BIBLIOGRAPHY of LACTANTIUS COMPILED by JACKSON BRYCE CARLETON COLLEGE, NORTHFIELD, MINNESOTA Revised Version, 2003
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Plutarch's 'Lives' and the Critical Reader
Plutarch's 'Lives' and the critical reader Book or Report Section Published Version Duff, T. (2011) Plutarch's 'Lives' and the critical reader. In: Roskam, G. and Van der Stockt, L. (eds.) Virtues for the people: aspects of Plutarch's ethics. Plutarchea Hypomnemata (4). Leuven University Press, Leuven, pp. 59-82. ISBN 9789058678584 Available at http://centaur.reading.ac.uk/24388/ It is advisable to refer to the publisher’s version if you intend to cite from the work. See Guidance on citing . Publisher: Leuven University Press All outputs in CentAUR are protected by Intellectual Property Rights law, including copyright law. Copyright and IPR is retained by the creators or other copyright holders. Terms and conditions for use of this material are defined in the End User Agreement . www.reading.ac.uk/centaur CentAUR Central Archive at the University of Reading Reading’s research outputs online Reprint from Virtues for the People. Aspects of Plutarchan Ethics - ISBN 978 90 5867 858 4 - Leuven University Press virtues for the people aspects of plutarchan ethics Reprint from Virtues for the People. Aspects of Plutarchan Ethics - ISBN 978 90 5867 858 4 - Leuven University Press PLUTARCHEA HYPOMNEMATA Editorial Board Jan Opsomer (K.U.Leuven) Geert Roskam (K.U.Leuven) Frances Titchener (Utah State University, Logan) Luc Van der Stockt (K.U.Leuven) Advisory Board F. Alesse (ILIESI-CNR, Roma) M. Beck (University of South Carolina, Columbia) J. Beneker (University of Wisconsin, Madison) H.-G. Ingenkamp (Universität Bonn) A.G. Nikolaidis (University of Crete, Rethymno) Chr. Pelling (Christ Church, Oxford) A. Pérez Jiménez (Universidad de Málaga) Th. -
RICE, CARL ROSS. Diocletian's “Great
ABSTRACT RICE, CARL ROSS. Diocletian’s “Great Persecutions”: Minority Religions and the Roman Tetrarchy. (Under the direction of Prof. S. Thomas Parker) In the year 303, the Roman Emperor Diocletian and the other members of the Tetrarchy launched a series of persecutions against Christians that is remembered as the most severe, widespread, and systematic persecution in the Church’s history. Around that time, the Tetrarchy also issued a rescript to the Pronconsul of Africa ordering similar persecutory actions against a religious group known as the Manichaeans. At first glance, the Tetrarchy’s actions appear to be the result of tensions between traditional classical paganism and religious groups that were not part of that system. However, when the status of Jewish populations in the Empire is examined, it becomes apparent that the Tetrarchy only persecuted Christians and Manichaeans. This thesis explores the relationship between the Tetrarchy and each of these three minority groups as it attempts to understand the Tetrarchy’s policies towards minority religions. In doing so, this thesis will discuss the relationship between the Roman state and minority religious groups in the era just before the Empire’s formal conversion to Christianity. It is only around certain moments in the various religions’ relationships with the state that the Tetrarchs order violence. Consequently, I argue that violence towards minority religions was a means by which the Roman state policed boundaries around its conceptions of Roman identity. © Copyright 2016 Carl Ross Rice All Rights Reserved Diocletian’s “Great Persecutions”: Minority Religions and the Roman Tetrarchy by Carl Ross Rice A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of North Carolina State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts History Raleigh, North Carolina 2016 APPROVED BY: ______________________________ _______________________________ S. -
Theodicy: an Overview
1 Theodicy: An Overview Introduction All of us struggle at one time or another in life with why evil happens to someone, either ourselves, our family, our friends, our nation, or perhaps some particularly disturbing instance in the news—a child raped, a school shooting, genocide in another country, a terrorist bombing. The following material is meant to give an overview of the discussion of this issue as it takes place in several circles, especially that of the Christian church. I. The Problem of Evil Defined Three terms, "the problem of evil," "theodicy," and "defense" are important to our discussion. The first two are often used as synonyms, but strictly speaking the problem of evil is the larger issue of which theodicy is a subset because one can have a secular problem of evil. Evil is understood as a problem when we seek to explain why it exists (Unde malum?) and what its relationship is to the world as a whole. Indeed, something might be considered evil when it calls into question our basic trust in the order and structure of our world. Peter Berger in particular has argued that explanations of evil are necessary for social structures to stay themselves against chaotic forces. It follows, then, that such an explanation has an impact on the whole person. As David Blumenthal observes, a good theodicy is one that has three characteristics: 1. "[I]t should leave one with one’s sense of reality intact." (It tells the truth about reality.) 2. "[I]t should leave one empowered within the intellectual-moral system in which one lives." (Namely, it should not deny God’s basic power or goodness.) 3. -
Colin Mcallister Regnum Caelorum Terrestre: the Apocalyptic Vision of Lactantius May 2016
Colin McAllister Regnum Caelorum Terrestre: The Apocalyptic Vision of Lactantius May 2016 Abstract: The writings of the early fourth-century Christian apologist L. Caecilius Firmianus Lactantius have been extensively studied by historians, classicists, philosophers and theologians. But his unique apocalyptic eschatology expounded in book VII of the Divinae Institutiones, his largest work, has been relatively neglected. This paper will distill Lactantius’s complex narrative and summarize his sources. In particular, I investigate his chiliasm and the nature of the intermediate state, as well as his portrayal of the Antichrist. I argue that his apocalypticism is not an indiscriminate synthesis of varying sources - as it often stated - but is essentially based on the Book of Revelation and other Patristic sources. +++++ The eminent expert on all things apocalyptic, Bernard McGinn, wrote: Even the students and admirers of Lactantius have not bestowed undue praise upon him. To Rene Pichon [who wrote in 1901 what is perhaps still the seminal work on Lactantius’ thought] ‘Lactantius is mediocre in the Latin sense of the word - and also a bit in the French sense’; to Vincenzo Loi [who studied Lactantius’ use of the Bible] ‘Lactantius is neither a philosophical or theological genius nor linguistic genius.’ Despite these uneven appraisals, the writings of the early fourth-century Christian apologist L. Caecilius Firmianus Lactantius [c. 250-325] hold, it seems, a little something for everyone.1 Political historians study Lactantius as an important historical witness to the crucial transitional period from the Great Persecution of Diocletian to the ascension of Constantine, and for insight into the career of the philosopher Porphyry.2 Classicists and 1 All dates are anno domini unless otherwise indicated. -
Unius Arbitrio Mundum Regi Necesse Est Lactantius' Concern for the Preservationof Roman Society
UNIUS ARBITRIO MUNDUM REGI NECESSE EST LACTANTIUS' CONCERN FOR THE PRESERVATIONOF ROMAN SOCIETY BY CHRISTOPHER OCKER Lucius Caecilius Firmianus Lactantius was probably born c. 250-260 C. E. to a pagan family in northern Africa.' According to Jerome, he was a student of Arnobius and became a renowned rhetor. He pur- portedly was brought by Diocletian to Nicomedia, the new capitol in Bithynia (and not far from the future Constantinople), in order to teach in its recently founded school. It is difficult to trace Lactantius' subse- quent movements, although his writing suggests that he was well ac- quainted with the activities of the emperors. Jerome tells us that he became the tutor of Constantine's son Crispus, having been brought by the emperor to Gaul. For our purposes, it is sufficient to know that the best evidence for his life, De viris illustribus of Jerome and Lactantius' own writings, reveals to us an educated rhetor who was associated with two emperors, one who was instigated to try exterminating the Christian religion and another who tried to exterminate all but the Christian religion. Lactantius appears to have had intimate knowledge of the religious and political events of the early fourth century. Lactantius remains historically significant apart from his contacts with Diocletian and Constantine. His memory was committed to the western Christian tradition by Jerome. Moreover, his writings ex- perienced a respectable measure of popularity during the Renaissance. From 1465 to 1600, sixty editions of items from among his works -
J. N. Adams – P. M. Brennan
J. N. ADAMS – P. M. BRENNAN THE TEXT AT LACTANTIUS, DE MORTIBUS PERSECUTORUM 44.2 AND SOME EPIGRAPHIC EVIDENCE FOR ITALIAN RECRUITS aus: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 84 (1990) 183–186 © Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 183 THE TEXT AT LACTANTIUS, DE MORTIBUS PERSECUTORUM 44.2 AND SOME EPIGRAPHIC EVIDENCE FOR ITALIAN RECRUITS At Lact. Mort. 44.2 the transmitted text (C = Codex Colbertinus, BN 2627) runs: 'plus uirium Maxentio erat, quod et patris sui exercitum receperat a Seuero et suum proprium de Mauris atque Italis nuper extraxerat'. Modern editors (Brandt-Laubmann, Moreau, Creed) have accepted Heumann's conjecture G(a)etulis for Italis without discussion.1 But is the change necessary? Much depends on the interpretation of extraxerat. Creed translates… '... his own (army), which he had recently brought over from the Mauri and the Gaetuli' (our italics). In his note (p.118) he finds here an allusion to 'the rebellion against Maxentius of L. Domitius Alexander, vicarius of Africa, which probably began in 308 and was probably crushed by the end of 309'. On this view the troops will have been 'brought over' from Africa after the rebellion was put down. Creed's translation is along the same lines as that of Moreau… I, p.126 'il venait de faire revenir la sienne propre du pays des Maures et des Gétules'.2 In their eagerness to find a reference to L. Domitius Alexander, Moreau and Creed have mistranslated extraxerat. Neither editor attempts to explain how a verb basically meaning 'drag out of' could acquire the sense 'bring over, cause to return'. -
The Protrepticus of Clement of Alexandria: a Commentary
Miguel Herrero de Jáuregui THE PROTREPTICUS OF CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA: A COMMENTARY to; ga;r yeu'do" ouj yilh'/ th'/ paraqevsei tajlhqou'" diaskedavnnutai, th'/ de; crhvsei th'" ajlhqeiva" ejkbiazovmenon fugadeuvetai. La falsedad no se dispersa por la simple comparación con la verdad, sino que la práctica de la verdad la fuerza a huir. Protréptico 8.77.3 PREFACIO Una tesis doctoral debe tratar de contribuir al avance del conocimiento humano en su disciplina, y la pretensión de que este comentario al Protréptico tenga la máxima utilidad posible me obliga a escribirla en inglés porque es la única lengua que hoy casi todos los interesados pueden leer. Pero no deja de ser extraño que en la casa de Nebrija se deje de lado la lengua castellana. La deuda que contraigo ahora con el español sólo se paliará si en el futuro puedo, en compensación, “dar a los hombres de mi lengua obras en que mejor puedan emplear su ocio”. Empiezo ahora a saldarla, empleándola para estos agradecimientos, breves en extensión pero no en sinceridad. Mi gratitud va, en primer lugar, al Cardenal Don Gil Álvarez de Albornoz, fundador del Real Colegio de España, a cuya generosidad y previsión debo dos años provechosos y felices en Bolonia. Al Rector, José Guillermo García-Valdecasas, que administra la herencia de Albornoz con ejemplar dedicación, eficacia y amor a la casa. A todas las personas que trabajan en el Colegio y hacen que cumpla con creces los objetivos para los que se fundó. Y a mis compañeros bolonios durante estos dos años. Ha sido un honor muy grato disfrutar con todos ellos de la herencia albornociana. -
Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea Berit Van Neste University of South Florida
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 4-12-2006 Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea Berit Van Neste University of South Florida Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the American Studies Commons, and the Religion Commons Scholar Commons Citation Neste, Berit Van, "Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea" (2006). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3782 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Cicero and St. Augustine's Just War Theory: Classical Influences on a Christian Idea by Berit Van Neste A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Religious Studies College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: James F. Strange, Ph.D. Paul G. Schneider, Ph.D. Michael J. Decker, Ph.D. Date of Approval: April 12, 2006 Keywords: theology, philosophy, politics, patristic, medieval © Copyright 2006 , Berit Van Neste For Elizabeth and Calista Table of Contents Abstract ii Chapter 1 1 Introduction 1 Cicero’s Influence on Augustine 7 Chapter 2 13 Justice 13 Natural and Temporal Law 19 Commonwealth 34 Chapter 3 49 Just War 49 Chapter 4 60 Conclusion 60 References 64 i Cicero and St. -
Eirini Artemi National and Capodistrian University of Athens Greece
Dr. Eirini Artemi National and Capodistrian University of Athens Greece International conference commemorating the 1700th Anniversary of the Edict Milan, 31/5/2013- 2/6/2013, Nis of Serbia Emperor Constantine and the theology of Christianity from his autocracy to the second Ecumenical Council ABSTRACT Since his autocracy to his death, Constantine the Great helped the Christianity to be the main religion to all over the empire. This period of time many heresies appeared. They put the unity of Christianity and its teaching in a great danger. Educated people as Arius, Apollinarius, Marcellus, Eunomius and Macedonius tried to explained the nature of God, His actions and His names according to human relationships, their thoughts and their beliefs. The result was a catastrophe, because new heresies were introduced to the Empire. Orthodox Fathers, as Athanasius the Great and Cappadocians Fathers tried to disprove the heresies with success. Upon to these fathers teaching, the First and the Second Ecumenical Councils managed to base their doctrines and to preserve the true teaching and doctrines of Christianity. INTRODUCTION Constantine the Great and his turning to Christianity C. Flavius Valerius Constantinus was born at Naissus, Nis in Serbia. He was the son of Constantius Chlorus, who later became Roman Emperor, and St. Helena, a woman of humble extraction but remarkable character and unusual ability1. Helena was a daughter of an inn keeper. The date of his birth is not certain, being given between 274 and 288. Constantine I or Saint Constantine, was the Roman Emperor since 306 to 337. Well known for being the first Roman emperor to convert to Christianity, Constantine issued the Edict of Milan in 313, which proclaimed religious tolerance of all religions throughout the empire2. -
Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl Boise State University
Boise State University ScholarWorks History Faculty Publications and Presentations Department of History 1-1-2007 Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl Boise State University Publication Information Odahl, Charles Matson. (2007). "Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy". Connections: European Studies Annual Review, 3, 89-113. This document was originally published in Connections: European Studies Annual Review by Rocky Mountain European Scholars Consortium. Copyright restrictions may apply. Coda: Recovering Constantine's European Legacy 111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111 Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl, Boise State University1 rom his Christian conversion under the influence of cept of imperial theocracy was conveyed in contemporary art Frevelatory experiences outside Rome in A.D. 312 until (Illustration I). his burial as the thirteenth Apostle at Constantinople in Although Constantine had been raised as a tolerant 337, Constantine the Great, pagan polytheist and had the first Christian emperor propagated several Olympian of the Roman world, initiated divinities, particularly Jupiter, the role of and set the model Hercules, Mars, and Sol, as for Christian imperial theoc di vine patrons during the early racy. Through his relationship years of his reign as emperor -
Tages Against Jesus: Etruscan Religion in Late Roman Empire Dominique Briquel
Etruscan Studies Journal of the Etruscan Foundation Volume 10 Article 12 2007 Tages Against Jesus: Etruscan Religion in Late Roman Empire Dominique Briquel Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/etruscan_studies Recommended Citation Briquel, Dominique (2007) "Tages Against Jesus: Etruscan Religion in Late Roman Empire," Etruscan Studies: Vol. 10 , Article 12. Available at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/etruscan_studies/vol10/iss1/12 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Etruscan Studies by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Tages Against Jesus: Etruscan Religion in Late Roman Empire by Dominique Briquel t may seem strange to associate in this way two entities which, at first gLance, wouLd seem to have nothing in common. The civiLization of the Etruscans, which fLourished Iin ItaLy during the 1st miLLennium BC, was extinguished before the birth of Christianity, by which time Etruria had aLready been absorbed into the Larger Roman worLd in a process caLLed “Romanization.” 1 This process seems to have obLiterated the most characteristic traits of this autonomous cuLture of ancient Tuscany, a cuLture which may have been Kin to that of the Romans, but was not identicaL to it. As for Language, we can suppose that Etruscan, which is not Indo-European in origin and is therefore pro - foundLy different not onLy to Latin but to aLL other ItaLic diaLects, feLL out of use compLeteLy during the period of Augustus. One cannot, however, cLaim that aLL traces of ancient Etruria had disappeared by then. -
Adversus Paganos: Disaster, Dragons, and Episcopal Authority in Gregory of Tours
Adversus paganos: Disaster, Dragons, and Episcopal Authority in Gregory of Tours David J. Patterson Comitatus: A Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, Volume 44, 2013, pp. 1-28 (Article) Published by Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, UCLA DOI: 10.1353/cjm.2013.0000 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/cjm/summary/v044/44.patterson.html Access provided by University of British Columbia Library (29 Aug 2013 02:49 GMT) ADVERSUS PAGANOS: DISASTER, DRAGONS, AND EPISCOPAL AUTHORITY IN GREGORY OF TOURS David J. Patterson* Abstract: In 589 a great flood of the Tiber sent a torrent of water rushing through Rome. According to Gregory of Tours, the floodwaters carried some remarkable detritus: several dying serpents and, perhaps most strikingly, the corpse of a dragon. The flooding was soon followed by plague and the death of a pope. This remarkable chain of events leaves us with puzzling questions: What significance would Gregory have located in such a narrative? For a modern reader, the account (apart from its dragon) reads like a descrip- tion of a natural disaster. Yet how did people in the early Middle Ages themselves per- ceive such events? This article argues that, in making sense of the disasters at Rome in 589, Gregory revealed something of his historical consciousness: drawing on both bibli- cal imagery and pagan historiography, Gregory struggled to identify appropriate objects of both blame and succor in the wake of calamity. Keywords: plague, natural disaster, Gregory of Tours, Gregory the Great, Asclepius, pagan survivals, dragon, serpent, sixth century, Rome. In 589, a great flood of the Tiber River sent a torrent of water rushing through the city of Rome.