An Interview with Armin Mohler Joseph Sobran Ian B
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Identitarian Movement
Identitarian movement The identitarian movement (otherwise known as Identitarianism) is a European and North American[2][3][4][5] white nationalist[5][6][7] movement originating in France. The identitarians began as a youth movement deriving from the French Nouvelle Droite (New Right) Génération Identitaire and the anti-Zionist and National Bolshevik Unité Radicale. Although initially the youth wing of the anti- immigration and nativist Bloc Identitaire, it has taken on its own identity and is largely classified as a separate entity altogether.[8] The movement is a part of the counter-jihad movement,[9] with many in it believing in the white genocide conspiracy theory.[10][11] It also supports the concept of a "Europe of 100 flags".[12] The movement has also been described as being a part of the global alt-right.[13][14][15] Lambda, the symbol of the Identitarian movement; intended to commemorate the Battle of Thermopylae[1] Contents Geography In Europe In North America Links to violence and neo-Nazism References Further reading External links Geography In Europe The main Identitarian youth movement is Génération identitaire in France, a youth wing of the Bloc identitaire party. In Sweden, identitarianism has been promoted by a now inactive organisation Nordiska förbundet which initiated the online encyclopedia Metapedia.[16] It then mobilised a number of "independent activist groups" similar to their French counterparts, among them Reaktion Östergötland and Identitet Väst, who performed a number of political actions, marked by a certain -
By Volker Vlnnai a Thesis Submitted to the Faculty
Ernst Junger, victim or creator of a "Zeitgeist" Item Type text; Thesis-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Vinnai, Volker, 1939- Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 07/10/2021 22:31:19 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/319819 -EBMST JUNGERs VICTIM OB CREATOR OF A "ZEITGEIST* by Volker Vlnnai A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the -DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY v In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS I n .the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA STATEMENT BY THE AUTHOR This theis has been submitted in partial fulfill ment of the requirements for an advanced degree at The Unlvesity of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrowers under the rules of the Library. Brief quotations from this thesis are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknow ledgement of source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the head of the major department or the Dean of the Graduate College when in their judgement the proposed use of the material is in the interests of scholarship. In all other instances, however, permission must be obtained from -
Totalitarian Art and Modernity
KfkXc`kXi`Xe8ikXe[Df[\ie`kp v27_TOT(4k).indd 1 01/11/10 13:51:33 v27_TOT(4k).indd 2 01/11/10 13:51:33 <[`k\[YpD`bb\c9fckIXjdljj\eAXZfYNXdY\i^ KFK8C@K8I@8E 8IK8E; DF;<IE@KP v27_TOT(4k).indd 3 01/11/10 13:51:34 KfkXc`kXi`Xe8ikXe[Df[\ie`kp Acta Jutlandica. Humanities Series 2010/9 © The authors and Aarhus University Press 2010 Cover design: Peter Holst Henckel Cover illustration: Ferdinand Staeger, We Are the Soldiers of Work (1938), oil on canvas Bogen er sat med Nobel på Fresco og trykt hos Narayana Press, Gylling Printed in Denmark 2010 issn 0065-1354 (Acta Jutlandica 9) issn 0901-0556 (Humanities Series) isbn 978 87 7934 5607 Aarhus University Press Aarhus Langelandsgade 177 8200 Århus N Copenhagen Tuborgvej 164 2400 Copenhagen NV www.unipress.dk Fax 89 42 53 80 International distributors: Gazelle Book Services Ltd. White Cross Mills Hightown, Lancaster, LA1 4XS United Kingdom www.gazellebookservices.co.uk The David Brown Book Company Box 511 Oakville, CT 06779 USA www.oxbowbooks.com GlYc`j_\[n`k_k_\ÔeXeZ`Xcjlggfikf] K_\EfmfEfi[`jb=fle[Xk`fe K_\E\n:XicjY\i^=fle[Xk`fe v27_TOT(4k).indd 4 01/11/10 13:51:34 K89C<F=:FEK<EKJ @ekif[lZk`feYpD`bb\c9fckIXjdljj\eAXZfYNXdY\i^ / >\e\Xcf^`\j 8e[\ijM%DleZ_ I\[\dgk`fe`eKfkXc`kp%:lckliXcLkfg`Xjf]CXk\ IfdXek`Z`jdXe[:ifjjifX[jf]8ikXe[Gfc`k`Zj1NX^e\i# 9\_i\ej#=`[lj#?`kc\i (0 AXZfYNXdY\i^ Nfle[\[Nfib`e^?\if\j1J\\`e^D`cc\kXe[mXe>f^_ k_ifl^_k_\:c\]kC\ejf]KfkXc`kXi`Xe`jd8[[`e^I\Õ\Zk`fej ]ifdB`\]\iXe[9Xj\c`kq *- I\Z\gk`fe D`bb\c9fckIXjdljj\e 8ggifXZ_`e^KfkXc`kXi`Xe`jdXe[KfkXc`kXi`Xe8ik ('0 DXicXJkfe\ K_\Kliekf:lckli\`e=XjZ`jk?`jkfi`ZXcJkl[`\j (*' Bi`jk`e\E`\cj\e N_Xk<m\i?Xgg\e\[kf<iejk9XicXZ_6<Xjk>\idXe Gfc`k`ZXcDfeld\ekjXe[k_\8ikf]I\j`jkXeZ\ (+. -
A Guide to Online Radical-Right Symbols, Slogans and Slurs
April 02, 2020 A Guide to Online Radical-Right Symbols, Slogans and Slurs Produced by Centre for Analysis of the Radical Right Report Author: Dr John E Richardson, Centre for Analysis of the Radical Right Glossary Author: Dr Matthias Wasser, Centre for Analysis of the Radical Right Edited by Professor Matthew Feldman & Dr David Tucker, Academic Consulting Services Ltd. This work has been supported by Facebook. 2 Table of Contents Introduction………………………..…...…..4 Images and Symbols………………………..8 Language: Codes, Acronyms and Key Phrases………………….………………….36 Glossary of Far-Right Terminology………62 3 Introduction 4 Introduction 1 Extremist online discourse valorises, exonerates and so at minimum implicitly acts to incite violence against opponents and those deemed (genetically, ethnically, religiously, sexually, politically or nationally) ‘inferior’. Given that such goals are socially unacceptable, and often illegal, extremist speech communities need to camouflage their politics by either shifting the context in which they take place (e.g. private meetings, encrypted communications) or by coding and cloaking their terminology and symbols. Codes, euphemisms and veiled signs are therefore a defining feature of online extremist discourse.1 2 The use of such codes serves a range of interpersonal, rhetorical and political functions. First, codes help to ensure that communication remains within accepted (typically legal) boundaries. These codes shift over time, partly because what is socially and/or legally proscribed changes. Second, since codes essentially offer a new way to convey political extremism, they signal the continued advocacy of a political ideology for those able to interpret the code. Just as a party logo might change but will continue to represent the party in question, so too a new word, image or meme can communicate an established ideological commitment. -
Dr. Tamir Bar-On: „Alain De Benoist: Neo-Fascism with a Human Face?“
1 Dr. Tamir Bar-On: „Alain de Benoist: Neo-fascism with a human face?“, Konferenzpapier zum Vertiefungsangebot „ Grenzübergreifende Konzepte der radikalen Rechten“ im Rahmen der Fachtagung „Entgrenzter Rechtsextremismus? Internationale Perspektiven und Gegenstrategien“ der Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung in München, 09.-10.02.2015. Abstract: The title of this paper is “Alain de Benoist: Neo-fascism with a human face?”. This title is purposefully provocative because it is my claim that the leader and “transnational messenger” of the French nouvelle droite (ND – New Right) seeks to create a neo-fascism that is suitable for anti-fascist and anti-imperialist times. That is, in contrast to neo-fascist political parties and extra-parliamentary violence, de Benoist and the ND chose the third path towards neo- fascism, which I call cultural or intellectual neo-fascism. I begin by explaining the meaning of the title of this paper. I then trace de Benoist’s intellectual evolution and impact since the 1960s. Using various definitions of fascism, I underscore why de Benoist is a neo-fascist. I conclude by exploring why it is difficult to fight a metapolitical movement such as the ND. Key words: Alain de Benoist; nouvelle droite; neo-fascism; fascist revisionism; reactionary movements. Introduction Where Have All The Fascists Gone?,1 argues that post-war neo-fascists had three options after the defeat of Fascism and Nazism in 1945: 1) neo-fascist political parties; 2) extra- parliamentary terrorism; and 3) cultural or intellectual neo-fascism. While extra- parliamentary terrorism became discredited after the war due to the experiences of the Nazi brownshirts and Fascist blackshirts and sectors of the French revolutionary right had a disdain for political parties, the French nouvelle droite (ND – New Right) led by Alain de Benoist chose the strategy of cultural neo-fascism. -
Here: on Hate Speech
They are brazen, feral, anthropoids that de- mand pay without work and collect sickness ben- efits without being sick. US / THEM They receive child benefits for chil- dren Hate Speech at the Service of Politics that play with pigs on the street, and for women that have the instincts of stray dogs * / edited by Miłosz Hodun LGBT migrants Roma Muslims Jews refugees national minorities asylum seekers ethnic minorities foreign workers black communities feminists NGOs women Africans church human rights activists journalists leftists liberals linguistic minorities politicians religious communities Travelers US / THEM European Liberal Forum Projekt: Polska US / THEM Hate Speech at the Service of Politics edited by Miłosz Hodun 132 Travelers 72 Africans migrants asylum seekers religious communities women 176 Muslims migrants 30 Map of foreign workers migrants Jews 162 Hatred refugees frontier workers LGBT 108 refugees pro-refugee activists 96 Jews Muslims migrants 140 Muslims 194 LGBT black communities Roma 238 Muslims Roma LGBT feminists 88 national minorities women 78 Russian speakers migrants 246 liberals migrants 8 Us & Them black communities 148 feminists ethnic Russians 20 Austria ethnic Latvians 30 Belgium LGBT 38 Bulgaria 156 46 Croatia LGBT leftists 54 Cyprus Jews 64 Czech Republic 72 Denmark 186 78 Estonia LGBT 88 Finland Muslims Jews 96 France 64 108 Germany migrants 118 Greece Roma 218 Muslims 126 Hungary 20 Roma 132 Ireland refugees LGBT migrants asylum seekers 126 140 Italy migrants refugees 148 Latvia human rights refugees 156 Lithuania 230 activists ethnic 204 NGOs 162 Luxembourg minorities Roma journalists LGBT 168 Malta Hungarian minority 46 176 The Netherlands Serbs 186 Poland Roma LGBT 194 Portugal 38 204 Romania Roma LGBT 218 Slovakia NGOs 230 Slovenia 238 Spain 118 246 Sweden politicians church LGBT 168 54 migrants Turkish Cypriots LGBT prounification activists Jews asylum seekers Europe Us & Them Miłosz Hodun We are now handing over to you another publication of the Euro- PhD. -
Russian Nationalism
Russian Nationalism This book, by one of the foremost authorities on the subject, explores the complex nature of Russian nationalism. It examines nationalism as a multi layered and multifaceted repertoire displayed by a myriad of actors. It considers nationalism as various concepts and ideas emphasizing Russia’s distinctive national character, based on the country’s geography, history, Orthodoxy, and Soviet technological advances. It analyzes the ideologies of Russia’s ultra nationalist and far-right groups, explores the use of nationalism in the conflict with Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea, and discusses how Putin’s political opponents, including Alexei Navalny, make use of nationalism. Overall the book provides a rich analysis of a key force which is profoundly affecting political and societal developments both inside Russia and beyond. Marlene Laruelle is a Research Professor of International Affairs at the George Washington University, Washington, DC. BASEES/Routledge Series on Russian and East European Studies Series editors: Judith Pallot (President of BASEES and Chair) University of Oxford Richard Connolly University of Birmingham Birgit Beumers University of Aberystwyth Andrew Wilson School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London Matt Rendle University of Exeter This series is published on behalf of BASEES (the British Association for Sla vonic and East European Studies). The series comprises original, high quality, research level work by both new and established scholars on all aspects of Russian, -
The French Far Right in Russia's Orbit
The French Far Right in Russia’s Orbit Nicolas Lebourg Far-right groups in France are not restricted to the party of the Le Pen family. They are diverse, operate through networks, and are now well within Russia’s force field. But this is not only the result of Vladimir Putin’s charisma or Marine Le Pen’s need for funds. The Russian question has drawn French nationalist activists into combat, both at the rhetorical level—over the promotion of competing geopolitical visions—and at the level of armed combat. These debates are rich, grounded in their organicist thinking and its definition of the relationship between ethnicities and the nation. The wars in the former Yugoslavia and in Ukraine have considerably intensified both the orientation of these groups toward Moscow and the practical aspects of their relationships to the Russian political scene. In French public forums, everyone is now well aware of the pro-Russian stance of the main national far-right movements, ranging from the writer Alain Soral’s small radical anti-Zionist group Égalité et Réconciliation to Front National (FN) deputies. In March 2011, three months after she acceded to her party’s presidency at the conference in Tours, Marine Le Pen explicitly acknowledged that she would like to meet Vladimir Putin.1 A month before the conference in Lyon in 2014, her niece, Marion Maréchal Le Pen—who, like the two other far-right deputies in the legislature, was a member of the France-Russia friendship group in the National Assembly2—said, while competing for the militants’ vote against Florian Philippot, then the president’s right-hand man, “It’s true, I often go to the Russian Embassy. -
How Has European Identity Been Defined, Theorised And
How Has European Identity Been Defined, Theorised and Instrumentalised by New Far-Right Movements By Calum Fisher Universiteit van Amsterdam Student Number: 11774754 European Studies: Identity and Integration 2017-2018 Supervisor: Dr. Krisztina Lajosi-Moore Second Reader: Dr. Yolanda Rodríguez Pérez Table of Contents: INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................... 3 1 Background ................................................................................................................................................... 4 1.1 Globalisation and the Resistance of Nationalism ................................................................................. 6 1.2 Immigration, Integration and the Re-Emergence of Nationalism ........................................................ 9 2 Methodology and Aims .............................................................................................................................. 14 2.1 Methodology ....................................................................................................................................... 14 2.2 Aims ................................................................................................................................................... 17 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND LITERATURE REVIEW ................................ 19 1 Theoretical Framework ............................................................................................................................ -
Aleksandr Dugin's Neo-Eurasianism: the New Right À La Russe1
Religion Compass 3/4 (2009): 697–716, 10.1111/j.1749-8171.2009.00158.x BlackwellOxford,RECOReligion1749-81711749-8171©Journal15810.1111/j.1749-8171.2009.00158.xApril00697???716???OriginalAleksandrAnton 2009 2009 Shekhovtsov TheUKCompilation ArticleCompass Dugin’sPublishing Author Neo-Eurasianism ©Ltd 2009 Blackwell Publishing Ltd Aleksandr Dugin’s Neo-Eurasianism: The New Right à la Russe1 Anton Shekhovtsov* Sevastopol National Technical University Abstract Russian political thinker and, by his own words, geopolitician, Aleksandr Dugin, represents a comparatively new trend in the radical Russian nationalist thought. In the course of the 1990s, he introduced his own doctrine that was called Neo- Eurasianism. Despite the supposed reference to the interwar political movement of Eurasianists, Dugin’s Neo-Eurasian nationalism was rooted in the political and cultural philosophy of the European New Right. Neo-Eurasianism is based on a quasi-geopolitical theory that juxtaposes the ‘Atlanticist New World Order’ (principally the US and the UK) against the Russia-oriented ‘New Eurasian Order’. According to Dugin, the ‘Atlanticist Order’ is a homogenizing force that dilutes national and cultural diversity that is a core value for Eurasia. Taken for granted, Eurasia is perceived to suffer from a ‘severe ethnic, biological and spir- itual’ crisis and is to undergo an ‘organic cultural-ethnic process’ under the leadership of Russia that will secure the preservation of Eurasian nations and their cultural traditions. Neo-Eurasianism, sacralized by Dugin and his followers in the form of a political religion, provides a clear break from narrow nationalism toward the New Right ethopluralist model. Many Neo-Eurasian themes find a broad response among Russian high-ranking politicians, philosophers, scores of university students, as well as numerous avant-garde artists and musicians. -
Lyric Poetry, Conservative Poetics, and the Rise of Fascism
LYRIC POETRY, CONSERVATIVE POETICS, AND THE RISE OF FASCISM by CHET LISIECKI A DISSERTATION Presented to the Department of Comparative Literature and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy September 2014! DISSERTATION APPROVAL PAGE Student: Chet Lisiecki Title: Lyric Poetry, Conservative Poetics, and the Rise of Fascism This dissertation has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy degree in the Department of Comparative Literature by: Jeffrey Librett Chairperson Kenneth Calhoon Core Member Forest Pyle Core Member Martin Klebes Core Member David Luebke Institutional Representative and J. Andrew Berglund Dean of the Graduate School Original approval signatures are on file with the University of Oregon Graduate School. Degree awarded September 2014 ! ii © 2014 Chet Lisiecki “Lyric Poetry, Conservative Poetics, and the Rise of Fascism” by Chet Lisiecki is licensed under the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 International Public License. To view a copy of this license, please visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ ! iii DISSERTATION ABSTRACT Chet Lisiecki Doctor of Philosophy Department of Comparative Literature September 2014 Title: Lyric Poetry, Conservative Poetics, and the Rise of Fascism As fascist movements took hold across Europe in the 1920s and 1930s, there emerged a body of lyric poetry concerned with revolution, authority, heroism, sacrifice, community, heritage, and national identity. While the Nazi rise to power saw the deception, persecution, and brutalization of conservatives both in the Reichstag and in the streets, these themes resonated with fascists and conservatives alike, particularly in Germany.