CHAPTER V

FAMILY. MARRIAGE AND RITUALS

In this chapter we propose to examine the nature of family marriage and associated rituals as they exist among the Muslims of Ahmadnagar particularly among the non-Ashraf castes.

Section I

Marriage inagurates family life. 'Family is the most fundamental and universal of all institutions.' It is the primary unit and permanent institution of human society. Family is the basic pillar on which every society operates. It is the main agency in socializing and upbring­ ing of children. It carries religion, traditions, customs, values, culture to the next generation. 'The family is not only the cradle of our future society but it is also the 2 hub of social life for most people. ' One of the dominant features of traditional Hindu society is the joint family system. India has a long heritage of joint family system. It has endured since time immemorial. •Even about 1000 B.C., in the time of Mahabharata war, the 3 joint family existed more or less as it exists today.' The Indian joint family can generally be characterised fs patriarchal, patrilineal and patrilocal in nature. In South

161 162

India, particularly in , matrilineal and matrilocal kind of family exists.

Karve defines joint family as 'a group of people who generally live under one roof, who eat food cooked in one kitchen, who hold property in common, participate in common family worship and are related to one another as some particular type of kindred.'

The advent of Britishers was crucial to Indian Social Institutions. They introduced the industrial revolution and Western technology along with their ideology of justice, equality and freedom. This had great impact on joint family organization and it gradually started undergoing change to nuclear family. Desai observes that 'the concept of nuclear family is a cultural borrowing from the West.'^ The nuclear family can be defined 'as a group of husband, wife and non- adult children living together in a house and eating together.' It is a small compact group. Sometimes there is a possibility of one or more persons residing with them. Many studies have revealed that both these types of families exist in India.

Family Organization among Muslims in India

Levy observes that 'the theory of , ... regards the empire of Islam as a theocracy, in which Allah as supreme ruler is also the only law giver. Muhammad the Prophet was the agent through whom believers were made aware 163 of the divine laws, which were explicitly or implicitly- embodied in the Koran and his (the Prophet's) Sunna - the sum total of his ordinary doings and sayings. Upon them in turn the shar or sharia is, by hypothesis, founded.' 7*

The religious, social and personal life of Muslims through­ out the Islamic world is governed by sharia. The institu­ tions of family and marriage among the Muslims are governed by the same law.

'The literature about kinship and family among the Muslims is so scant that there is an almost total lack of empirical findings and theoretical formulations on the g subject.' However, the meagre literature and empirical data available on the subject will help us to throw some light on family and kinship organization among Muslims.

In pre-Islamic Arab society patriarchal family system existed. 'Kinship being recognized on the fathers side, all obligations, duties and rights were defined and sanctioned in Q terms of agnatic kinship.' The Prophet Muhammad introduced the new faith of monotheistic religion. Though Muslim institutions have undergone change owing to the conditions in different regions during the centuries of their existence, the family institution more or less remained unchanged. Muslim family organization in India is quite similar to that of Hindu family organization in spite of religious

* Besides Quran and Sunna two other sources are Ijma, that is, consensus of the community and Qiyas, that is, reasoning by analogy. 164 differences and history. Kapadia observes that 'the joint- family is generally supposed to be a characteristic peculiar to the Hindus. As a matter of fact, it seems to be general in India, as it is found among many communities, non-Hindu as well as Hindu.'

The Muslim family can be characterized as patriarchal, patrilocal and patrilineal type. 'The family organization among the Muslim communities in appears parallel to the Hindus in the sense that the same type of patrilocal, patrilineal family system prevails in both.* Misra further observes that 'the common form of living was in the form of large households which included several married and unmarried brothers and their other relatives, living under the same roof, presided over by the father.' 12

Conklin's study reveals that 'both the Muslim popula­ tion and the non-Muslim families that believe that joint living is the ideal.' 13 He further points out that even the household composition among the Muslims is not much different to those of Hindus.

Rizvi's study also points out that the joint living is preferred among the Karkhanedar community of Delhi. The Karkhanedar is a patrilineal and patrilocal community. •Among the Karkhanedars married brothers normally pull their income from a Karkhana, ... and household expenses are met 14 from a common fund.' 165

It is clear from the foregoing brief discussion that the family organization among the Indian Muslims is quite similar to that of Hindu family organization.

5.2 Family Organization among the Muslims of Ahmadnagar

Any inquiry on the family organization must have precise definitions of its types. For the present study we have used the following definitions to classify Muslim families.

I - Nuclear Family

A. Husband, wife with or without children. Ross has called this type as nuclear family of two 15 generations (Type C). B. Husband, more than one wife with children. C. Husband, wife, children with father or mother or both. Ross has called this type as nuclear family with dependents. (Type D). D. Husband, wife, children, parents plus unmarried brothers and sisters. II - Joint Family : We have classified joint family into three types : 1. Horizontal joint family. 2. Large joint family. 3. Vertical joint family. 166

1. Horizontal Joint Family consists of A. Husband, wife, children, parents, married brother(s) and their wife/wives, their children plus unmarried brothers and sisters. B. Husband, wife, children, father or mother, married brother(s), their wife/wives, their children plus unmarried brothers. Kapadia has called these types as collateral joint family. 17 C. We have included families with female head in this category. In this type female with married son(s), their wife/wives and children are included.

2. Large Joint Family

This type includes husband, wife, married son(s), their wife/wives-, their children, husbands married brother(s), their wife/wives and their children.

3. Vertical Joint Family

A. This type includes husband, wife, married son(s), their wife/wives and their children. This type includes three generations. Ross has called this type as 'the large 1& joint family'. (Type A), and Desai has called it as 'three generation groups of lineal descents'. (Type III), B. Husband, wife, children, married son(s), their wife/ wives and their children. Karve has called this type as 'smaller joint families'.20 This type also includes three generations as mentioned above but it has in 167

addition unmarried children. Kapadia has called these 21 types as lineally joint family. Ill - Broken or Individual Householder :

This type includes husband or wife dead with or without children.

Size of Households

The basic unit of the kinship system among the Ahmadnagar Muslims is the household. Households vary widely in their numerical composition.

Table 5.1 : Numerical Size of Muslim Households in Ahmadnagar

No.of Persons No.of Per cent per Household Households

2 - 3 29 11.37 4 - 6 126 49.41

7-9 61 23.92 10 - 14 28 10.9$

15 - 19 5 1.96 20 and above 6 2.35

Total : 255 100.00

Table 5.1 shows the distribution of Muslim households in Ahmadnagar. In our purposive sample 255 families, there is a considerable range from two to twenty or more members per household. 49.41 per cent households have between four 163 to six persons, followed by 23.92 per cent households having between seven to nine persons. The maximum number of members in a household was 36.

Family Types

As per our definitions given earlier, Table 5.2 indicates, out of 255 families surveyed, 70.59 per cent were nuclear families, 7.#4 per cent were horizontal joint families, 15.69 per cent belonged to vertical joint family and 4.31 per cent were broken or individual households. If we sum up the classification of joint families into one single class, we get total 25.10 per cent joint families.

Table 5.2 : Family Types - Number and Percentage

Family Type No.of Families Per cent

Nuclear Family ISO 70.59 Horizontal Joint Family 20 7.84 Large Joint Family 4 1.57 Vertical Joint Family ko 15.69 Broken or Individual Householder 11 4.31

Total : 255 100.00

Same result has been drawn from the study of Muslim 22 families in Jaipur City, conducted by Jain. In her findings out of 375 families, 6o.S-per cent were nuclear 169 families and 39.2 per cent were joint families. The similar family composition has been drawn from the study of rural 23 and urban Muslims of Dharwar, by Conklin. ' He observes that Muslim household composition in city and villages are not different as compared to Hindus. Our findings clearly indicate that family organization among Muslims of Ahmadnagar are quite similar to that of Hindu family organization. This view is also supported by the findings of Conklin who states that, 'Muslims appear quite similar to Hindus in many respects in relation to family and 24 kinship.» Though the family organization among Muslims in Ahmadnagar are similar to Hindu family organization, it appears from our data that nuclear households have large units, i.e., 4-6 members per household. (See Table 5.1). Relation between Income and Family Type

The analysis of data in Table 5.3 suggests that nuclear family norm was more popular in lower middle, middle and upper middle income group. Whereas in low income category we find the majority of joint families. The majority of joint families in low income group indicates economic dependence. No attempt was made to examine the change in the family structure nor did we enquire about their preference of living. However, it is observed that those who live in the joint family do so because of economic security. Secondly more hands are required to help in the traditional occupation. 170

Table 5.3 ' Relation between Income and Family Type

Income Nuclear Horizon­ Large Verti­ Broken/ Total families tal J.F. J.F. cal Indivi­ J.F. dual family

Low $ 7 0 7 7 29 (Nil - 200) (27.6) (24.1) (0.0) (24.1) (24.1) (100.0) Lower Middle 52 3 0 15 4 74 (201 - 500) (70.3) ( 4.0) (0.0) (20.3) (5.4) (100.0) Middle 63 3 4 10 0 60 (501 - 1000) (78.S) (3.7) (5.0) (12.5) (0.0) (100.0) Upper Middle 52 7 0 6 0 65 (1001 - 2000) (30.0) (10.6) (0.0) (9.2) (0.0) (100.0) 2001 and above 5 0 0 2 0 7 (71.4) (0.0) (0.0) (2S.6) (0.0) (100.0)

Total 20 4 40 11 255 (70.6) (7.6) (1.6) (15.7) (4.3) (100.0)

Note : Figures in bracket are percentages,•

Whereas people prefer living in the nuclear family as a result of economic independence and the influence of western values.

5.3 Marriage Institute

Family - the real unit of human society owes its existence to marriage. Marriage is one of the primary institutions of society. It is found in all societies and has been practised in all stages of civilization. The natural longing of male to the female and of the female to the male and their sex drives and aesthetic urges find expression 171 through the institute of marriage. Marriage is one of the main events in an individual's life and an important family- affair. Sociologists consider 'marriage a primary relation­ ship, which is distinctly characterized as a sexual relation­ ship, a comprehensive relationship and a permanent relationship, 25 accepted and legitimised by the members of a given society.• In other words marriage is a union between man and woman with certain rights and obligations. Marriage among Muslims

Marriage is considered essential by the Muslims for both males and females. 'Marriage, according to Mohammedan law, is a civil contract' and not a sacrament as among the Hindus. 'It is recognized in Islam as the basis of human society, and marriage-relationship is given the same importance as blood-relationship.' 27

In our purposive sample of 255, the marital status of respondents was as shown in Table 5.4. As indicated in Table 5.4, out of 255 respondents, 90.9$ per cent were married, 6.67 per cent were widows 1.95 per cent were widower and 0.39 per cent, only one respondent was unmarried.

Though Islam allows a man to have as many as four 2$ wives at a time, at least from the data it appears that monogamy prevails among muslims in Ahmadnagar.

Table 5.5 indicates that #1.96 per cent respondents married once, 9.02 per cent married second time. Out of these 172

Table 5.4 : Marital Status

Marital Status No. of Respondents Per cent

Married 232 90.98 Unmarried 1 0.39 Widow 17 6.67 Widower 5 1.95

Total 255 100.00

Table 5.5 • Reason for second wife

Reason for Second Wife No.of Respondentespondentss Per cent

Death of wife 9 3.53 Divorced first wife 10 3.92 Illness of wife 1 0.39 For want of son 2 0.78 For no reason 1 0.39

Married once 209 81.96 Unmarried 1 0.39 Widow 17 6.67 Widower 5 1.96

Total 255 100.00 173

3.53 per cent married second time due to death of first wife, 3.92 per cent married second time because they 'divorced first wife for her behaviour1. There were only four cases of polygyny. Out of these four, two respondents entered marriage contract with second wife 'for want of son', one due to 'illness of his first wife', and only one respondent reported that he married to second wife 'for no reason'.

In three cases husbands are living with their two wives and children and in one case husband has formed two households separately, living with his second wife and children. He occasionally visits his first wife and children. Irshad Ali has reported four cases of polygynous marriage in Singimary village and one case in Gauhati city. * Lambat mentions two such cases of men having two wives. Aggarwal has reported only one case of polygynous marriage in Chavandi Kalan village of . 31 Jain did not come across any 32 such cases in her study of Jaipur Muslims.

Out of the respondents who divorced their first wife two each belonged to Bagban caste and Bohra sect, one belonged to the Maniyar caste and remaining five belonged to the Ashraf categories of Muslims. Four of them had their education upto 7th standard, one had upto 10th standard, three of them are matriculate and one is graduate. Four of them are in service, three are engaged in small business, one is carpenter and one is labourer. Their monthly income ranges from Rs. 400/- to Rs. 1,500/-. 174

It has been observed that in lower classes there is a tendency to divorce wife for trifle reason and to marry with another women. It goes unnoticed as these women are poor and helpless and cannot raise their voices against the injustice done to them.

To sum up we can say that, though theoretically it is believed that polygyny exists among the Muslims, in reality it does not seem so. Our findings clearly show that such cases are very rare.

Ashraf Categories. Non-Ashraf Caste Groups and Sect of Husband and Wife

In order to ascertain the Ashraf categories, non-Ashraf caste groups and sect of the wife, separate questions were asked. In our purposive sample of 255 cases, 90.9^ respondents were married. Out of which 47.#5 per cent belonged to the Ashraf categories, 33.33 per cent belonged to the various non- Ashraf caste groups, 5.8$ per cent belonged to the Shia sect and 3.92 per cent belonged to the Mahdavi sect.

As shown in Table 5.6, among Ashraf categories, out of 14 Sayyads, three married to Shaikh women, 91 Shaikh married to 91 Shaikh women, out of three Mughals one married to Pathan woman and out of 13 Pathans, one married to Mughal woman. All those who belong to various non-Ashraf caste reported that they married to women from their own occupa­ tional castes respectively. Those who married to second wife reported that their wives belonged to the same occupational 175

Table 5.6 : Ashraf Categories, Non-Ashraf Caste Groups and Sect of Husband and Wife

Ashraf Categories Husband Wife

Sayyad 14 11 (• 3 Shaikh) Shaikh 91 91 Mughal 3 2 (+ 1 Pathan) Pathan 13 12 (• 1 Mughal) Not answered 1 1

No n-Ashraf Castes Tambatkar 12 12 Gao-quasab 10 10 Bagban 11 11 Bakkar quasab 10 10 Momin 12 12 Tamboli 11 11 Pinjari 10 10 Rangrez 6 6 Bawarehi 3 3 Sects Bohr a 10 10 Mahdavi 10 9 (+1 Non-Mehdavi) Shia Iraami Ismaili 5 5 Cases of Polygyny - 4

232 236 Unmarried 1 - Widow 17 - Widower 5 —

Total : 255 236 176 castes. Only one Mahdavi respondent reported that his second wife belonged to non-Mahdavi sect.

The analysis of data in Table 5.6 clearly indicates that among the Shia sect, both Bohras and Shia Imami Ismailies marry within their sect. Both observe strict endogamy and do not marry across each other. Nor do they marry with the members of Ashrafs or non-Ashraf castes.

It can be said that though few cases have been reported of marrying across the Ashraf categories, the general tendency is to marry within their own group. This is supported by our findings that almost all Shaikhs married to Shaikh women. It further shows that all non-Ashraf castes marry within their own caste groups, i.e., they are endogamous in nature. People belonging to these non-Ashraf castes do not contract marriages with any of the Ashraf categories nor with Shias. However, there are some exceptions where marriage takes across the non-Ashraf castes or across the sect in case of love marriages.

Practice of Hypergamy and Hypogamy

Out of our purposive sample of 255 cases, we have selected 104 cases belonging to various non-Ashraf castes for detail enquiry. In order to examine the practice of hypergamy and hypogamy particularly among these castes, the respondents were asked in which occupational castes girls are given for marriage and from which occupational castes girls are taken for marriage.

i , 'i

i 177

As shown in Table 5.7, 7.69 per cent respondents among Momin, Shia Imami Ismail!, Tambatkar and Bawarchi reported that girls are given to any Muslim castes and 3.85 per cent respondents among Mahdavi and Bawarchi reported that girls are given to Ashrafs particularly to Sayyads and Shaikhs in marriage.

Table 5.7 : Girls given in Ashrafs/Non-Ashraf Castes/Sects

Castes No.of Respondents Per cent

Non-Ashraf Castes Tambatkar 10 9.62 Gao-quasab 10 9.62 Bagban 10 9.62 Bakkar-quasab 10 9.62 Momin 8 7.69 Tamboli 10 9.62 Pinjari 10 9.62 Rangrez 5 4.81 Bawarchi 2 1.92 Sects Bohra 9 8.65 Mahdavi 6 5.77 Shia Imami Ismaili 2 1.92 Ashraf Categories Sayyad, Shaikh 4 3.85 Mughal Pathan Any Muslim Caste Group 8 7.69

Total : 104 100.00 17S

Table 5.& indicates that 10. 5^ per cent respondents among Bagban, Momin, Shia Imami Ismaili, Bohra and Bawarchi reported that girls are taken from any Muslim castes while 3.S5 per cent among Mahdavis and Bawarchi reported that girls are taken from Ashrafs particularly from Sayyads and Shaikhs for marriage purpose.

Table 5.8 '• Girls taken from Ashrafs/Non-Ashraf Castes/Sects

Castes No.of Respondents Per cent

Non-Ashraf Castes Tambatkar 11 10.56 Gao-quasab 10 9.62 Bagban 7 6.73 Bakkar-quasab 10 9.62 Momin 7 6.73 Tamboli 10 9.62 Pinjari 10 9.62 Rangrez 5 4. SI Bawarchi 2 1.92 Sects Bohra 9 S.65 Mahdavi 6 5.77 Shia Imami Ismaili 2 1.92 Ashraf Categories Sayyad, Shaikh 4 3.35 Mughal Pathan - - Any Muslim caste group 11 10.5*

Total : 104 100.00 179

Mahdavis used to practice strict endogamy but now they form marriage unions with Sayyads and Shaikhs. Since Mahdavis consider Sayyad and Shaikh at par with them in status, such marriage unions cannot be called as hypergamous or hypogamous marriages. Though few respondents among Bagban, Momin, Shia Imami Ismaili, Bohra and Bawarchi reported that girls are given to or taken from any Muslim castes for marriage, in actual practice they stick to endogamy. (See Table 5.6). There is no deviation from normative pattern of endogamy.

From the above findings it can be inferred that strict endogamy is practised by all non-Ashraf castes. Justifying the practice of endogamy, the respondents from Bagban and Bakkar-quasab occupational castes observed that the girls are taken for marriage from the same occupational caste because they know the customs, practices and family culture of these occupational castes and get easily adjusted in the family. If a girl is married to a different caste or taken for marriage from different caste, Ahmad observes that 'her entire socialization would make her a stranger in those castes and create difficulties in her adjustment to their way of life.»33

It can be said that occupational specialization and caste panchayats are prominent factors conducive to the practice of endogamy among non-Ashraf castes.

Like other non-Ashraf castes the Bohras and Shia Imami- ISO

Ismailies belonging to Shia sect are strict endogamous units. Marriage does not take place across each other though they belong to the same sect.

Among Shia Imami Ismailies marriage preference is given to their own community. Though it was reported that girls were given to and taken for marriage from any Muslim caste, not a single example of such a marriage could be cited from our study.

If a Shia Imami Ismaili boy wants to marry with a girl belonging to different sect or to Ashrafs or non-Ashraf caste groups and if the girl is willing to accept the religious faith of the boy, in such circumstances, both of them should present themselves before the local council - the Ismaili Association Board - informing their decision of getting married. The Council will hear them and call them after one month. This one month's duration is given specially for the girl to ponder over her decision and during this period she is supposed to study the religious doctrines of the boy. After the stipulated period she has to present herself before the Council wherein she has to agree over the decision. She will be interviewed by the Ismaili Association of India. If this association is satisfied with her knowledge and faith about the Shia Imami Ismaili community, then she will be accepted in the community and the boy is permitted to marry with her. 131

Status of Children

If the wife does not want to accept the faith of her husband but wants her children to enjoy the faith of her husband, in such case she has to appear before the council and give the undertaking in writing.

Among Daudi Bohras marriage preference is given to their own community. If a boy intends to marry with any girl belonging to any other sect or Ashrafs or non-Ashraf caste groups, in such case the girl has to take mithaq (reli­ gious oath of allegiance) to become member of Daudi Bohra community. The local Amil administers the mithaq on behalf of the Sayyidna, the religious head of the community. There­ after marriage is solemnized.

If a Bohra girl wants to marry with any boy outside the community but within the Muslim group, the boy has to take mithaq and then only marriage is solemnized. If the boy does not want to change his faith, then in such case the girl ceases to be a member of Daudi Bohra community.

It has been mentioned elsewhere in this chapter and in Chapter IV that the non-Ashraf castes practice strict endo­ gamy, particularly Gao-quasab, Bakkar-quasab, Bagban, Tamboli and Rangrez. Any attempt to breach the rule is either met with ostracism from the caste or faces the problem of arrang­ ing marriage of children born of such unions within the caste. Tambatkars prefer marriage relations within the 182 caste, but the breach of the rule does not meet with the severe penalty. The violator is not outcasted but such unions get unvoluntary recognition. Among Pinjari, Momin and Bawarchi, when no proper match is available in their caste, they form marriage relations outside the caste. Such unions get recognition.

One of the possible reasons for this could be the Pinjaris and Bawarchies do not have Jamat organization. Momins have recently formed Jamat organization. Secondly, the attitude of people towards intercaste marriage is becoming more liberal.

The Presence of Gotras among Muslims

Though castes are endogamous units, they are further subdivided into exogamous groups usually known as gotras. Gotras among Hindus are specially devised to regulate the marriage. According to Hutton, 'the gotra or got ... is an exogamous unit of individuals theoretically descended from a single ancestor.'3 4 The individuals belonging to the same gotra are supposed to be the descendants of a single ancestor and considered as blood relatives. Hence marriage among them is prohibited. Such marriages are treated as incestuous. The idea is to avoid marriage among blood relatives as they are considered as brothers and sisters. The marriage rule of 'gotra exogamy, prohibits marriage bet- 3*5 ween members of the same gotra.' 133

The gotras are not exclusively found among Hindu castes but are also present among Muslim castes. Blunt mentions about Turkiya a Muslim caste which have definite gotras, three of which have Muslim names - Bahlim, Khilji 37 and Shaikh. Aggarwal mentions the presence of more than sixty-seven gotras among the Meos of Rajasthan where a person has to avoid marrying into one's own gotra. Irshad Ali3^$ mentions that Muslims in Singimari village in Assam consider themselves related to each other and belong to the same bangsha (lineage). Marriage between those belonging to the same bangsha is regarded as incestuous. On contrary among the Muslims of Uttar Jalukbari marriages between the same khel 39 are permitted and have taken place with the exception of certain restricted degrees. Among the Muslims of Gauhati city marriages are contracted between persons residing in the city. They contract marriages even between kin but observe the restricted degrees given in the Quran. ko D'Souza mentions three distinct types of kinship system and with it the marriage restrictions among the Moplahs of South west coast of India. The kinship system of the Arabis is patterned after the system. The father in the family is the head of the household. A clan comprises of several families tracing discent from a common male ancestor. These clans are called qabilas. The qabilas are not exogamous. The most favoured type of unions among them are marriages 1S4 between children of brothers.

Among the kinship system of father-right Moplahs, several families related in the male line constitute a clan which is called tharwad. The tharwad is an exogamous unit. Marriages cannot take place between persons who are related in the male line. But there is no objection to the marriage between the children of two sisters or between the children of a brother and a sister. In these cases the marriage partner would belong to different patrilineal tharwads. He further points out that the marriages between the children of two sisters is due to the influence of Islam.

In the mother right Moplahs, tharwad is the basic social unit. It includes the women's and her sister's relatives on the female side. Tharwad in this system may be regarded as matrilineal clan. The members of a tharwad cannot intermarry as they are the descendents of the same ancestress. D'Souza observes that sister's children cannot marry each other since they belong to the same tharwad. But marriages between the children of brothers and sisters can take place because though brothers and sisters belong to the same tharwad, their children belong to the different tharwads.

From the above discussion it can be inferred that in some parts of the country, Muslims observe the rule of gotra exogamy very strictly and in other parts marriages between' children of brothers or between children of sisters are 1*5 allowed. This is due to the influence of Islamic tradition of parallel and cross cousin marriage.

In Ahmadnagar two occupational castes mentioned the presence of gotras, namely Tarabatkars and Rangrez. Tambatkars and Rangrez were originally . fA clan is 41 42 spoken of as a got,' whereas Rangrez call it 'Gharana'. The author was informed that there were 16 gots among Tambatkars in Rajasthan, out of which nine are present in Ahmadnagar. They are Rathod, Behlim, Pawar, Khilji, Ghori, Thuwar, Malanas, Khokar and Amnawat. Rathod, Pawar, Thuwar, Malanas, Khokar and Amnawat were originally Hindu gots. These were retained even after their conversion to Islam. Among Rangrez the seven Gharanas present in Ahmadnagar are Kathhe, Behlim, Chauhan, Ghori, Chaurasi, Thakore and Sayyad. Kathhe, Chauhan, Chaurasi and Thokore were originally Hindu Gharanas. The author was informed that Chauhan Rangrez are direct discendants of Prithwi Chauhan through one of his grand sons who was converted to Islam. Ghori Rangrez claim to be the direct descendants of Muhammad Ghori. No Gotra Exogamy

The marriage rule prohibits marriage between the members of the same gotra but among Tambatkars and Rangrez there is no restriction on marriage between the members of the same got or gharana. No preference is given to any particular got or gharana at the time of selecting the spouse. It was informed that gots or gharanas only serve 1S6

the purpose of identification.

It can be said that the marriage between the members of the same got or gharana among Tambatkar and Rangrez is due to the influence of Islamic tradition of parallel and cross cousin marriage.

5.10 Factor Preferences for Selection of Mate

Every society lays down certain rules and regulations regarding the selection of mate in marriage, which its members are expected to observe. In no society there is absolute freedom of choice. At the first instance incest taboo which forbids sexual relationship between brother and sister, father and daughter, mother and son, is accepted in almost every society.

Quran forbids certain marriage relations among its followers. It states 'forbidden to you are your mothers, and your daughters, and your sisters, and your parental aunts, and your maternal aunts, and brother's daughters and sister's daughters, and your mothers that have suckled you, and your foster-sisters, and mothers of your wives, and your step­ daughters who are in your guardianship (born) of your wives to whom you have gone in - but if you have not gone into them, there is no blame on you - and the wives of your sons who are of your own loins; and that you should have two sisters 43 together, except what has already passed. » ** In the light 137

of these marriage prohibitions a Muslim cannot marry any of the above-mentioned relatives. Muslims all over the world abide themselves by these regulations.

5.11 Marriage Preferences

In Ahmadnagar the author was informed that marriage among near relatives are preferred. Parallel cousin and cross cousin marriages are preferred among all non-Ashraf caste-groups, but not as a rule. If a suitable match is not found within the close circle of relatives, a person can seek it either from distant relatives or from the same occupational caste.

Among the Muslim sects, Bohras and Mahdavis do prefer parallel and cross cousin marriages but the Shia Imami Ismailies such type of unions are discouraged. They prefer marriage relations only among themselves. This is how a marriage circle is narrowed down. While selecting marriage partner for son or daughter many other factors are also considered.

In our enquiry the respondents were asked to which factors would they consider important at the time of selecting spouse for their daughters and/or sons and give preference accordingly. Separate list of questions were asked for both.

5.12 Mate Selection for Daughter

The respondents were asked to give preference to the 133

following factors. Education of the boy, status of his i family, economic status, occupational caste, employment, character, health, religiocity and any other factors. We have taken into consideration the first three order of preferences.

Table 5.9 shows that 95.19 per cent respondents gave first preference to the occupational caste of the boy, 26.92 per cent gave second preference to the employment of the boy and almost equal number of respondents (26.92) gave third preference to his character.

Table 5.9 '> Factor preferences for selection of spouse in daughti sr's marriage

]factor s 1st Preference 2nd Preference 3rd Preference No.of Per No.of Per No. of Per Respon­ cent Respon­ cent Respon­ cent dents dents dents

1. Education - - 22 21.15 12 11.54 2. Status of Family 1 0.96 21 20.19 16 15.33

3. Economic Status - •» 3 2.33 13 12.50 4. Occupational Caste 99 95.19 1 0.96 - - 5. Employment 1 0.96 23 26.92 26 25.00 6. Character - - 23 22.12 23 26.92 7. Health - - 1 0.96 1 0.96 3. Religious 3 2.33 4 3.35 7 6.73

9. Any other «M - 1 0.96 1 0.96 Total : 104 100.00 104 100.00 104 100.00 189

5.13 Mate Selection for Son

The respondents were asked to give preference to the following factors. Beauty of the girl, her education, status of family, occupational caste, her character, religiocity, employment and any other factors. Here also we have taken into consideration the first three order of preferences.

Table 5.10 shows that 92.31 per cent respondents gave first preference to the occupational caste of the girl, 31.73 per cent and 35.5^ per cent gave second and third preference to her character respectively. It is very surprising to note that not a single respondent gave any preference to the employment factor of the girl.

It is clear that while selecting spouse for son and daughter, first preference is given to one's own occupational caste, which supports our earlier findings that strict endo­ gamy is observed by occupational castes. Employment of the boy and his character occupies second and third preference respectively in case of selecting spouse for daughter. Whereas next to occupational caste, character of the girl occupies second and third position in order of preference in case of selecting spouse for son.

5.14 Age at Marriage

•No particular age has been specified for marriage in the Islamic law.' Quran does not mention specific age 190

Table 3.10 : Factor Preferences for Selection of Spouse in Son' s Marriage

Factors 1st Preference 2nd Pre ference 3rd Pre.ferenc e No. of Per No.of Per No. of Per Respon­ cent Respon­ cent Respon­ cent dents dents dents

1. Beauty- - - 6 5.77 9 8.65 2. Education - - 19 18.27 9 8.65 3. Status of Family - - 15 14.42 13 12.50

4. Economic Status - - - - 2 1.92 5. Occupational Caste 96 92.31 2 1.92 - - 6. Character 2 1.92 33 31.73 37 35.58 7. Religious 6 5.77 27 25.96 29 27.88 8. Employment ------

9. Any other - - 2 1.92 5 4.81

Total : 104 100.00 104 100.00 104 100.00

of marriage. But there are verses from which we can infer the age prescribed for marriage should be when a person has become major. 'And test the orphans until they reach the age of marriage. Then if you find in them maturity of intellect, make over to them their property, and consume it 45 not extravagently and hastily against their growing up.' Thus Quran allows marriage of a woman when she reaches the age of marriage and becomes intellectually mature, which can 191

be considered as a person has become major. Secondly Muslim marriage being a contract, the assent to which depends on personal liking of both the parties. Personal liking or disliking in sexual matter only comes when a girl comes out of age or only after attaining puberty. This only means that when she has become major.

Number of Muslim women were interviewed exclusively apart from our sample of 255 cases. These women respondents opined that the age of the girl at the time of marriage should be between IB to 24 years. This age is considered to be fit to bear the strains of child bearing and shoulder­ ing the household responsibilities. This may be due to the influence of the recent legislation on the age of marriage and propoganda on mass media.

5.15 The Custom of Dowry among Muslims

The practice of dowry is believed to be a Hindu custom, particularly practiced among high Hindu castes, in which the bride's father or kinsman has to pay a dowry in cash or kind to the bridegroom or his kinsman. 'Dowry... has 46 never been a part of the Muslim marriage.• The only payment sanctioned by Islamic law on such an occasion is mahr. 'According to the Quran, the mahr is given as a free gift by the husband to the wife at the time of contracting 47 the marriage.» 192

Mahr is totally different than dowry or 'dahej'. Mahr or dower means reward or nuptial gift that is given to the bride. 'Mahr is an amount which should be handed over to the wife at marriage or as early afterwards as possible.' The amount of mahr entirely belongs to her. Dowry on the other hand is made up of gifts to the bride or bridegroom from her family. It consists of cash, clothes, jewellery household goods and property of various kinds.

Though the custom of dowry is not sanctioned by Islam, Muslim communities in different parts of India practice this custom.

Khatana mentions the practice of dowry among the Gujar Bakarwals of Jammu and Kashmir. He clearly points out that 'the girl is given a dowry (daaj) by her father. This includes item for domestic use, sheep, goats and horses...' 7 Similarly D'Souza points out the practice of dowry among the Moplahs of South India. He observes that 'the payment of dowry by the bride's side to the bridegroom, ... is strictly enforced.' Jacobson mentions the custom of dowry among the Muslims of Bhopal region of Central India. She clearly points out that 'all Muslim brides are expected to bring dowries to their conjugal homes.'5 1 She further adds the list of items including bovines and servants given

CO in the dowry. Aggarwal mentions that the dowry practice was once prevalent among the Meos of Rajasthan but further 193 comments that the present trend is in the opposite direction.

Suhail Ahmad^ observes that the nature and extent of dowry among Indian Muslims differ from region to region and from group to group. He mentions three types of dowry among Muslims.

The first type consists of gifts as well as cash. It is prevalent particularly in Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala and Hyderabad. Large sum of cash called tilak pass between families among some Muslim beradaries (community) like Kalal, in Bihar. Similar custom like tilak called ghara ka jora ki raqm is observed among certain sections of Muslims in Hyderabad. The amount is paid by the bride's parents or kin to the groom or his party before or at the time of consummation of marriage.

The second type of dowry, consisting largely of gifts, is particularly prevalent in and .

The third type of dowry (both in cash as well as in kind) is intended to help and support the bridegroom and is prevalent in metropolitan cities like Delhi, Bombay and Calcutta. In this type if a boy is a low-income salaried man unable to afford his own house or vehicle, like a scooter, the bride's parents normally provide him with these, or if a groom is unemployed they promise his parents to help him in setting up business after marriage. 194

In Ahmadnagar, in our informal discussion, the respondents admitted that 'dahej' is accepted and given voluntarily mostly in the form of kind which includes items for domestic use, utensils, household goods, etc. 1.92 per cent respondents reported that the amount ranging between Rs. 2,100/- and Rs. 7,000/- was given in cash in their daughter's marriage. The author was informed that 'dahej' is given to daughter to set her house. In some cases the amount is given to the bridegroom to purchase his wedding suit. Some prospecting bridegrooms demand it in the form of gold and kind. Our findings are supported by the findings of Shaikh/5 4 who states that '... Muslim boys of the modern age demand heavy dowry ...'

5.16 Opinions on Dowry

The respondents were asked their opinion about the prevalent dowry practice apong Muslims in Ahmadnagar. Most of the respondents denied that such practice exists in their community but agreed that 'Dahej' is given by the girl's parents or her Kinsman.

Table 5.11 shows that 48.8 per cent respondents reported that dowry is an evil practice and it should be eliminated. Whereas 47.12 per cent respondents reported that it was 'good' and 4.Si per cent respondents reported that they 'cannot tell1. All the respondents who reported that dowry practice does not exist at all in Muslim society 195

Table 5.11 : Opinion on Dowry-

Opinion No.of respondents Per cent

Evil 50 43. 8 Good 49 47.12 Cannot tell 5 4.81

Total : 104 100.00

were classified into 'good' category.

Those who opined that dowry is an evil practice reported that 'There is no dowry custom but •dahej' is given to daughter to set her house.' 'Dowry is given in terms of kind - such as items for domestic use, utensils, household goods, furniture, almira, etc. - and not in terms of cash'. 'Voluntary gifts are given.' The respondents reported that they are hard pressed to arrange dowry for their daughter's marriage, particularly in poor families where there are more number of girls. In some cases the boys demand heavy dowry in case the girl is not much edu­ cated. Sometimes in lower class families brides are harassed by their in-laws for not bringing dowry.

Suhail Ahmad observes that though the custom of dowry exists among Indian Muslims, it could not become sensitive problem as it is among Hindus for three reasons. 'First, 196

cases of bride-burning have not been reported so far from among Muslims. Secondly, the process of divorce among Muslims is easy. Thirdly, Muslims are supposed to be a different community following different ideals and practices.f The first two reasons are correlated. In case bride fails to bring adequate dowry, she won't face the unpleasant consequences - believed to be of bride-burning among Hindus. Hence the cases of bride burning do not occur among Muslims. At the worst she would be divorced.

Thus to sum up, we can say that the custom of dowry does exist among the Muslims of Ahmadnagar. Denial of the existence of such practice by the respondents is because Islam does not approve of such practices.

Section II

5.17 Sacraments and Customs

This section deals with some of the rituals and practices observed by most of the Muslims, particularly non-Ashraf castes and sects among the Muslims of Ahmadnagar. We do not intend to describe the entire rituals nor do we intend to discuss the theological and philosophical aspect of it.

Sacraments, rituals and customs are inseparable part of religious faith. They occupy significant position in an individual's life and are considered as important events in the family. 197

Satwasa (Observance of seventh month in pregnancy)

The observance of Satwasa is not compulsory. Except Tambatkars and most of the Momins all non-Ashraf castes observe Satwasa. Satwasa means mark of seventh month in a woman's first pregnancy. Bohras call it 'Agarni'. A woman is bathed and dressed in richest clothes and decked with ornaments, h few women usually her friends and neighbours are invited for dinner. Sometimes they present the woman with a piece of cloth. The women spend the night in singing and making merry.

Aquiqua (The sacrifice at the child birth)

As a token ofthanksgiving, at the birth of a child, this ceremony is performed by sacrificing two goats for male and one goat for female child. Poor Muslims those who cannot afford do not observe this ceremony. Except the Shia Imami Ismaili all the non-Ashraf castes perform this ceremony. Usually it is performed on the Seventh day of the birth. On the same day the child's head is shaved. The removing of hair is done by barber. The moment he begins it, the goat is also killed by father or some one specially nominated by him. The meat is distributed among the friends and relatives and poor or they are feasted. The sacrificed meat is not to be eaten by the parents. If the Aquiqua could not be performed on the seventh day of the birth, it may be done any time it may suit. 196

Naming Ceremony (Chehella)

Naming ceremony of a new born is an occasion of great joy and festivities among Muslims as among other non-Muslim communities. This occasion is observed on the fortieth day after the birth and for that reason it is commonly known as 'Chehella'. Except Shia Imami Ismailies all Ashrafs and non-Ashraf castes perform this ceremony. The celebration begins with bathing the mother and the baby and dressing them in their best clothes. Mother's pollution period is over on this day. On this day the father, grand father or other male relatives open Quran at random. The first letter of the first line is the initial of the child's name. Sometimes a name is chosen because it has been borne by one of the child's forefathers, or because the father of the child thinks it lucky. Sweets are distributed and feast is given in the night. The relatives and friends who are invited for this occasion present the baby with clothes, ornaments, gifts, etc.

Bismillah (Taking the name of God)

All Muslims belonging to non-Ashraf castes observe this ceremony. When the child reaches the age of four years, four months and four days, this custom is performed. The child is bathed and dressed in rich dress. An old Maulavi is invited. He sits next to the child and in a loud voice repeats the word "Bismillah" (in the name of God) and tells the child to repeat it after him. The child says Bismillah.

« 199

Those who can afford serve the food. As a matter of fact Bismillah should be said before taking meals, drinking water, before dressing and undertaking any task. Bismillah is an auspicious name and every work should commence with it.

Circumcision (Khatna ? cutting of the foreskin of the penis)

The practice of circumcision dates back to Abraham. It has its origin in the idea of cleanliness and health. This view is also recognized by medical opinion. This practice is preached as religious rite among Jews and Mohmmadans. Though this custom is obligatory and considered as sunnat (doings and sayings of the Prophet) from the religious point of view, every male Muslim belonging to Ashrafs and non-Ashraf castes undergoes this rite.

The best time for circumcision is on the 7th day of the birth as advised by the Prophet, otherwise it is allowed upto seven or twelve years. If an adult embraces Islam but is afraid of circumcision, in such case it is not necessary that he should be circumcised. It is. considered that an individual is formally admitted into the fold of Islam by performing this rite. That is why every Muslim is anxious to circumcise his son.

This rite is attended with as much pomp and cost as marriage. On the appointed day the boy is taken out in procession by his father's friends and kinsmen. A barber 200 is called who performs this operation. A dinner is served to the friends and relatives. Almost all the respondents belonging to various non-Ashraf castes reported to be performing this rite.

Nikah

Marriage in Islam is a sacred contract and an important event in an individual's life. In Ahmadnagar, marriagiable girls and boys enter into marriage contract by the consent of their parents. A Maulawi or Kazi officiates marriage ceremony. A grand dinner is given to friends and relatives after Nikah takes place.

Death

The chapter of Quran which tells death and the glorious future of the Believer is read out to the dieing person. A Mulla is summoned.

The body is bathed and scented with camphor, rose and sandal scent. Incense and myrrh is burnt. The wife if alive says, "I give up all the claim to my marriage portion." The body is laid on the bier and on the way to burial ground, it is taken to a mosk where all the attendants pray. The relatives and friends walk behind the bier. Women usually do not attend the funeral.

After the funeral rites are over the Kazi or Mulla repeats the creed and people return to their homes. On the 201 third day after the burial, relatives visit the grave and recite the verses from Quran.

Chehellam Shareef (40th day after the death)

The mourning period usually ends on 4oth day. It is customary to feed people particularly those who participated in the funeral. This is done on 40th day.

The Ritual of Baiyyat

Baiyyat is acceptance of the religious faith and the Imam. It is one of the most important rite among the Shia Imami Ismailies. The author was informed that this ceremony is the essence of religious faith of the community and every Shia Imami Ismaili has to undergo it.

When the mother with her child comes to the jamat-khana for the first time after her delivery - the period should not exceed more than forty days - the Mukhi of the jamat accepts the Baiyyat of the child on behalf of Imam. This rite is observed only among Shia Imami Ismailies.

The Custom of Mithaq among Bohras

On attaining age of puberty, usually after 18 years, every adult Bohra youth - boy as well as girl has to take an oath of allegiance called mithaq or covenant. The allegiance to the religious doctrines and to Sayyidna, the religious head of the community. This custom is a must for every Daudi Bohra individual. It is one of the notable 202 events in an individuals life and an important family- occasion.

The local Amil who administers the mithaq on behalf of the Sayyidna, is first informed about it. On the appointed day the youth is taken to the mosque and seated before the Amil and elders of the community. The Amil interviews the youth on religious doctrine and his/her knowledge about the religious heads, local Amils, etc. On his being fully satisfied about these matters, the Amil then administers the mithaq. After the ceremony, as a token of respect, the youth salutes (Salam) the Amil and all the elders gathered for the occasion. Thereafter the youth joins the Bohra congregation and is expected to follow all rules and religious dictates and obey the parents.

Afterwards returning from the mosque, dinner is served to the friends and relatives. If one can afford, to the entire Bohra community.

Custom of Taking Food Together and Drinking Water

Most striking and typical custom among the Bohras is that they never take food alone. All members of the family sit around the big plate in which food is served and partake from it. Even the guests also share from the same plate. At the time of Urs or any other festival the food is served in the mosque. A group of six to eight persons sit around the plate and share the food from it in 203 the same way.

Similarly in every Bohra mosque a water container and glass is kept to drink water from. The custom is whosoever comes to offer prayer, after finishing it drinks water using the glass. The glass is not washed after the use but the same is used by another member. Both these customs signify the concept of equality and brotherhood among the followers of the same sect.

The Custom of 'Badotar*

A typical custom observed among Ghori and Behlim Rangrez. Badotar is a silver badge on which the name of their respected Pir is engraved and preserved. Badotar is prepared at the time of birth of every male child and at the time of his marriage. It is added to the existing garland of Badotars and thus is preserved (See Appendix C). The Ghori Rangrez prepare it in the name of 'Khaki Baba Sawishah Babaji Pir' and the Behlim Rangrez prepare it in the name of »Shelar PirT.

The Ritual of 'Kadhai'

This ritual is performed by Ghori and Behlim Rangrez. It is performed for every male child born and at the time of marriage. After completion of one month and seven days after the birth of a child, some sweet dish is prepared in Kadhai (A vernacular term for steel bowl) in the name of their Pir. As a rule every member of the family and all 204 members belonging to the same gharana will share it.

At the time of marriage, sweet rice is prepared in the Kadhai. Each family member and all members belonging to that gharana share two morsels from Kadhai after which procession starts for marriage. When barat returns with newly wedded bride, in the night five songs are sung usually by women folk in the praise of gharana1s Pir. Next morning some sweet dish is prepared in the name of Pir which is shared only by family members and members of that gharana. Let it be made clear here that the dish is not served in modern party style but the members have to have it from the Kadhai.

The Custom of Drawing 'Ghungat' or Covering Head and Face

This typical Rajasthani custom is observed by only Chauhan Rangrez. It is different from the existing Purdah system among the Muslims. As a token of respect, young, married women draw 'Ghungat' before their husband, father- in-law, mother-in-law and any other elderly person.

Thus to conclude we can say that Muslim family organi­ zation appears similar to Hindu family organization. The nuclear family norm was more popular in lower-middle, middle and upper-middle income group whereas majority of joint families were found in low income group. 205

We can say that though theoretically it is believed that polygyny exists among the Muslims, monogamy prevails in Ahmadnagar. It can be said that though few cases have been reported of marrying across the Ashraf categories, the general tendency is to marry within their own group. All non-Ashraf castes practice strict endogamy. No hyper- gamy or hypogamy is practised among these castes. Bohras and Shia Imami Ismailies belonging to Shia sect are strict endogamous units. The Mahdavis have recently started marriage unions with Sayyads and Shaikhs but the percentage of such unions is very low.

Gots and Gharanas are present only among Tambatkars and Rangrez. There is no restriction on marriage between the members of same got or gharanas. It can be said that the marriage between the members of the same got or gharana is due to the influence of Islamic tradition of parallel and cross cousin marriage.

While selecting spouse for son and daughter among the non-Ashraf castes priority is given to one's own occupational caste. In case of daughter's marriage, employ­ ment of the boy and his character is taken into consideration. Whereas in son's marriage, character of the girl occupies prime position.

We can say that the custom of dowry exists among the Muslims, particularly among the non-Ashraf castes of 206

Ahmadnagar. Satwasa, Aquiqua, naming ceremony, Bismillah, circumcision, chehellum shareef are some of the customs observed hy them. The ritual of Baiyyat is observed only by Shia Imami Ismailies whereas the custom of mithaq is only found among the Bohras. The custom of 'Badotar' and ritual of 'Kadhai' is only observed among Ghori and Behlim Rangrez while the custom of 'Ghungat1 is practiced by Chauhan Rangrez. 207

REFERENCES AND NOTES

1 Kingsley Davis. Human Society, The Macmillan Company, New York. Ninth Printing, 1957, p. 392.

2 Anthony A. D'Souza. Introduction, p.5 in The Indian Family in the Change and Challenge of the Seventies. Selected papers of a Seminar organized by the Family Life Centre of the Indian Social Institute, New Delhi. Sterling Publishers (P) Ltd., New Delhi.

3. Irawati Karve. Kinship Organization in India. Asia Publishing House, Bombay. 1965, 1968, p.d.

4 Ibid, p.g.

5 I.P. Desai. Some Aspects of Family in Mahuva. Asia Publishing House, Bombay. 1964, p.30.

6 Ibid, p.29.

7 Reuben Levy. The Social Structure of Islam. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 1957. p.242.

& George H. Conklin. 'Muslim Family Life and Seculariza­ tion in Dharwar, Karnataka', p.139, in Family. Kinship and Marriage among Muslims in India. Imtiaz Ahmad. (Editor), Manohar, New Delhi, 1976.

9 K.M. Kapadia, Marriage and Family in India. Third Edition, Oxford University Press, Calcutta, 1966, p.3#. 203

10 Ibid, p. 245.

11 Satish C. Misra. Muslim Communities in Gujarat, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1964, p.153.

12 Ibid, p.154.

13 George H. Conklin, Op.cit., p.130.

14 S.M. Akram Rizavi. 'Kinship and Industry among the Muslim Karkhandars in Delhi', p.32, in Imtiaz Ahmad (Ed.), Op. cit.

15 Aileen D. Ross. The Hindu Family in its Urban Settings. Oxford University Press, Indian Branch, 1961, p.35.

16 Ibid, p.36.

17 K.M. Kapadia. 'The Family in Transition', Sociological Bulletin, Vol. VIII, No.l, 1959, p.74.

IS Aileen D. Ross, Op. cit., p. 34.

19 I. P. Desai, Op. cit., p. 34.

20 Irawati Karve, Op.cit., p.10.

21 K.M. Kapadia. Sociological Bulletin, Op. cit., p.74.

22 Sushila Jain. Muslims and Modernization, Rawat Publications. Jaipur, 19S6, p. 63.

23 George H. Conklin, Op.cit., p.131.

24 Ibid. p.133. 209

25 Robert 0' Blood Jr. Marriage, The Free-Press of Glencoe, Fourth Edition, 1963, Quoted in Sushila Jain, Op.cit., P. 74.

26 K.M. Kapadia, Marriage and Family in India, Op. cit. , p. 46.

27 Muhammad Ali. A Manual of Hadith. Second Edition, The Ahmadiyya Anjuman Ishaat Islam, Lahore, p.267.

2# The Quran, 4:3.

29 A.N.M. Irshad Ali. 'Kinship and Marriage among Assamese Muslims', p.10, Table 2 in Imtiaz Ahmad (Ed.), Op.cit.

30 Ismail A. Lambat. 'Marriage among the Sunni Surati Vohras of South Gujarat', p. 54 in Imtiaz Ahmad (Ed.), Op.cit.

31 Pratap G. Aggarwal. 'Kinship and Marriage among the Meos of Rajasthan', p.275, in Imtiaz Ahmad (Ed.), Op.cit.

32 Sushila Jain, Op. cit., p. 75.

33 Imtiaz Ahmad (Ed.) 'Endogamy and Status Mobility among the Shaikhs of Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh', p.175 F.N. in Caste and Social Stratification among Muslims in India, Manohar, New Delhi, 197&.

34 J.H. Hutton, Caste in India, Fourth Edition, Oxford University Press, Bombay, 1963, p. 55.

35 K.M. Kapadia. Marriage and Family in India, Op. cit., p. 124. 210

36 E.A.H. Blunt. The Caste System of Northern India. S. Chand and Co., Delhi, 1969, p.45.

37 Pratap C. Aggarwal. Op.cit., p.273.

33 A.N.M. Irshad Ali, Op.cit., p.13.

39 Analogous terms for Gotra - Illam, Kul, mul, phaid, pal, pangat, bani, that, nukh, kuri, khel - J.H. Hutton, Op.cit., p.5$.

AO Victor S. D'Souza. 'Kinship Organization and marriage customs among the Moplahs on the South-West Coast of India', pp.142-146, in Imtiaz Ahmad (Ed.), Op. cit.

41 J.H. Hutton, Op.cit., p.55.

42 Term equivalent to kul.

43 The Quran. 4:23.

44 Muhammad Ali. The Religion of Islam. The Ahamadiyya Anjuman Ishaat Islam, Lahore, Pakistan, 19#3, p.600.

45 The Quran. 4:6.

46 Victors. D'Souza, Op.cit., p.l43.

47 Muhammad Ali, Op.cit., p.6o4.

43 Ibid, p.606.

49 R.P. Khatana. 'Marriage and kinship among the Gujar Bakarwals of Jammu and Kashmir', p.100 in Imtiaz Ahmad, (Ed.), Op. cit. 211

50 Victor S. D'Souza, Op.cit., p.l66-l67.

51 Doranne Jacobson. 'The Veil of Virtue : Purdah and the Muslim Family in the Bhopal Region of Central India', p.lS6 in Imtiaz Ahmad (Ed.), Op.cit.

52 Pratap C. Aggarwal, Op.cit., pp. 281-283.

53 Suhail Ahmad. 'Dowry among Muslims', Indian Express. Bombay (July 9, 19$7), Vol. LV: No. 247, p.a.

54 Shaikh, F.M.L. 'Educational Progress of Muslim Pupils in Ahmadnagar City, 1947 to 1977', 19S1, P.295, unpublished Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Poona University.

55 Suhail Ahmad. Op.cit.