.ies before the Kushans, were apparently intermixed without de­ mur and prejudice; this is, therefore, in itself one of the best examples illustrating the Kushan art school in the light of the local Bactrian elements.

Research carried out by philologists has proved the proxi­ mity of the language of these inscriptions with Pushto and other Avesta languages because the name of ancient Baghlan, which in this tablet has been described as "Baghulang" (19), with future distoritions into "Baghdung" or "Baghdunj", is composed of "Bagha" in Avesta and "Baga" of ancient Persian, ''Bhaga" of Sanskrit and Russian "Bagoi"; this in present-day Pushto spoken in Kandahar is "Bug" meaning "great", ''grand", "powerful" and "huge", which has been used in the names of ancient places in Afghanistan, such Bagram, Bagrami. Bagal (Herat), Bagla (Ghazni), Bag-Lag (Daizangi), Bagapoy (Taluqan), Bagi (Tarnak), and Baghni and Baghran (Zamin­ dawar); similarly, Baghshor was a town at Badghis to the north of Herat. ''Ang", on the other hand, also exists as a suffix to the names of many towns, such as Salang (in the heart of Hindukush), Yakaolang (Daizangi), Bashlang (Helmund), Aleshang (Laghman), Aolang (in Salang), Mas­ tang (Balochistan), Zarang (Seistan), Poshang (west of Herat), Greerang (Merv) and Zarang (Ghour), which the Arabs changed into "Zaranj" and turned into Foshanj, Bashlanj, Mastanj and Jeeranj etc. (20). This "Ang" means (19) The Italian periodical "East & West", November, 1957. (20) Ahsan-El-Taqaseem, pages 306-312, and Astakhari, page 239. -36- fire and fire-temple equivalent of "Atharia", Aza;r in :Pehlavi, which has remained in Avesta as "Daza.nga" meaning ''Hell" (evil fire) (21).

From the viewpoint contacts between nati;Q:m.S and CIVI­ lizations, the Kushan Period during the three eenturi-es· AD. holds an important place in this part of tfue East. The Bu'Gicl!mist creed was spread to the area beyond the Gobi Desert ancl Ch.dmta by the Kushan preachers, and with it sp-read the pri:n€i}W.~s of the Kushan School to the remotest points of Eastern A

After 300 A.D., when the Kushan power bega:a t0 decline, the influence of the Sasanides is felt thrGntghota.t Mghanistan up to the fringes of the Indian sub-continent. The 4-eentuTies long Sasanide civilization increased mani£0ld lished

(21) Yashtha, 21 170:-This form has survived in Pushto, used in the words "Angar" (live-coal), and ''Angal", meaning 'heat' and 'flame', and 'Angara' and 'Angola'. In Pushto literature, too, the word Pal-Ang (flaming fire) exists (Pushto and Loykan of Ghazna (manuscript), page 9 and onwards). Similarly, other deciphered words of the tablet ccmfnrm to Pushto language in their composition and pronouns. We can, therefore, confidently say that the langu­ age of the Kushans was closely affiliated to P'us-hto. -37- between the newcomers and the original inhabitants. At this time mention has been made in our history of the western Turks, the Little Kushans the Brahmans and the Hindus· all ' this means that there existed a wide intermingling of people. with a eonsequent fusion of civilizations, cultures and litera­ tures. It is the study of this change and diversity which makes the subject interesting ( 22).

These clans or tribes of the Hephtalites overpowered the Sasanide king, Feroze, in 484 A.D. and occupied the whole of Indo Iranian region. In 520 A.D., the Chinese pilgrim. Song-Yun reached Trans-Oxania and there observed the Hephtalite Sultan seated on a golden throne in his felt-tent and accepting gifts brought to him from forty countries which his armies had c&nquered in numerous invasions (23). This historical proof tells us that a wave of conquests by the white Aryans, which later turned into Afghans, covered the area in­ cluding Kashmir, the Punjab Valley, the Sasanide possessions in Iran and up to Trans-Oxania.

0-po-kien of Huan-Tsang to the south-east of Ghazni is exactly the Afghan word of the present, which the Chinese pilgrim thought their language to be somewhat different from the Indian language, but resembling it to some extent (24). (22) These Yaphtalian Zavulis (Abdalis) had discovered the Afghan culture and their language, too, was akin to Pushto, but with some mixture of Turkish; if this mixture was large at first, it gave way to the local language afterwards. By analysing the names of the rulers of this tribe or nation, like Turana (Turman means swrodsman in Pushto) and Mehrakola (Kol means the Sun Family), as also their tablets found at Uruzgan to the north of Kandahar and Tochi in Waziristan, it becomes evident that the language of these people, too, like that of the Kaushans, was akin to ancient Pushto and that their words and their compositions resemble Pushto. It was these same people, who in 500 A.D. attacked Western India and Kashmir from Zabulistan and were called Pushto Turkasha, i.e. "Swordsman" (Tablet at Wayhind on the eastern bank of Indus river opposite Attock. menti~ned in "Kabul'' by Sir Alexander Burnes, page 120-121, published in London, 1842; also in "Raj-Tarangini, by Kulhatta, II48 A.D., in Tarang-5, Ashlok 152-155; Tarang-4, Ashlok 179; and Tarang-7, Ashlok 57 etc.). It is also these people who spread Afghan culture in India up to the advent of Islam and took part in the conquests in India and Kashmir and the transfer of ideas there. Kulhanna has mentioned them in detail in his history of Kashmir; it is also during the later part of their rule that we find verses in Pushto (History of Pushto Literature, Vol. II). (23) Iranian Civilization, Prof. Focher, page 297. -38-

It must be stated that the name "Afghan" has been men­ tioned by an Indian astronomer named Varaho-Mihira as "Avagana" in his book "Baharat Suhita" in early 600 A.D. (25). This is also a proof that in early 6th century A.D. the cul­ ture and ideas in Afghanistan were appreciated by the Indian scholars and that the flow of ideas between the parties conti­ nued.

At the end of this Period and at the beginning of the Islamic era in Hedjaz, a Chinese Buddist pilgrim, wise and scholarly, named Huan-Tsang arrives in Afghanistan in 630 A.D.; he then proceeds to India, then retraces his steps and re­ turns to China.

The local principalities, and the different temples, the Buddhist, Shiva and Hindu ways, the languages and the scripts, in short the reflexions of the intermixture of bygone ages are seen by him at Kunduz, Balkh, Bamian, Aibak, Kapissa, Lampaka, Gandhara, Gardez and Ghazni; he stays in temples and comes in contact with everyone from the rulers down to the common man; he then collects ideas, religious concepts and artistic styles in India and Afghanistan and then returns home. What he saw and recorded in our country in 750 A.D. mirrors Afghanistan, India; China and Central Asia together with their artistic and cultural values.

After taking into consideration these universally accept­ ed facts we come to the same conclusion which was reached by the British historian, Mr. Toynbee in his book ''Between

------(24) Geography of Ancient India pages 41, 42 and 89. Cunningham, the British research scholar says in this regard: "During the time of Huan-Tsa::1g the alphabet and language of Afghanistan differed from those of other countries because Huan-Tsang, who knew the Hindi and Turkish languages,clearly says that the langauge and alphabet of the people of Ghazni differed from those of other countries. It may, therefore, be stated that the langauge spoken by these people was an ancient or archaeic form of PtiShto. (25) The Routes of Bakhtar, India up to Taxila, published in Paris in 1947; pages 235-252, note 17. -39-

Oxus and Jhelum", namely that Afghanistan, due to her geographical position and climate served as a "Roundabout" or "Centre", which has accumulated and diffused, over a period of thousands of years, to India, Iran, Trans-Oxania and Central Asia whatever she herself possessed and derived from the foreign horizon. This is a fact, which applies equally to the world of migration, civilization, culture, languages, reli­ gions, literature and all other symbols of civilization and society. LES GHORIDES

UNE GRANDE D¥NASTIE NATIONA,LE

III e PARTIE

4. LE DECLIN ET IJE DEMEMBREMENT DE L'EMPIRIE GHORIDE a/Le regne de Mu'izz al-Din (599-602 del'H.=l205) A partir de 591 de I'H. Mu'izz al-Din. appele J\'Iuhammad Ghori par les historiens, ne semble pius avoir joue de role per­ sonnel dans la conquete de l'Inde dont il confia le soin a ses capitaines Qutb al-Din et Ikhtiyar al-Din. En effet son frere et suzerain, Ghiyath al-D.in, avait besoin de lui dans le Khorassan pour essayer de contrecarrer les pretentions de plus en plus pres­ santes du Chah du Khwarizm.

Ala mort de Ghiyath al-Din, Mu'izz al-Din se trouvait dans le Khorassan. Il recueillit immediatement le pouvoir supreme et regna comme un souverain independant de 599 a 602 de I'H. Son monnayage porte la trace de cette accession au pouvoir suzerain: a partir de 599 de l'H. il revele une titu­ lature nouvelle, reservee jusque la a son frere : "sultan al­ a'zam", au lieu de "sultan al-mo'azzam (42).

Mu'izz al-Din avait alors a affronter la menace grandis­ sante que faisait peser sur son empire le Khwarizm. Ghiyath al-Din en etait conscient depuis longtemps. A la mort de Takach, il avait fait prendre le deuil a sa cour, mais immediate­ ment a pres ( 43), il avai t entrepris la conquete du Khorassan.II avait remporte d'abord toute une serie de victoires et reussi a occuper Nichapur, Sarakhs, Merv, Bistam. Mais l'annee suivante, en 598 de l'H. ( = 1201/2) il reperdi t tous ces terri­ toires, et ce n'est qu'a grand-peine qu'il put sauver Herat que les troupes du nouveau Chah du Khwarizm, 'Ala al-Dinl avaient entrepris d'assieger. -41-

Mu'izz al-Din, devenu souverain independant, ne souses­ tima pas la menace du Khwarizm. Il decida tout de suite d'essayer, a son tour de lui porter un coup fatal. En 601 de l'H. (=1204), il envahit le Khwarizm avec !'intention de l'occuper definitivement. Mais il ne fut pas plus heureux que son frere.Il dut battre en retraite,une retraite qui prit vite l'aspect d'une debandade.

Sur ces entrefaites il fut abandonne par un de ses maliks les plus importants 'Izz al-Din Hussein. Cette defection reivele la gravite de la situation: le Ghoride avait cesse d'etre con­ sidere comme le plus fort, meme par ses compatriotes. Il se refugia alors a Ghazni avec les debris de l'armee qui lui etajent restes fideles. Mais quand sa defaite fut connue, les troubles commencerent dans les possessions orientales: les Khokhar du Pendjab, pres de Lahore, qui autrefois avaient pris position contre Khusro Malik au profit de Mu'izz al-Din, se souleve­ rent contre lui. Mu'izz al-Din entreprit cnntre eux une expedi­ tion punitive. Il reussit a leur faire entendre raison; mais a son retour il fut assassine a Damyak, sur l'Indus, d'apres les uns, par un fanatique partisan des Malahida qu'il avait autre­ fois persecutes, d'apres les autres par un Khokhar. En tout cas il ne put jamais realiser !'expedition decisive qu'il projetait d'entreprendre contre le Khwarizm a la veille de sa mort.(44)

b/ 'ALA AL-DIN MOHAMMAD

Ziya al-Din qui prit plus tard le nom d' 'Ala al-Din Mohammad,est un cousin de Ghiyath et Mu'izz al-Din. Sans jamais a voir ete un sultan-souverain ( 45), il est une belle figure de la grande famille des Ghorides.

Il est question de lui pour la premiere fois quand Mu'izz al-Din, apres avoir pris en 587 de l'H.(=1191) la place forte de Bhatinda, lui en confia le commandement, alors que lui­ -meme se mettait en campagne pour attaquer le radja de Delhi. -42-

A la mort de Ghiyath al-Din, Mu'izz al-Din le chargea de !'administration du Gh6r.

Sur sa demande il fut enterre dans le sanctuaire d'Abu Yazid Bistami, a Bistam, pres de la Caspienne. Le choix de cette sepulture constitue probablement un symbole: Bistam est, en eifet, le point extreme, vers l'Ouest, atteint par les armees gh6rides. ( 46).

cj MAHMOUD IBN MOHAMMAD IBN SAM (602-609 de l'H =1205-1212)

Le successeur officiel de Mu'izz al-Din fut son neveu Mahmoud, fils de Ghiyath al-Din. Il semble bien que, des son accession au tr6ne, l'autorite de Mahmoud ait ete limitee aux possessions occidentales. En effet, des 1206, il se retira dans les montagnes du Gh6r, le berceau de la dynastie: il aban­ donnait la souverainete des possessions indiennes a celui qui peut etre considere comme le successeur effectif de Mu'izz al-Din, a Qutb al-Din qui installa sa capitale a Lahore. D'autre part, c'est le beau-pere .de ce dernier, Tadj al-Din Yalduz, qu'il proclama sultan a Ghazni. Ainsi l'empire gh6ride passa en grande partie aux mains des generaux-esclaves d'origine turque.

D'apres les Tabaqat-i Nasir!, Mahmoud fut assassine dix ans apres la mort de Ghiyath al-Din, c'est a dire en 1212.Il avait emprisonne 'Ali Chah du Khwarizm. Ce fut sa derniere action contre l'ennemi hereditaire. En effet les parti­ sans de ce dernier, venus du K6h-i Azad, reussirent aJ s'intro­ duire dans la place forte de Firuzk6h, tuerent le dernier sultan du Gh6r, et se retirerent,traversant "la riviere de Firuzkoh, qui coule devant le chateau" ( 47). Puis du haut de la crete montagneuse, ils reveillerent la ville endormie en criant: ''0 ennemis de notre roi, nous avons tue votre sultan. Levez- -43- vous et mettez-vous a la recherche de votre souverain" ( 48).

Ces details topographiques contribuent a renforcer la these d' A.A. Kohzad et du regrette Maricq, qui placent l'ancienne Fin1zk6h dans le site ou s'eleve le minaret de Djam (49), cette riviere de Firuzkoh semblant bien etre le Hari­ roud. d/ LA SURVIE DE L'EMPIRE GHORIDE.

Apres l'assassinat de Mahmoud, le Ghor tomba sous la domi­ nation de Mohammad Khan, Chah du Khwarizm. L'eclipse du Ghor fut definitive. 11 fut d'abord absorbe, pour une courte periode, dans le grand empire du Khwarizm qui comprenait en 1219, a la veille de l'invasion mongole, Bokhara, Samarqand Khokand,et une bonne part de la Perse, de l'actuel Afghanistan et du Beloutchistan jusqu'a 1'Indus. L'invasion mongole ensuite (1220-24) balaya jusqu'au souvenir de cet empire et il faudra attendre plus d'un siecle pour voir reapparaitre le nom d'un ghoride.

Le sultanat de Ghazni ne dura guere plus longtemps. Tadj al-Din Yalduz qui avait ferme les portes de Ghazni devant Mu'izz al-Din en fuite apres son intervention malheureuse dans le Khwarizm, et qui avait obtenu le pardon, fut proclame sultan de Ghazni par Mahmoud. Les deux sultans s'allierent contre l'ennemi de l'Ouest et reussirent a reprendre Herat. Mais quand ils tenterent d'arracher l'actuel Turkestan afghan a Mohammad Khan, Chah du Khwarizm, ils furent vaincus et forces de lui livrer Ghazni. Plus tard nous retrouvons Tadj al-Din en train de guerroyer en Inde: il avait entre temps du trouver le moyen de s'entendre avec son nouveau suzerain. Cette derniere operation militaire lui fut fatale. 11 reussit a s'avancer jusqu'a Tanesar mais il y fut defait par Chams al-Din: Altmach, le gendre de Qutb al-Din, alors roi de Delhi (1215 )·II mourut en captivite.

En 1336 on voit apparaitre une nouvelle dynastie afghane installee a Ghazni. Probablement originaire d'une tribu du Ghor, elle relevait de la suzerainete des Moghols d'Asie Cen­ trale, qui lui avaient delegue l'autorite sur Ghazni. Elle regna de 1336 a 1383. Les premiers souverains, Chams al-Din Ghori, Rukh al-Din et Fakhr al-Din Ghori se contenterent de cette situation de vassaux. Mais le quatrieme, Ghiyath al-Din Ghori se rendit independant. Ses successeurs, Chams al-Din, Malek Hafiz, Mu'izz al-Din, conserverent leur independance. Finale­ ment le dernier souverain de cette seconde dynastie ghoride, Ghiyath al-Din, fut depose par Tamerlan en 1383. (50)

e/ LES GHORIDES DE BAMIYAN

L'histoire de la branche ghoride de Bamiyan, en depit de quelques renseignements que nous possedons su.~ la succession dynastique, ne peut pas etre consideree comme connue.D'abord nous ne savons pas exactement et dans quelles circonstances le district de Bamiyan a ete ajoute aux territoires controles par la maison du Ghor; nous savons simplement que, lors du partage effectue par Saif al-Din Suri, il a <§ite attribue a son frere Fakhr al-Din. Ensuite nous ne savons que peu de choses des relations que les maliks puis les sultans de Bamiyan ont entretenues avec leurs suzerains de Firuzkoh. Nous ignorons aussi a quel moment exactement la principaute de Bamiyan a connu sa plus grande extension, quelles ont €!te alors les limites exactes de ce district et dans quelle mesure le souverain de Bamiyan exercait un pouvoir reel dans les parties les plus ecartees.

Cependant !'etude comparee du monnayage du sultan du Ghor et de son vassal de Ghazni, d'une part, de celui des­ Ghorides de Bamiyan, d'autre part, pourra un jour apporter quelque lumiere sur !'importance relative,de. ees diverses pro-· vinces de l'empire ghoride. D'apres I'Inventaire des monnaies. musulmanes anciennes du Muse'e de Caboul etabli par D.Sou{·­ del, il y a dans ce musee 44 pieces ghorides, la plup~rt £rap- pees a H~rat ou a Ghazni, au nom du suzerain de F-iru:z;~Q.h,' (51). Mais il y en a 116. frappees au riom des souvera1ns de Bamiyan (52). Nous savons qu'un. tel renseignemeni _.st~tis:. tique ne presente guere qu'un interet limite. Cette indication demande cependant a etre verifiee.

D'une facon plus generale nous pensons que l'etude de ces monnayages doi t" etre reprise a fin d'en. extrai~e des donn_ee-s mieux utilisables. Jusqu'ici !'acquisition par le Musee de_ Caboul des monnaies de cette epoque a et& le fruit du hasard. Or une collection systematique permettrait probablement de renouveler completement notre vue sur l'histoire financiere et par consequent politique des Ghorides. Par exemple, une verification rapide des monnaies actuellement disponibl~~ dans le hazar de Caboul a deja attire notre attention sur un certain nombre de pieces de la meme epaque, semble-t-il~ qui ne figurent pas dans l'inventaire du Musee de Caboul. ~a. plupart d'entre elles sont en bronze, ce qui explique le pe~; d'ipteret qu'on leur a porte jusqu'ici. . D'autre part le fian. etant nettement plus petit que les coins, leur lecture n'es.~ en general pas immediate. Enfin la circulation de la monnaie, a cette epoque-la ne pouvant pas etre strictement dehmitee a l'interieur de frontieres politiques, souvent changean~~ d'ailleurs, une telle etude exigerait que soient pris en consi- deration des types de monnaies fort differents. (monnayag~: samanide, ghaznevide, seldjouqide, celui des trois' provilices principales de la maison du . Ghor, G.eluL:. du Khwarizm, etc.). Finalemen t il s 'agit · d'une tache· a·s-sez ce~-:,~ plexe dont les buts essentiels · seraient d'abotd Xetabl},ssmentT d'un inventaire aussi exhaustif que possibl.e, puis l'hi$tpir·~:com;;, paree de divers monnayages bas~e sur la ·s~mpa_rais()n__ - 4"ii

~-····~ -M _,;.·.~.--;~ ~--····-······,,.:: •••-._-• .:..-•'--"~•- ·-·-_,,,.J -:..... ---· ,,.:,_._._,) types;" des -lieux ·de frappe, .des techniques :

En attendant, en nous .basant sur les monnaies1 nous pouvons dtstingner quatre souver.ains de Bamiyan.

1/F'AKHR AL-DIN MAS'UD B. AL-HUSSEIN {546.. 558 de 1'H).

I1 etait fils de 'Izz al-Din Hussein et d'une femme turque. Quoique l'aine des cinq freres dont l'histoire ~Lconserv~ les noms, ·ii· ne succeda pas a son pere. En,effet, c'es.t son frere ·Salf a-I~Din Sun; fils d'une mere de.plus haute .extraction;: qui· recueil­ lit·lepouvoir·supreme. Et c'est ce.dernierquLdecida.de parta:ge:r le temtorire qu'il venait de recevoir de son·, pere.entre ses demi-freres, se reservant pour.lui.. meme Je,•role ;de .-suzerain. Qutb·al-Din Mohammad, fils d'une.esclave;;rec;ut la.charge:du Warchada ou il fonda Firuzkoh. Quant a Fakhr al;.Din, il· fut instaUe dans le district de Bamiyan.

Mais cette vassalite dut lui sembler incompatible avec·des droits· qu'il tenait .de l'ainesse.. En. effet nous savona qu.'a la mort de son frere et suzerain Saif al-Din Suri, i1 essaya de faire valoir ses pr{rtentions a. la succession (53) et suscita une veri­ table coalition contre Ghiyath al.:Din, son. neveu. Mais·:cette entreprise,· a laquelle s'etaient associes Tadj akDin .de Herat et Kimadj de Balkh, aboutit a un echec aRagh-iZariz.surleHari­ rotl.d:

2;etiAMSAL-DIN MOHAMMAD.B. MAS'UD.(Q58-588 ded'H:)

· Son· successeur Chams .. al.. Din. Mohammad· soumit le Tokharistan .et etendit son .. pouvoir ·jusqu~a. Balkh et dansJe Badakhchan. crest sous son. regne que 1e :district ded~amiyan; semble avoir atteint son extension, maxima., Cette.these,:' .. en tout cas, trouve une confirmation dansJeJ:ait.qu'il pritle titre de "sultan" a 1' b · . vee ap~ro atlon de ses oncles, auives au JaAte·d leur pmssance. Mais l'age· d'or , . . - I - e principaute del3amiTTAn d .t , ~ a. pro?r~ent parler,.. de lla , .Y a 01 ' a notre a VIS, etre plac~. plus. .tatd; so~s Ale regne de son fils et de son petit-fils: Baha al-Din Sam et D]alal al-Din 'Ali b. Sam sont, en effet, Ies seuls:GhOrideS' de Bamiyan dont nous ayons des pieces d'or (54)·

3/BAHA AL-DIN.SAM B. MOHAMMAD (588...002de l'H).

Baha al-Din succeda a son pere en588.de l'H.( ::;:1192). NGus ne savons pas grand-chose.de son regne., sinon·qu~il·fut le pr-e­ mier sou verain de Barniyan a frapper de la monnaie d' or et qu~il mourut peu a pres l'assassinat de Mu~izz al-Din Mohammad .b. Sam en 602 de l'H. (=1205). Il semble bien que. l'enrichisse• ment de la dynastie ghoride consecutif a la conquete de l'Inde effectuee par Mu'izz al-Din, a:p,t:ofite egalement au .souverain de Bamiyan; peut-etre"a-t-il apporte... une participation aux: cam-:. pagnes indiennes par l'envoi. de contingents·et d'armes; mais nous ignorons tout de ses relations avec les sultans de FiruzkOh et de Ghazni.

4/DJALAL AL.-DIN 'ALl B. SAM (602-612. de l'H).

Son fils Djalal al-Din 'Ali fut E§lgalement un souverain remar­ quable, le dernier des GhO:rides qui disposa·d~une-puissance re­ elle .. Il joua un role important dans les dernieres.Juttes que livra la maison du Ghor pour survivre. En particulier nous savons qu'il apporta une.aide efficace a 'Ala al.,.Din: ill'aida a reprendre Ghazm. Quand 'Ala al-Din fut chasse de Ghazni par Ya.lduz, Djalal al.. Din. ressembla une annee. ·composee de sol­ dats.originaires du.Ghfu' etde Turcs. Mais -ee fut un echec, ..ear il fut fait prisonnier par Yalduz. Plus tard on lui renditJa liberte. Il redevint meme le souverain du Bamiyan.

Finalement il semble bien que l:>j.alalal-Din eut·un·deu:xieme -43- regne ·qui dura jusqu'a l'invasion des possessions du Ghor par le Chah du Khwarizm, 'Ala al-Din, invasion qui lui couta le ti·one et lavie en 612 de l'H. (=1215) (55).

5/CONCLUSION

L'epopee des Ghorides s'integre dans l'histoire d'une grande region qui s'etend du Khwarizm a l'Inae, de la Transoxiane au Tabaristan- La definition de l'aire ghoride est historique et non point geographique, puisqu'elle empiete aussi bien sur la steppe de PAsie Centrale que sur l'Inde des moussons. Son histoire s;ihscrit dans une cpoque allant de la conquete arabe, un des fac­ t~urs determinants de son destin, jusqu' a !'invasion de Geng-is­ ~han ou p,resque.

I..'origine de la maison du Ghor, par contre, peut etre loca­ lisee dans une region montagneuse d'extension restreinte deli­ mitee par.les bassins du Hari-roud, du Farah-roud, du Roud-i Ghor ~et duKach-roud,-~egion qui se. prolonge a l'Est par l'Hin­ doukouch proprement dit et qui s'ouvre a l'Ouest sur la Perse. Cette region n'a,a pr9prement parler, pas eud~histoir.e avant la montee des Ghorides, et elle n'en a plus eu depuis leur dispari­ tion.

- - ·nanide tempsde leur bref epimouissement les Ghorides ont subi lr-attraction de deux mondes profondemerit differents oil ils ont conduit des expeditions guerrieres, defensives d'un cote, offensives de l'autre. En e1ret les facteuts qui Q;nt determine leur ingerence dans le Khorassan seldjouqide deja profonde­ ment is1amise et dans l'Inde dont ils vont poursuivre l'islamisa­ tioh a·pei-ne commencee par lesGhaznevides, sont tres dissem­ blables.

Le Khorassan etai t reste' longtemps un pays frontiere, une sotte de .marche; oil l'Isla:tn. mili-tant.-:~' eta-it ·h_eurte au bouddhi- -49-

sme non negligeable de la part de la religion nationale iranien­ ne. Puis brusquement le Kho.rassan s'etant rallie definitivement a la foi nouvelle, etai t devenu un grand centre religieux et artistique de l'Islam oriental. Le Ghor y trouva alors une source d'inspiration pour sa pensee religieuse, pour ses realisations ar­ chitecturales et ses techniques. Le minaret de Firouzkoh et son monnayage portent l'empreinte du monde seldjouqide·

Le Ghor semble n'avoir jamais fait partie de l'empire sassanide dont la frontiere orientale passait a Talaqan: cela s'explique par le manque de voie de penetration. Pour la meme raison le Ghor proprement dit semble ferme ala penetration du bouddhisme au moment meme ou celui-ci fiorissait dans le Tokharistan, a Bamiyan eta Caboul. Mais nous ne savons encore den des croyances religieuses des Ghoris avant leur conversion a l'Islam. Nous savons seulement qu'ils etaient des pa!ens. Et comme ils detroussaient parfois des caravanes qui passaient a proximite de leur territoire, Mahmoud de Ghazni organisa contre ces infideles pillards des expeditions punitives. Nous savons enfin qu'aux Xe et Xle siecles le Gho.~ etait ceinture de "ribat" (56), comme il yen avait partout sur les frontieres de l'Islam: le dispositif traditionnel pour y entreprendre la Guerre Sainte etait en place! Mais, en fait, le Ghor interessait deja les souverains de Ghazni a d'autres points ~e vue. D'abord c'etait a leurs yeux un reservoir d'hommes, d' esclaves et de mercenaires.

D'autre part le Ghor, comme le suggere par example le nom de lieu "Ahangaran", avait une industrie d'intet militaire: on y fabriquait des armes, des armures et des cottes de mailles. Enfin la position strategique de cette region controlant la route centrale de !'Afghanistan n'avait pas echappe aux Ghaznevides obliges d'emprunter la route de Balkh ou celle de Bost pour se rendre dans le Khorassan, ou, des 1040, ils avaient perdu la partie au profit des Seldjouqides, a Dendanqan. -50-

Quand les Ghorides occuperent definitivement Ghazni ils eurent a assumer un lourd heritage. D'abord ils abandonnaient la condition d'etat-tampon entre Seldjouqides et Ghaznevides pour devenir les rivaux directs des premiers.Des seconds, ils atJ.opterent les visees sur l'Inde. Ils y voyaient, d'une part, une terre infidele dont il convenait de poursuiv:re l'islamisation: 1ls ne pouvaient faire moins que les Ghaznervides dont ils se con­ sideraient comme les successeurs. Ils etaient tentes, d'autre part, par le butin de l'Inde, par son or, dont ils avaient besoin pour construire des mosquees et des forteresses dignes de leur jeune empire et pour s'attacher une armee capable de le defendre.

Des lors les souverains ghorides etaient prisonniers d'un cercle vicieux qui devait les acheminer ineluctablement a leur perte: pour survivre ils avaient toujours besoin de plus de soldats, et pour satisfaire ces soldats il fallait toujours entrepre­ ndre de nouvelles conquetes. Nous mettons ici le doigt sur un facteur important du declin rapide des dynasties de cette region et de cette epoque: l'epuisement des troupes "nationales" obli­ gaient les souverains a faire appel a des troupes Ertrangeres. a des mercenaires dont la fidelite etait directement proportion­ nelle au butin qu'on offrait. Les considerations strategiques ne pouvaient done plus etre determinantes dans le choix des conquetes a entreprendre. La securite veritable de l'empire passait au second plah et une sorte d'opportunisme a courte vuE' engageait les souverains, depasses par les evenements, a com­ plaire aux mercenaires, soldats ou generaux, toujours plus exigeanis, toujours prets a trahir. Les conquetes inconside­ rees frappaient de ''gigantisme" l'empire qui ri'arr:ivait plus ales "digerer" assez vite. Le pouvoir central, trop eloigne, trop inexperimente, perdait pied. Il fallait faire appel a des gou­ verneurs, a des generaux etrangers, pour !'administration de provinces lointaines conquises de fraiche date. Le morcelle­ ment preludait au demembrement. -5!1---

Des la prise de Ghazni les souverains ghorides etaient marques par cette fatalite. Comme les Abbassides et comme les Samanides. les Ghorides avaient ete obliges de lever. des troupes fraiches parmi les tribus turques environnantes. Ces 'T'urcs s'emparaient d'abord des postes d'officiers, puis peu a peu monopolisaient. ceux de !'administration civile. Des qu'i1s avaient gagne une autor~te suffisante, ils constituaient un veri­ table danger pour la dynastie regnante qu'ils evincaient des pro­ vinces confiees a leur garde.

Ainsi, des la mort du grand conquerant Mu'izz al-Din qui avait passe les dernieres annees de son regne a courir d'Est en Ouest, l'empire ghoride fut instantanement demembre. Toutes les possessions lointaines passerent aux mains d'esclaves et de generaux turcs. Qutb al-Din regna en souverain independant a Delhi. Tadj al-Din Yalduz qui se trouvait a Kuraman (vallee de Kuram) prit possessions de Ghazni et detrona le sultan de Bamiyan. Nasir al-Din Kab

On peut alors distinguer schematiquement deux types d'expansion. L'une "homogene", ou des peuples et des souverains, d'origines diverses, mais etroitment unis, font. cause commune pour un moment contre les infideles. L'autre, plus heurtee, plus confuse, procede par "a coups", sous !'impulsion du plus fort, au detriment non seulement des infideles, mais aussi des plus faibles qui, sans jamais pouvoir -52-

acceder au rang d'allies, sont finalement subjugues par le prince d'un imperialisme theocratique. L'histoire de la maison ghoride s'integre dans une expansion du deuxieme type. Au moment de sa phase ascensionnelle, !'element musulman instable est represent€ par les Ghaznevides, deja epuises par des conquetes trop vastes et trop rapides, qui ont deja absorbe 1es forces proprement nationales de leur fief d'origine et qui Ies ont obliges, trop tot, a faire appel a des renforts exogenes peu surs. Et les Ghaznevides disparaissent.

Mais !'apogee des Chorides est bref. Les conquetes indiennnes ont frappe leur empire de gigantisme. Le surcroit de puisance et les richesses qu'ils en ont rapportes, ont excite la meefiance et la convoitise de leurs voisins de l'Ouest. Ils n'ont jamais reussi a imposer leur loi aux Seldjouqides et ils succombent finalement sous les coups du Chah du Khwarizm. Ce dernier, d'ailleurs, ne prendra la releve que pour peu de temps, puisque, a son tour, il deviendra la proie des Mongols.

Le jeu qui consiste a imagine:r ce qui serait arrive si l'un des maillons de la chaine d'evenements historiques avait ete different, n'est probablement qu'une vaine distraction. Mais je ne peux m'empecher de penser qu'une politique d'entente entre les Seldjouqides, les Ghorides et les Ghaznevides aurait pu, vers 1150-70, jeter les fondements d'une federation puissante capable de mener de front l'islamisation de l'Inde et l'etablissement d'un systeme defensif solide contre les nomades de l'Asie Centrale. lVIais les interets etaient trop divergents et la menace mongole trop lointaine.

Une derniere chance s'est presentee dans les premieres annees du XIIIe siecle. On ne pouvait plus ignorer les signes av­ ant- coureurs de la tempete qui allait s'abattre sur les pays de l'Hindoukouch et du plateau iranien. A ce moment-la une , -;).)---....

alliance entre le Ghor et le Khwarizm aurait encore pu constituer un rempart puissant contre le flot mongol. Malheu­ reusement on ne sentit d'autre menace que cell~ du voisin immediat. Loin d'etablir un empire monobloc dont !'unite de la Caspienne au Gange aurait pu etre formidable, le Chah du Khwarizm n'a reussi qu'a abattre le dernier sultan de Firouzkoh et finalement le demembrement de !'empire ghoride n'a profite qu'a Gengis-Khan.

Caboul, Juin 1962. Charles Kieffer

NOTE ( 42) cf. Suordel, op. cit., par exemple No 1265 (an 592 de l'H. al-sultan al-mo'azzam) et No 1289 (probable­ ment an 599 comme le No 1290: al-sultan al-a'zam)

(43) La mort de Takach eut lieu en 596 de l'H. (= 1. 200). Comme le ::~uggere G. Wiet, Mem. DAFA, XVI, p. 42, le deuil qu'on prit a la cour de Ghiyath al-Din ne fut probablement inspire que par l'opportunisme politi­ que. En effet, peu de temps apres, et non point avant la mort de Takach comme nous le laissions entendre par inadvertance (Partie II, 3, e/, "Les guerres avec les voisins du Ghor. La montee du Chah du Khwarizm"), Ghiyath al-Din essaya tout simplement de conqu~rir le Khorassan. Cette tentative, qui, malheureusement pour les Ghorides, aboutit a un echec completj est tre~ significative: elle prouve que Ghiyath al-Din ~ait conscient de la menace qu'exer<_;ait la montee du Kwarizm sur !'empire gho:ricle et que seule une politique de con­ quetes equilibrees a l'est et a !'ouest pouvait solidement asseoir l'autorite de sa dynastie. ( 44) L'echec de Mu'izz al-Din dans sa tentative de reduire le Khwarizm, qui vient a la suite de celui qu'essuya son -54-

frere Ghiyath al-Din, montre que, des 602 de l'H. (=1205) la cause etait entendue: le Khwarizm, plus homogene, possedait en fait la suprematie. (45) Nous n'avons, jusqu'ici, vu aucune monnaie a son nom, ce qui est normal, puisqu'il n'a jamais ete un souverain­ suzerain. "( 46) cf. G. Wiet, Mem. DAFA, XVI p. 42, note 6. (47) cf. A. Maricq, Mem. DAFA, XVI, p. 59, a). Dans ce chapitre Maricq etudie les donnees topographiques tirees des "Tabaqat-i Nasir!" qui permettent d'identifier le site de Firouzkah aux environs immediats du minaret de Djam. Le detail en question permet en particulier d'eliminer Taywara. Dans la suite (p. 59, c) Maricq affirme que le Hari-roud constitue la limite meridiona­ du Gharjistan; cette affirmation nous paralt devoir etre nuancee: comme nous l'avons deja dit (AFGH. 1960/4, p. 29-31), cela n'a probablement ete vrai qu'a un moment donne de l'histoire, a l'epoque de la pbs grande extension du Ghardjistan; en realite la fron­ tiere naturelle du Ghardjistan semble devoir etre placee plus au Nord sur la chaine du Paropamisus (cf. AFGH. 1960/4, p. 58, note 31). (48) Firuzkah fonde en 1145/6, est completement detruit en 1222/3 ala suite de l'invasion mongole. ( 49) La liste des articles publies par Ahmad Ali Kohzad depuis 1943 sur !'identification de Firouzkah, sur le Ghar et le minaret de Djam, a ete donnee dans notre appendice 3 a l'article. intitule "Le minaret de Ghiyath al-Din a Firouzkah" (AFGH. 1960/4, p. 52). Nous voudrions attirer !'attention des lecteurs sur leur interet et r.endre hommage a· leur auteur dont la remarquable connais­ sance de l'histoire de !'Afghanistan nous a souvent ete d'une aide precieuse. Notons aussi que Kohzad a ete le premier a voyager des 1943 dans cette region du Ghar. (50) Nous reservons pour une prochaine etude la dynastie des -55--

Ghori de M~lwa fonde par Hossein, surnomme Delawar Khan (XVe siecle). "(51) cf. Sourdel, Inventaire des Monnaies Musulmanes du Musee de Caboul, Nos 1258 a 1301, p. 114 a 122. (52) cf. Sourdel, op. cit., Nos 1302 a 1417, p. 123 a 128. (53) cf. AFGH, 1962/1, p. 11, a/Consolidation du pouvoir dans le Ghor. (54) cf. Sourdel, op. cit., p. 126: Nos 1370-1373, et p. 128: No 1417 (55) Sourdel, op. cit., p. 128, assigne au regne de 'Ali B. Sam (=Djalal al-Din 'Ali B. Sam) les dates suivantes: 602- 609. Il s'agit de son premier regne. Le deuxieme regne qui va jusqu'en 612 de l'H. ( = 1215) se passa probable­ ment dans une sorte de vassalite·. Son suzerain fut alors Yalduz. En fait nous.p'avons de lui, au Musee de Caboul, qu'une seule monnaie (No 1417) jusqu'ici dont la date est probablement 605. Il est probable qu'il n'a plus frappe de monnaie durant son deuxieme regne. (56) Le "ribat" (prononciation locale: "robat") est un edifice specifiquement musulman qui, dans la gue~re sainte de l'Islam, joue le role d'un point d'appui a la fois defensif et offensif, militaire et ideologique. La racine "rabata" ( = attacher) permet d'y voir a ]'origine un lieu ou l'on entrav les montures en attendant de partir en expedition. I.es ribat, tels que nous les connaissons sur les cotes d'Afrique d' Espagne et de Palestine et aussin en Transo­ xiane, se presentent comme une enceinte carree, flanquee de tours aux angles et au milieu des cotes, munie d'une seule entree, comprenant des logements (souvent des cellules), des magasins, et surtout une tour elevee per­ mettant de faire des signaux lumineux. Ils abritaient des combattants volontaires qui cherchaient, le salut dans la participation a la guerre sainte. Ils s'elevaient tout le long de la frontiere de l'Islam militant, surtout aux points les plus importants strategiquement. Quand cette frontiere se deplac;ait ou quand le danger disparais­ sait, ils n'assuraient plus qu'une fonction r,eligieuse et se -56- . confondaient frequemment avec un couvent fortifie. Il est tout a· fait normal que le Ghor qui a constitue assez longtemps une enclave ihfidele en terre d'Islam ,ait ete ceinture de 'ribat'. A vrai dire, jusqu'l.ci, on n'a pas signal€> nommement de "ribat" aux abords du Ghor. Mais nous pensons que certains des ouvrages fortifies releves dans cette region par M. Le Berre, architecte de la Delegation Archeologique Fran<_;aise·en Afghanistan, pourraient etre des "ribat", tels ceux de Ribat-i Karwan, Ribat-i Bazi et de Bagh-i Wazir, dont les noms sont indiques par Bosowrth dans son article "The Early Islamic History of Ghur" (in Central Asiafic Journal, Vol. VI, No 2, June 1961, p. 123). Cette etu..._de du plus haut interet ne nous est parvenue c~u'il y a quelques jours. Nous regrettons beC~.ucoup de n'avaoir pu integrer les renseignements extremement i~Hcressants qu'elle apporte dans la Iere Partie de notre h.-avail. Un depouillement detaille des sour,ces geogra- phiques et historiques musulmanes complete et parfois renouvelle l'etude de la "protohistoire" ghoride.

SOMMAIRE. Ole PARTIE 4. -Le declin et le demembrement de I'empire ghoride. al Le regne de Mu'izz al-Din bl 'Ala al-Din Mohammad. C/ Le regne de Mahmoud Ibn Mohammad Ibn Sam dl La su~vie de l'empire ghoride. el Les Ghorides de Bamiyan: 1 o 1 Fakhr al-Din Mas'ud B. al-Hussein. 2o 1 Chams al-Din B. Mas'ud. 3 o 1 Baha al-Din Sam B. Mohammad. 4° 1 Djalal al-Din 'Ali B. Sam. 5.-Conclusion. AC KUj ·· &t~L .! 1 ···- ~ · o ······· ·- 1 r.::~l~j I v t1/nf,

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