ENGENDERED DEATH: A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYSIS OF IDENTITY IN THE

MISSION SYSTEM OF 17TH CENTURY SPANISH FLORIDA

by

Katherine Louise Brewer

B.S., Portland State University, 2010

A thesis submitted to the Department of Anthropology College of Arts, Social Sciences, and Humanities The University of West Florida In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts

2014

© 2014 Katherine Louise Brewer The thesis of Katherine Louise Brewer is approved:

______Amy Mitchell-Cook, Ph.D., Committee Member Date

______Ramie A. Gougeon, Ph.D., Committee Member Date

______John E. Worth, Ph.D., Committee Chair Date

Accepted for the Department/Division:

______John R. Bratten, Ph.D., Chair Date

Accepted for the University:

______Richard S. Podemski, Ph.D., Dean of Graduate Studies Date ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would first like to thank my thesis committee, Dr. John Worth, Dr. Ramie Gougeon, and

Dr. Amy Mitchell-Cook for all of the help and insight they have given me. It has been invaluable. I would also like to thank Dr. Elizabeth Benchley, Jan Lloyd, and the Archaeology

Institute for giving me the financial resources I needed as well as a place of employment in the field that I love while I completed this program. It has been a wonderful opportunity to gain the experience that I have both in the lab and in the field.

I have to thank all the friends and fellow graduate students who have helped me make it through this whole process. Special thanks go to Michelle Pigott, Salina Hebert, Dani Mount, and Jennifer Walborn for all of the words of encouragement and all of the support you have given me when I have needed it. You ladies have meant the world to me, and I could never thank you enough.

Finally, I have to thank my family, especially my mother, my father, my brother, and my grandfather, who have put up with me throughout my research and writing. Thank you so much for all the love and support you have shown, not only these past few years, but throughout my life. I do not know what I’d do without you. I certainly would not be where I am and who I am today without each and every one of you. I love you all very much.

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DEDICATION

This thesis is dedicated to my late grandmother, Margarett Harden. She never failed to support me or be there for me, whatever I needed. Archaeology fascinated her, and she always wanted to discuss what I was doing. I know she would have loved to volunteer for some field work had she been able. This is for her.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... iv

DEDICATION ...... v

LIST OF TABLES ...... viii

LIST OF FIGURES ...... x

ABSTRACT ...... xi

CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1 A. History...... 1 B. Method and Theory ...... 3 C. Definitions...... 6

CHAPTER II. HISTORY OF THE MISSIONS OF SPANISH FLORIDA ...... 7 A. Guale ...... 10 B. Apalachee ...... 13 C. Timucua ...... 19

CHAPTER III. METHOD AND THEORY ...... 23 A. Definitions...... 23 B. Gender Identity Formation ...... 24 C. Creolization ...... 28 D. Interpretive Framework ...... 30 E. Methods...... 33 F. Summary ...... 40

CHAPTER IV. RESULTS ...... 41 A. Nuestra Señora de la Soledad ...... 41 B. San Martín de Timucua ...... 45 C. Santa María ...... 51 D. Santa Catalina de Guale ...... 56 E. San Pedro y San Pablo de Patale...... 61 F. San Luis de Talimali ...... 68 G. Summary ...... 78

CHAPTER V. ANALYSIS ...... 79 A. Religion ...... 79 B. Gender ...... 82 C. Age ...... 87 D. Summary ...... 92

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CHAPTER VI. CONCLUSION ...... 93 A. Future Research ...... 100

REFERENCES ...... 102

APPENDICES ...... 111 A. Chi-Square Distribution Critical Values ...... 113 B. Nuestra Señora de la Soledad Artifact Table ...... 116 C. San Martín de Timucua Artifact Table ...... 118 D. Santa María Artifact Table ...... 121 E. Santa Catalina de Guale Artifact Table ...... 127 F. San Pedro y San Pablo de Patale Artifact Table ...... 133 G. San Luis de Talimali Artifact Table...... 138

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LIST OF TABLES

1. Observed Frequencies for Artifacts by Sex at Soledad ...... 43

2. Observed Frequencies for Artifacts by Age at Soledad ...... 43

3. Expected Frequencies for Artifacts by Sex at Soledad ...... 44

4. Expected Frequencies for Artifacts by Age at Soledad ...... 44

5. Chi-Square for Artifacts by Sex at Soledad ...... 44

6. Chi-Square for Artifacts by Age at Soledad ...... 45

7. Observed Frequencies for Artifacts by Sex at San Martín ...... 47

8. Observed Frequencies for Artifacts by Age at San Martín ...... 47

9. Expected Frequencies of Artifacts by Sex at San Martín ...... 48

10. Expected Frequencies of Artifacts by Age at San Martín...... 48

11. Chi-Square for Artifacts by Sex at San Martín ...... 49

12. Chi-Square for Artifacts by Age at San Martín ...... 49

13. Adjusted Residuals for Artifacts by Sex at San Martín ...... 50

14. Adjusted Residuals for Artifacts by Age at San Martín ...... 50

15. Observed Frequencies for Artifacts by Sex at Santa María ...... 52

16. Observed Frequencies for Artifacts by Age at Santa María ...... 53

17. Expected Frequencies for Artifacts by Sex at Santa María ...... 54

18. Expected Frequencies for Artifacts by Age at Santa María ...... 54

19. Chi-Square for Artifacts by Sex at Santa María ...... 54

20. Chi-Square for Artifacts by Age at Santa María ...... 55

21. Adjusted Residuals for Artifacts by Sex at Santa María...... 56

22. Observed Frequencies for Artifacts by Sex at Santa Catalina ...... 58 viii

23. Observed Frequencies for Artifacts by Age at Santa Catalina ...... 58

24. Expected Frequencies for Artifacts by Sex at Santa Catalina ...... 58

25. Expected Frequencies for Artifacts by Age at Santa Catalina ...... 59

26. Chi-Square for Artifacts by Sex at Santa Catalina...... 59

27. Chi-Square for Artifacts by Age at Santa Catalina ...... 60

28. Adjusted Residuals for Artifacts by Sex at Santa Catalina ...... 60

29. Adjusted Residuals for Artifacts by Age at Santa Catalina ...... 61

30. Observed Frequencies for Artifacts by Sex at Patale...... 63

31. Observed Frequencies for Artifacts by Age at Patale ...... 63

32. Expected Frequencies for Artifacts by Sex at Patale ...... 65

33. Expected Frequencies for Artifacts by Age at Patale ...... 65

34. Chi-Square for Artifacts by Sex at Patale ...... 66

35. Chi-Square for Artifacts by Age at Patale ...... 66

36. Adjusted Residuals for Artifacts by Sex at Patale ...... 67

37. Adjusted Residuals for Artifacts by Age at Patale...... 69

38. Observed Frequencies for Artifacts by Sex at San Luis ...... 72

39. Observed Frequencies for Artifacts by Age at San Luis...... 72

40. Expected Frequencies for Artifacts by Sex at San Luis ...... 74

41. Expected Frequencies for Artifacts by Age at San Luis ...... 74

42. Chi-Square for Artifacts by Sex at San Luis ...... 75

43. Chi-Square for Artifacts by Age at San Luis ...... 75

44. Adjusted Residuals for Artifacts by Sex at San Luis ...... 77

45. Adjusted Residuals for Artifacts by Age at San Luis ...... 77 ix

LIST OF FIGURES

1. Map of Guale, Timucua, and Apalachee Territory ...... 11

2. Map of the Six Analyzed Sites ...... 36

x

ABSTRACT

ENGENDERED DEATH: A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYSIS OF IDENTITY IN THE MISSION SYSTEM OF 17TH CENTURY SPANISH FLORIDA

Katherine Louise Brewer

Personal identity was fluid in the mission system of seventeenth-century Spanish Florida, given that the mission system formed a place where several cultures met and interacted. In order to study this formation of identity, specifically gender, social status, and age, statistical analyses were performed on grave goods from San Luis de Talimali, San Pedro y San Pablo de Patale,

San Martín de Timucua, Santa Catalina de Guale on Amelia Island, Santa María on Amelia

Island, and Nuestra Señora de la Soledad, a Spanish cemetery in St. Augustine. Based on my interpretation of this testing, I argue that, while social status and age have some statistical correlation to the funerary items interred with individuals in the missions of Spanish Florida, it is only possible with the data used and the analysis completed within to make a few associations between personal identity formation and grave goods. Therefore, it is not possible to make definitive statements in regards to the central question posed by this thesis.

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CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

This thesis examines the Franciscan missions of seventeenth-century Spanish Florida in the territory of the Apalachee, the Timucua, and the Guale. The goal was to determine the nature of personal identity formation in the missions of seventeenth-century La Florida, specifically using age, gender, and inferred social status as axes of variation, and then explore if changes within personal identity formation could be attributed to acculturation within the mission system.

In order to do so, burial data for several missions within La Florida were analyzed to permit direct comparisons between each individual and the possessions with which they were buried.

These missions included San Luis de Talimali and San Pedro y San Pablo de Patale, located in and around Tallahassee, Florida; San Martín de Timucua near the Ichetucknee River in Florida;

Santa Catalina de Guale on Amelia Island, Florida, and Santa María, also on Amelia Island. In addition to these missions, a Spanish cemetery in St. Augustine, Nuestra Señora de la Soledad, was analyzed for comparative purposes.

History

The Guale, the Timucua, and the Apalachee comprised the three Native American groups missionized by the Franciscans in Spanish Florida. While contact occurred with the Jesuits before the Franciscans, Jesuit attempts to establish permanent mission settlements between the years 1566 and 1572 proved unsuccessful (Worth 1998a:44). In the latter part of the sixteenth century, Franciscan missionaries travelled to La Florida with much better results. Beginning in the year 1587, the Franciscans began to establish permanent contact with the Timucua (Worth

1998a:46). However, permanent mission settlements did not occur until 1595 (Worth 1998a:35).

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By 1605, several permanent missions had also been reestablished among the Guale (Worth

1998a:57). The Apalachee, though having requested priests for baptism, did not acquire any conventos until 1633, when San Luis was first established at Anhaica that same year (Hann

1988:196).

A chief often requested a priest for baptism of his people; then once the priest had visited, the Native Americans had to wait before a mission was created. Because so few priests served such a large area, the Franciscans did not have enough priests to set up permanent missions for each province (Worth 1998a:39). Added to this shortage of priests, the Spanish faced

“difficulties in resupplying and protecting potential missions” and provinces located a great distance from St. Augustine (Worth 1998a:39).

Franciscan missions, even with the various problems related to supplying and protecting them, continued to be relatively successful throughout the seventeenth century. Towards the end of the century, however, the situation began to deteriorate steadily. By 1704, British and Creek raids forced the retreat of the Spanish and Apalachee in the mission system (Hann 1988:227).

Creek raiders captured Apalachee as slaves while other Apalachee joined the Creek freely (Hann

1988:264). A second group of Apalachee relocated to the east to settle around St. Augustine, while a third group travelled west to Pensacola and then on to Mobile (Hann 1988:264-265). At the same time, sickness and continued raiding caused the population of the Guale and Timucua to dwindle. The remainders of each group settled south towards St. Augustine (Hann 1996:292).

By the eighteenth century, the mission system had failed, and the Native Americans involved were left scattered far from their original homes.

2

Method and Theory

The methodology for this thesis included burial data for each of the cemeteries located at

San Luis, Santa Maria, San Martín, Patale, Santa Catalina, and Soledad. This data included biological sex, where possible to determine, and age, where possible to determine, as well as the artifacts buried with each individual. Because no collections were available for personal reanalysis, I utilized already-published burial data in my analysis.

I performed a statistical analysis, specifically chi-square testing, in order to interpret the artifact distributions for each of the sites. The chi-square test allows for two or more mutually exclusive variables to be compared statistically. Statistics of this sort, while not without their own biases, allow for a relatively objective numerical analysis of the artifacts. That is not to say that the interpretation of the statistics is completely without bias, but the chi-square values, when used appropriately, gave a starting point for analysis.

Given that this thesis attempts to interpret personal identity formation, it is necessary to define what that entails. Personal identity formation is specific to the individuals involved.

Identity can include age, gender, social status, language, ethnicity, and religion. An individual’s identity also changes depending on the situation in which the individual finds himself or herself and the stage of life through which the individual is going, making identity something that is continuously re-negotiated. Therefore, any analysis of how personal identity was formed in the past must take all of these factors into account.

Feminist theory provided the framework for the analysis, specifically in regards to the need to explore multiple dimensions of personal identity simultaneously. While the “second wave feminism” of the 1960s brought about a change in the public and private spheres of everyday women’s lives, it also brought about a change in the thinking in archaeological 3 interpretation. No longer were previous androcentric analyses acceptable. Instead, critiques of this androcentrism called for a rethinking of the way archaeologists interpreted the archaeological record (Conkey and Spector 1984). Led by women such as Margaret Conkey,

Joan Gero, and Janet Spector, feminist critiques began to question then-current assumptions about gender.

The “third wave feminism” of the 1990s brought with it a whole new set of critiques.

Instead of analyzing gender on its own, scholars wanted other aspects of identity, such as age and social status taken into account. They believed that identity was fluid, and each of the various aspects of identity needed to be considered in context with each other, as their importance to an individual may change depending on that individual’s circumstance at a given point in time. It is on this foundation that I built my own interpretations, keeping in mind the critiques feminist theory has made.

There are two main questions this thesis attempts to answer:

1. To what extent did age, gender, and social status influence the presence and nature of

burial goods interred with Native Americans living in the mission system of seventeenth-

century Spanish Florida?

2. What do these results tell us about the nature of personal identity formation among these

missionized Native Americans, and how it may have varied over time or between

regions?

Native American identity formation did not necessarily change over time simply because of the missions. To assume that it did is to use a purely Eurocentric viewpoint to interpret the data. This type of interpretation not only ignores the agency of the Guale, Timucua, and

4

Apalachee, but completely removes it. There is no doubt that the Spanish made an impact on the cultures of these three groups. However, it must not be assumed that the Native Americans had no choices.

Personal identity is expressed by individuals in a variety of ways. A person can use the clothes and jewelry they wear to show others how they identify themselves. In the archaeological record, this adornment appears in the form of such things as pieces of fabric, buttons, buckles, beads, and jewelry (Loren 2010:5). These items typically were either lost, discarded or buried with an individual (Loren 2010:5). Architecture can also be used to express identity. This expression can manifest itself in the archaeological record in the form of wall trenches (Deagan

1995:430). Personal identity can even be shown through the tableware used that then also gets lost or discarded, and archaeologists uncover this material, whether whole or in pieces. The ceramics discovered at a site can aid in analysis of what types of ceramics were used by various cultures, like Kathleen Deagan (1983) did for Spanish St. Augustine when she attempted to determine the degree to which Spanish vessel use was retained by Spanish colonists and adopted by Native Americans.

Items mentioned above, like jewelry and beads, are buried with individuals upon their deaths. Identity is then reflected in the items interred with individuals, and even the spatial relations of where an individual is buried, as seen with analyses done by Jane Eastman (2001),

Christopher Rodning (2001), and Jon Marcoux (2010). If the personal identity formation is indeed reflected in burial goods, then the second question of what can the results tell us about identity formation, how it is different, and to what degree in the Spanish period and why becomes critical. To highlight this information, I attempted to determine what the association between the age, sex, or social status of an individual and their burial goods means. 5

Definitions

Before I can discuss what social status, power, and prestige meant to the Apalachee,

Timucua, and Guale, I must first define these terms. Two types of status exist: ascribed and achieved. Ascribed status is where an individual is automatically placed without any need to prove their merit; achieved status must be earned through an individual’s own efforts (Kottak

2014:279-280). Power is defined as “the ability to exercise one’s will over others,” (Kottak

2014:272) while prestige is the “esteem, respect, or approval” given to an individual for their actions or accomplishments (Kottak 2014:286). Often, social status, power, and prestige are intertwined, and each one affects the other two. Further elaboration of social status, power, and prestige will be done in the Method and Theory chapter.

Chapter 2 discusses the history of missionization among the natives inhabiting Spanish

Florida. This chapter covers the initial attempts by the Jesuits to establish missions in La Florida through the end of the seventeenth-century mission system when the British and Creek raided

Spanish territory. Chapter 3 outlines the methodology utilized for the statistical analysis of the artifacts as well as the feminist theory underpinning the analysis of the results. This chapter details the specific steps taken for the statistical analysis. Chapter 4 lays out the results of the statistical analysis performed on the data. Chapter 5 takes the results from the previous chapter and both synthesizes and attempts to explain those results. Finally, Chapter 6 wraps up all of the information presented in this thesis relative to the theory being used, answers the major questions posed above, and proposes future research for archaeologists looking to delve deeper into personal identity in the Spanish missions.

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CHAPTER II

HISTORY OF THE MISSIONS OF SPANISH FLORIDA

For the Spanish, the missions set up in La Florida were a way of colonizing the natives without the use of the military because, unlike with much of the rest of the Americas, the

Spanish were unable to conquer the Native Americans of Florida by force alone. Despite multiple entradas into modern-day Florida, Georgia, and South Carolina, it was not until the end of the sixteenth century that the Spanish obtained a foothold. The Church, represented by

Franciscan friars, played a significant role in Spain’s ability to control Spanish Florida by converting the Native Americans of La Florida. The main groups in which missionization by the

Spanish took place were the Apalachee, the Timucua, and the Guale.

The First Spanish Period from 1565-1763, which marks the time at which Spain first controlled La Florida, began in 1565 with the governorship of Pedro Menéndez de Avilés (Reitz

1993:376). Shortly thereafter, the desire to convert the Native Americans began to manifest in the arrival of religious orders of the Catholic Church. The Jesuits in 1567, led by Juan Rogel,

Pedro Martínez, and Francisco Villarreal, made the initial attempts to convert the Calusa of southern Florida (Wade 2008:51). After many unsuccessful attempts, they moved on to the

Guale and Orista in modern Georgia, South Carolina, and northern Florida, but backlash against the Jesuits’ presence and subsequent lack of accomplishment of their goals caused them to halt missionizing efforts (Thomas 1989:372). One last effort was made further north around

Chesapeake Bay, but that undertaking was cut short due when native inhabitants slew all the priests (Thomas 1989:372). The Jesuits eventually withdrew from La Florida in 1572 (Hann

1990:433). The Franciscans soon took their place and with a much greater degree of success. To this point, Fray Francisco Alonso de Jesús notes that “though the sons of our Father Saint 7

Dominic [the Dominicans] and Saint Ignatius [the Jesuits] have entered these provinces, they soon abandoned them because of…the harshness of the land, the ferocity of the natives, the little or no help from the Spaniards” (Jesús and Hann 1993:100).

Like the missionizing efforts of the Jesuits, the Franciscans’ motives encompassed two- fold reasoning: to convert the natives of Florida to Christianity, specifically Catholicism, and to bring them under the administration of the Spanish government. The Spanish learned quickly that the fastest and easiest way to influence the Native Americans was to use the already established systems of government (Milanich 2006:4). When native populations expressed interest in converting, the chiefs went to St. Augustine to swear their loyalty to the Spanish as well as to be baptized. Priests were then sent to that province to begin converting and ministering to the people there (Milanich 2000:14). In 1584, only four Franciscan priests ministered to the whole of Spanish Florida (Thomas 1993:2). By the end of the sixteenth century, ten more had joined those original four, which allowed the Franciscans a strong presence in Spanish Florida.

(Thomas 1993:2).

Spanish descriptions of the Native Americans of the Guale, Timucua, and Apalachee provinces set up a paternalistic relationship where natives needed Christianity. In a 1673 letter,

Gabriel Diaz Vara Calderón, Bishop of Cuba, first depicts them as “fleshy, and rarely is there a small one, but they are weak and phlegmatic” (Wenhold 1936:12). Fray Francisco Alonso de

Jesús made a similar note in his 1630 cover letter, but added that the Native Americans were

“untrained in any whatsoever skill” as well as being “idle most of the time, the men and the women alike, and that they are naked and poverty-stricken” (Jesús and Hann 1993:88). This paternalistic attitude carried through the mission period with the idea that they needed to bring the Native Americans to Christianity for their own good. 8

Yet, not all Spanish descriptions were negative. Calderón did give the peoples of Spanish

Florida credit for being “clever and quick to learn any art they see done, and great carpenters”

(Wenhold 1936:12). From Calderón’s observances, the Guale, Timucua, and Apalachee were not greedy, “nor do they esteem silver and gold” but instead traded amongst themselves “knives, scissors, axes, hoes, hatchets, large bronze rattles, glass beads, blankets which they call congas, pieces of rough cloth, garments, and other trifles” (Wenhold 1936:13). Calderon spoke highly of them in regards to religious faith when he said that “they embrace with devotion the mysteries of our holy faith” (Wenhold 1936:14). For Fray Jesús, the fact that the Native Americans of Florida did not drink alcoholic beverages was important as well. He noted that they were “the best among all the Indians we have known because they do not get drunk as all the rest of the nations commonly do, nor have they ever had a drink that causes such an effect” (Jesús and Hann

1993:93).

The religious orders did not completely finance their missionary efforts themselves.

Franciscans received monetary aid from the Crown in several forms. One of these was a 1000- peso ayuda de costa that was given to buy whatever was needed in the way of “religious furnishings” to set up the doctrina (Bushnell 1994:76). This money eased the burden of cost for friars just establishing a mission. A second dispensation was made for sacred provisions like olive oil and wine used in religious ceremonies (Bushnell 1994:77). The natives of each province also contributed to the running of the missions through the sabana system in which they planted personal fields for their cacique and lineage, a communal field (after 1685), a field for the friars, and a field for the Spanish officials (Worth 1998a:163). All of these lands belonged to the cacique, and he or she allowed the members of the community to cultivate it, likely in return for tribute (Worth 1998a:164). The Timucua planted several different crops, including 9 corn, beans, squash and tobacco (Worth 1998a: 163). They also served in whatever capacity the friars needed, be it guide, boatman, or hunting for the friars (Bushnell 1994:112). It is in this context that the Guale, Timucua, and Apalachee participated in the Spanish mission system in the seventeenth century.

Guale

The Guale region covered the territory between the Timucua northern border at the

Altamaha River northward to the Savannah River and from barrier islands on the Atlantic coast eastward a short distance inland (See Figure 2.1). The people of the Guale spoke a Muskhogean language (Bushnell 1994:60). The Guale political system consisted of small chiefdoms in which villages governed by a mico, or chief, were in turn overseen by a mico mayor, or paramount chief

(Milanich 2006:42). The pre-contact Guale were matrilineal, so the position of mico mayor did not go to a son, but to the brother or nephew of the chief, unless the paramount chief happened to be female, in which case the son inherited. (Saunders 2000:30). Guale of elite status received tribute, though tribute was often “redistributed down the hierarchy” (Saunders 2000:31). Given that the Guale lived exclusively along the coast, estuarine and marine resources were utilized the most. These included oyster, clam, and mussel as well as drum fish, and sea catfish (Saunders

2000:35). Other sources of food included crops such as beans, corn, and squash as well as wild plants and game (Milanich 2006:41).

Between 1565 and 1600, several unsuccessful attempts were made to missionize the

Guale, first by the Jesuits then by the Franciscans. After squashing two rebellions, one in 1576 and the other in 1597, the Spanish finally succeeded in bringing the Guale under their rule

(Saunders 2000:41). The Guale Rebellion of 1576 occurred due to unhappiness with Spanish rule. Amy Bushnell cites the main issues as “quartering, unpaid labor, unjust tributes of 10 deerskins and maize, and seizure of their valuables” (1994:60). The revolt began when Perico of

Sapelo Island killed the cacique of Guale, and the Spanish retaliated by killing, beating, and maiming several high status Guale (Bushnell 1994:61). In response, leading members in the

FIGURE 1. Guale, Timucua, and Apalachee territory in the towns of Guale, Escamacu, and Orista killed three treasury officers and their entourage, killed a group of Spanish in search of maize, and took over the Spanish colony of Santa Elena on

Parris Island (Bushnell 1994:62). The Spanish left to avoid any further attacks, and they did not return until 1578 when Pedro Menéndez Márquez, new governor of La Florida, sent Captain

Thomás Bernaldo de Quirós to attempt peace with the Guale (Bushnell 1994:63). It took the

11 destruction of many Guale towns and food supplies, but in 1580, the Spanish and Guale finally made peace (Bushnell 1994:63).

Most modern interpretations make the claim that the Guale Rebellion of 1597 started when Fray Pedro de Corpa tried to interfere in the political sphere of the Guale by denying Don

Juanillo as chief for his practice of polygyny (Thomas 1989:374). The Guale killed all but one of the friars, who was taken as a prisoner, and burned several doctrinas before the Spanish finally put an end to the rebellion in 1598 (Thomas 1989:374-375). After this rebellion, the Guale missions were shut down (Milanich 2006:112).

Michael Francis, however, interprets the rebellion differently. Records of witness testimony during a July 1598 inquiry into the events of the 1597 rebellion shows that only two witnesses identify Don Juanillo as the main leader, while all of the witnesses list a group of caciques as having been behind the events of the rebellion (Francis and Kole 2011:102). Using this inquiry and letters to the Crown by both Governor Gonzalo Méndez de Canzo and royal accountant Bartolomé de Argüelles, Francis paints a picture of a rebellion that was a coordinated effort involving several Guale leaders, not solely Don Juanillo. Rather, tensions and disagreements between Mendez and Argüelles combined with the need of the governor to blame and punish someone for the rebellion led to Don Juanillo being made the scapegoat (2011).

The political sphere of the Guale changed after the 1597 rebellion. By 1606, the chiefdoms in the north of the Guale territory answered to the Asajo/Talaje chiefdom, a switch from before this point (Worth 1995:12). This political situation was likely a consequence of the rebellion. Political power later switched back to Santa Catalina de Guale on St. Catherines Island in the middle of the century with the increase in importance of the mission. By 1677, Santa

Catalina was important enough that when its leaders complained to Captain Antonio de 12

Argüelles that other villages would not provide assistance, the captain assured the cacique of

Santa Catalina that “he would order that all the caciques of the province should assist them with what they were obliged to” (Hann 1993:89).

Encroachment by neighboring groups and raids by tribes allied with the British caused the Spanish and the Guale to abandon missions inland though they remained on the barrier islands (Saunders 2000:42). The British attacked Santa Catalina on St. Catherines Island in 1680, after which Santa Catalina was abandoned (Thomas 1993:2). Additional raids on other barrier islands, such as Sapelo Island, forced the Spanish and the mission occupants to move to Amelia

Island (Saunders 2000:42). By the end of 1684, Amelia Island was the northern boundary for

Spanish territory on the Atlantic coast as well as housing the relocated Santa Catalina (Worth

2007:42). Final British attacks on Amelia Island in 1702 forced the remaining Guale to move to the area around St. Augustine (Saunders 2000:42), and by 1711, only 189 Guale remained in two villages near St. Augustine (Saunders 2000:50). By 1759, there were only sixteen, with a handful of surviving Guale eventually evacuating to Cuba with the Spanish in 1763 (Worth 2007:xiii- xiv).

Apalachee

The province of the Apalachee covered the territory between the Aucilla and

Ochlockonee Rivers and between the Gulf of Mexico and present-day Georgia (see Figure 2.1).

Spaniards under Pánfilo de Narváez in 1528 and Hernando de Soto in 1539-1540 explored

Apalachee territory based on stories from native groups in peninsular Florida of large quantities of gold to be found there (Hann 1988:5). While the promise of gold proved false, the description given to the Spanish of the Apalachee as great warriors proved true, and both de Soto and

Narváez found the Apalachee to be unreceptive (Hann 1988:6). 13

The Apalachee were part of the Mississippian archaeological culture in the pre-contact

New World. They built burial mounds in which they placed high status individuals with funerary items indicative of their rank. Mound centers were located around present-day Lake Jackson and present-day Lake Miccosukee (Hann 1988:7). Lake Jackson also happened to be one of three paramount centers and the capital during the Mississippian period (McEwan 2000:57). While these centers were not in use at the time of Narváez and de Soto’s arrival, scholars believe that they had not been abandoned long prior to the coming of the Spanish (Hann 1988:7). Like the

Guale, the Apalachee were matrilineal. Therefore, the son of the previous chief did not inherit his father’s title; instead, his nephew took over upon the death and/or retirement of that chief.

After the hostility displayed by the Apalachee during their first encounters with the

Spanish, little to no contact occurred between the two until the seventeenth century. John Hann suggests two reasons for lack of contact between the Apalachee and the Spanish between the de

Soto and Narváez expeditions and the beginning of the seventeenth century. The first is that there were too few people to continue to attempt to maintain constant contact with what would have been, for the Spanish, an isolated section of Florida (Hann 1988:9). The second is the manner in which the Apalachee treated the Spanish. Both de Soto and Narváez encountered aggressive actions from the Apalachee. For example, Garcilaso de la Vega related that the chief of

Ivitachuco attempted to assassinate the Spanish during de Soto’s expedition. Vega claims the chief of Ivitachuco told the native interpreters for the Spanish his plot to lure the Spanish to a field where he and a group of cohorts would ambush them and kill them all (Vega 1993:164).

Because the Spanish were forewarned by the interpreters of the coming attack, it did not succeed

(Vega 1993:167). Criticism has been rendered regarding Garcilaso de la Vega’s account because he never actually went to Florida himself; instead, his accounts came from Spanish sources who 14 participated in the de Soto expedition. Despite its origins, it is but one of many similar Spanish accounts of the ferocity shown to the Spanish by the Apalachee. The frequency of stories of attacks is indicative of how the Apalachee received the Spanish.

Another tale by Vega asserts that the Spanish endured “the Indians shouting and clamoring in order to alarm their enemies with their noise” as well as those “who continued to shoot arrows at them” (Vega 1993:192). Vega states that even “throughout the night they never ceased their shouts, alarms, and sudden attacks at all hours, shooting many arrows into the camp”

(1993:194). These tales were corroborated by the Gentleman of Elvas, a Portuguese man travelling with de Soto, who said that “the Indians would come to see if they could prevent passage” (1993:70). He further recounts that “in some places the Indians attacked [de Soto] and wounded some of his men (Elvas 1993:72). This unfriendly reception likely did not encourage the Spanish to use what few people they had to endeavor to establish and prevented contact with the Apalachee.

By the beginning of the seventeenth century, circumstances appear to have changed. The

Apalachee themselves were reaching out to the Spanish, as did many other native groups in

Florida, in order to acquire priests for their province (Hann 1988:9). For the Apalachee, this shift was possibly due to the fact that the Timucua, in the province to the east of them, had already shown a willingness to convert to Christianity and to cooperate with the Spanish (McEwan

2000:65). The Apalachee had to ally with the Spanish, given one of their fiercest rivals had done so. The shift was also possibly due to leaders of the Apalachee wanting to increase and maintain their prestige through the gifts contact with the Spanish brought them (McEwan 2000:65). Fray

Martín Prieto desired to halt aggression between the Timucua and the Apalachee, so he traveled to the province of Apalachee with caciques of Timucua towns, sending released Apalachee 15 prisoners ahead of them to inform of their coming (Worth 1998a:65). This time, the Spanish attempt at contact with the Apalachee had a much different outcome than experienced by

Narváez and de Soto.

Although Fray Prieto and his entourage were welcomed, the Spanish established no missions in Apalachee province, for several reasons, including having too few men to control, too much land between the Spanish administrative center and Apalachee, and problems in supplying the Spanish should there be a mission (Hann 1988:12). Contact with the Apalachee did continue, however, until 1633, when the Spanish began to set up the first permanent missions in

Apalachee territory, likely to ensure that the Spanish had access to the maize they required for St.

Augustine (Hann 1988:13). In a 1674 letter, Gabriel Diaz Vara Calderón described the province of Apalachee as conducive to growing wheat, which he says is “ a crop of excellent quality there” (Wenhold 1936:13). The abundance of both crops could have been a factor as well in the

Spanish decision to form more permanent ties with the Apalachee. Priests were not the only people the Spanish sent to Apalachee province; they sent soldiers as well. At first the Spanish sent only five soldiers in 1638, but by the 1650s, twelve soldiers resided at San Luis and that number increased again to 45 thirty years later (McEwan 1993:296).

By 1645, not only were there several missions established in Apalachee, but the Spanish had also set up a deputy governorship for the territory (McEwan 1993:296). Despite a major revolt in 1647, the success of the missions grew, and the Spanish began to divide parts of the

Apalachee province into land for themselves on which to establish farms and ranches, beginning with Pablo de Hita Salazar and his farm and ranch in Asile (McEwan 1993:296). Spanish farms and ranches were very successful. Surplus goods such as cow skins, chickens, corn, and beans enabled a network of trade to develop between the Apalachee province and other parts of La 16

Florida (McEwan 1993:297). Eventually, a port was established at St. Marks to make it easier for the Spanish to transfer goods and men between Apalachee province and St. Augustine or

Havana (Worth 1998a:160). The trading created friction between the friars within Apalachee and the soldiers over who would control trade, which culminated in the infamous quarrel under

Governor Rebolledo in the 1650s (Hann 1988:116).

While welcoming to the Spanish, the Apalachee did not remain consistently friendly to those living within Apalachee province. In 1647, a group of Apalachee rebelled against the

Spanish, killed three friars and the lieutenant of the governor and his family, burned down seven churches, and all but eliminated the Spanish presence in Apalachee province at that point in time

(Hann 1988:16-17). The interim governor at that time, Francisco Menéndez Marquez, having taken over from the disgraced Governor Benito Ruíz de Salazar, gained back the province by unexpectedly marching in with soldiers and a group of Timucua warriors (Hann 1988:18). The

Apalachee, not having had time to regroup, willingly surrendered to the Spanish, and twelve of the leaders were executed while another twenty-six received punishments of forced labor for the

Spanish (Hann 1988:18). The reasons surrounding the revolt were debated back and forth between the Spanish government in Florida and the friars for many years after the revolt (Hann

1988:19). The friars blamed it on “fears aroused by the beginning of Spanish settlement and farming activity and to the increasing labor demands it entailed” (Hann 1988:19). The Spanish soldiers accused the friars of being abusive to the Apalachee and blamed the friars for denying the Apalachee the right to practice some of their traditional activities, like dances and the ball game (Hann 1988:19).

San Luis was likely one of the first missions established in the Apalachee province as well as being one of the most important, given its location at Anhaica, the seat of the chief of the 17

Apalachee (Hann 1988:194). Beginning in 1656, San Luis moved to Talimali and became the capital of Apalachee Province (McEwan 2000:67). The Spanish did not send a permanently placed group of soldiers until the year 1638, and little is known about their place of residence prior to the year 1657 (Hann 1988:196). Despite issues such as the rebellion, the Spanish continued the extension of their missionization effort through 1672, when the number of villages with missions attached had reached eleven, each with its own friar and somewhere between eight and nine thousand Apalachee (Hann 1988:32).

The Spanish missions were attacked several times in the early years of the eighteenth century by both the British and the Creek (McEwan 2000:75). Spanish presence in Apalachee territory remained strong until 1704 when a raid by the English-allied Creek left the missions abandoned and burned (Hann 1988:68). When the Spanish and Apalachee left the mission in

1704, all but a small piece of the stockade wall was burned by the Spanish as they left (Hann

1988:283), and the Spanish failed to re-establish an inland settlement there prior to 1763 and the relinquishing of La Florida to the British after the Seven Years’ War (Hann 1988:205). Some of the Apalachee fled with the Spanish back to St. Augustine (Hann 1988:283), some fled over to

Pensacola, and approximately 800 Apalachee ended their journey in Mobile with the French

(Hann 1988:277). Others were either captured as slaves by the Creek or deserted to the English and traveled back with the Creek to English territory (Hann 1988:282). The Apalachee around

Mobile remained until the British assumed control of French territories in 1763 (Hann

1988:311). At that time, the Apalachee moved further westward to Louisiana, where a small number of their descendants remain to this day (Hann 1988:311).

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Timucua

The Timucua covered a large territory from just west of modern-day Orlando to the

Altamaha River running north to south and from the Atlantic coast to the Aucilla River running east to west (see Figure 2.1). Although called the Timucua because of a shared spoken language, in actuality the Timucua consisted of a great number of chiefdoms (Milanich 2000:4-5). Timucua chiefdoms differed from Mississippian chiefdoms in several ways. They were not the large, complex political entities that the Mississippian chiefdoms were (Worth 1998a:82). In addition, the Timucua chiefdoms lacked platform mound construction. Though the Timucua built the infrequent mound, those mounds were few and far between (Worth 1998a:14). Each Timucua chiefdom contained as many as ten villages over which a holata, or chief, presided, though some chiefs, called utina, were of a greater rank (Milanich 2000:6). These utina were the same people the Spanish later referred to as caciques (Milanich 2000:6). The Timucua were matrilineal as well. Fray Francisco Alonso de Jésus relates that “this succession is found and runs only in the dominion (dominio) and lordship (señiorio) of the chiefship [Cacicado] and these four counsellors, with the succession not coming by way of the male, but rather the female”

(1630:96). These chiefs, in addition to their political duties, also held influence in the religious sphere (Milanich 2000:7).

As with the Apalachee, the Timucua were first visited by the Spanish in the early sixteenth century with the arrivals of Narváez and de Soto (Milanich 2000:7-8). The villages of

Nombre de Dios and San Sebastián near St. Augustine were among the first to convert to

Christianity. These villages were then made into visitas, or missions without a resident friar

(Hann 1996:139). Beginning in the late 1580s with missions such as San Juan del Puerto and San

Pedro de Mocama, the Spanish built doctrinas, or missions at already established villages, 19 among the Timucua (Milanich 2000:9). It is possible that the closeness of these villages to St.

Augustine allowed the Spanish friars to reside in the convent there and visit the villages rather than each village receiving religious services from their own individual friar. The lack of friars delayed the establishment of the missions for almost ten years (Hann 1996:140). September 1597 saw the coming of Fray Baltasar López to the Timucua in the interior of Florida, the person who created a visita at a village later known as San Martín (Worth 1998a:50). The Timucua cacique mayor himself visited St. Augustine in order to ask for a priest to attend to his people, and Fray

López returned with him (Worth 1998a:50). However, it was not until Fray Martín Prieto in

1607 that there was much lasting conversion to Christianity among them (Weisman 1992:34-35).

To facilitate conversion, Prieto destroyed twelve symbols of the Timucua native religion in the plaza by setting fire to them, resulting in the conversion Prieto wished to see (Saunders 1996:31).

Like the Guale and the Apalachee, the Timucua staged a rebellion against the Spanish. In

1656, Timucua chiefs rebelled in order to try to break the political control the Governor Diego de

Rebolledo held over them (Worth 1998b:38). The specific complaint that the Spanish friars noted concerning the rebellion was that the caciques and warriors themselves were made to manually transport corn to St. Augustine (Worth 1998b:49). This corn was to be the caciques’ and warriors’ supply of food during their time aiding the Spanish in fighting a rumored English attack (Hann 1996:200). The warriors Governor Rebolledo called upon were high status and were unaccustomed to performing manual labor such as carrying corn (Worth 1998b:50).

Spanish friars reported that “what they did take issue with was his wanting to oblige each one of them to bring at least three arrobas of maize on his back…something [to which] they have never been accustomed and which is done only by the plebeians among their vassals” (Hann

1996:201). However, this complaint was only the release of tension built up from several 20 perceived injustices by Rebolledo, including lack of gift-giving to Christian caciques and selective personal hospitality from the governor for visiting caciques, as well as increased labor requirements regardless of the great number of deaths caused by disease (Worth 1998b:40-43).

The governor of Florida at that time, Diego de Rebolledo, seized the opportunity the rebellion presented to relocate many of the Timucua to either newly established missions or missions that were already established along the camino real, or royal road, in order to have a workforce that could operate ferries and work in the fields (Milanich 2000:11-12). San Martín de

Timucua was one of the most important Timucua villages for most of the seventeenth century.

Because of the Timucua rebellion in 1656, the Chamile of Yustaga, a group from the easternmost part of Timucua territory, were resettled there. However, when its chief, Lazaro, was imprisoned by the Spanish in 1664, the village’s inhabitants left, possibly moving to another mission, and the village was no more (Worth 1998b:169). John Worth notes that Lúcas Menéndez, the chief of

San Martín at the time of the rebellion, tried to convince the rest of the caciques that the Spanish wanted Indians as slaves, not for defense (1998b:58). The chief of San Martín was also one of the six chiefs executed for their parts in the rebellion (Hann 1996:220). The remaining caciques involved were very likely punished by forced labor (Worth 1998b:86).

Contact with the Spanish had devastating results for the Timucua. Between 1595 and

1700, several epidemics swept through the province and reduced the population to less than 1000

(Milanich 2000:11). According to Worth, disease was “the single-most significant factor in the documented demographic collapse within the colonial system” (1998b:10). Other factors include the burden of repartimiento, decreased birth rate, and out-migration (Worth 1998b:13-26).

Rivalry with the British also took its toll. From the fall of 1705 to spring of 1706, the final

English and Creek slave raids on the Timucua forced inhabitants to move to St. Augustine, 21 leaving the province essentially abandoned (Worth 1998b:146). By 1763, only a handful of

Timucua appear on the list of Indians who left with the Spanish after the relinquishing of Florida to the British, and the last full-blooded Timucuan died there in 1767 (Hann 1996:225; Worth

1998b:156).

The entrance of the Spanish into Florida deeply affected many of the Native Americans living there. Although the Jesuits failed in their attempts to missionize the native groups of La

Florida, the Franciscans, their replacements, succeeded with a mixture of natives themselves seeking conversion and encouragement by priests once in the provinces. Under the Franciscans, the mission system flourished, with the number of missions growing through the decades despite rebellions by each of the Apalachee, the Timucua, and the Guale. The mixing of Catholic beliefs with native created a religious experience unique to the Apalachee, Guale, or Timucua. The same could be said for the cultural changes that emerged from contact with the Spanish. In addition, whether from disease, labor requirements, or from raiding parties, the populations of all three groups dwindled until no living Timucua or Guale remained in Florida, and only a small band of

Apalachee existed, albeit miles removed from their ancestral homeland. When the mission system essentially ended in 1704 after British and Creek raids, these groups were left forever changed.

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CHAPTER III

METHOD AND THEORY

In this thesis, feminist theory will guide my interpretation of gender identity formation from the results of statistical analyses of grave goods. Feminist theory is based on the idea that archaeologists need to analyze identity formation, specifically in regards to gender, differently than what has been done previously. Aspects of identity like gender, social status, age, and ethnicity are intertwined, and therefore should be studied as a whole. The methodology used in this thesis was three-fold: gather the data into spreadsheets in order to organize it for analysis, use statistical analysis to look for patterns within the data, and use ethnohistorical accounts to aid in interpretation of the data within a feminist theory framework. With feminist theory and this methodology, the goal was to create a thorough, well-rounded analysis of gender, ethnicity, social status, and age in the seventeenth-century missions of La Florida as manifested in grave goods.

Definitions

Before I can delve into issues of social status, power, and prestige, I first need to define what I mean by each of these terms. Status can be achieved or ascribed. Achieved status is earned through an individual’s own merits and accomplishments, whereas ascribed status is one that an individual is usually born into through lineages and kinships (Kottak 2014:279-280).

Status can be social, political, economic, or religious, and all of these different types are usually interconnected (Kottak 2014:279). Status is often related to power and prestige, with the level of a person’s status affecting how much power and prestige that person has and vice versa. For the purposes of this thesis, I will be attempting to infer the social and economic status of the individual buried. Because of the lack of demographic information on the individuals buried in 23 the missions, what, if any, religious or political statuses they may have held will also have to be inferred from the material record.

Power and prestige are intertwined, so that what affects one generally affects the other.

Power and prestige are both social differences defined by the relationships that individuals have with each other and the influence one individual has over another (Kottak 2014:286). Having prestige, however it is earned, can give one individual power over another, and the use of power can bring an individual prestige. According to Tracy Sweely, these differences “can and do organize behaviors into differing sets of relationships, that in the face of individual interpretations of ideology, provide guidelines regarding under what conditions one is permitted to display assertions of power” (1999:7). Power and prestige are not permanent. Like identity, they can change over time, either increasing or declining depending on current circumstances. In this regard, power should be regarded as more of a “process than as an entity to be possessed; and prestige may be temporary as the systems that support it are ephemeral” (Nelson 1997:19).

Gender Identity Formation

For each of the three groups whose history within the Spanish mission was covered in the previous chapter, the goal is to look at personal identity, but first what is meant by personal identity must be defined. Personal identity in and of itself is a complex issue involving several interconnected factors that “entail constant negotiation” (Meskell 2007:24). Identity includes such aspects as gender, age, social status, ethnicity, language, sexuality, kinship, and the region in which an individual grows up. Depending on the circumstances in which and individual finds themselves, each of these aspects takes on a different level of importance. Take age for example.

An individual takes on various roles based on their age. There are different societal expectations of a child versus a teenager and different expectations still for either of these two versus that of 24 an adult. Even adult social roles change as the individual passes into middle age and beyond. As an individual grows, develops personal relationships, has children, and so forth, each of the aforementioned aspects of identity affects that individual and their interactions differently. How an individual defines themselves in comparison to the rest of the world is thus varied and ever- changing.

Personal identity can be expressed in a number of ways. How a person chooses to dress or how they choose to accessorize, be it jewelry, purses, belts, etc., and how much or how little of each is worn is one way in which that person can make a statement about themselves. While this type of self-expression is difficult to see in the archaeological record, items such as beads, buckles, and jewelry sometimes show up during excavation (Loren 2010:5). Usually, these items were lost or discarded by individuals or buried with them (Loren 2010:5). In some instances, items can be passed from generation to generation before ending up in the archaeological record.

In addition, individuals express identity through the buildings they choose to build and in which they live. Florida mission archaeologists sometimes then see this expression in the form of wall trenches, which can show whether or not the individual was building within known style parameters of the time (Deagan 1995:430). Individuals can even express personal identity through the ceramics used that then also gets lost or discarded, for archaeologists to later uncover. Ceramics excavated at various sites are then used to ascertain preferences among various cultures, as Kathleen Deagan did for Spanish St. Augustine (1983).

Gender identity is one specific aspect of personal identity. Gender identity is defined by

Lynn Meskell as “a complex assortment of networks of signifying practices, varying for individuals over time” (2007:30), while Christopher Rodning and Jane Eastman interpret gender identities to mean “social personalities and relationships adopted by men, women, and children 25 at different stages of their lives” (2001:3). These definitions fall along the same lines as how other authors wrote about gender in archaeology (Conkey and Spector 1984, Conkey and Gero

1997, Nelson 1997, Sørensen 2000, Eastman 2001, Wilkie and Hayes 2006). Thus, gender encompasses the social roles taken on by an individual as they participate in societal activities as well as the personalities adopted by that individual. As with all other aspects, gender identity may change based on the stage of life in which the individual finds themselves (i.e. childhood, adolescence, adulthood, etc.), social status, the relationship to the people with which the individual is interacting, and even that individual’s ethnicity. Therefore, gender is “a core structuring principle but is not always the central principle to constitute and individual’s identity” (Geller 2009:70).

Getting at identity in the archaeological record is always a difficult task. However, archaeologists have determined several ways to make studying identity feasible. First, burial goods data can be used due to the ability to associate funerary items with biological sex and age, allowing archaeologists to see patterns in burial and possibly draw conclusions about gender and age, as well as social status. For example, Jane Eastman (2001) looked at gender among prehistoric Siouan peoples. Eastman found that 56 percent of the burials examined had goods that were mutually exclusive to one biological sex or the other (2001:67). Even though testing to determine the strength of this association showed it to be weak due to the limited number of individuals buried with any goods, Eastman determined that funerary items interred with children followed the same pattern of not mixing burial goods, with the exception of one infant

(2001:70). Jon Marcoux re-examined the Koger’s Island, Alabama cemetery data, in use between

A.D. 1300-1450, in order to analyze status vis-à-vis the funerary objects buried with individuals and in which cemetery the individuals were buried (2010). He concluded that kinship determined 26 which of the three cemeteries an individual was interred, but did not “reflect the hierarchical status of deceased individuals” (2010:170-171). Another option is to examine the usage of space in terms of where individuals were buried to determine if any patterns exist that might reveal gender identity. Christopher Rodning did just that in his analysis of gender in protohistoric North

Carolina under the assumption that “the burial of someone in one architectural space or another would have communicated the relationship of that person with the activities and symbolic significance of that space” (2001:82). Based on the clustering of individuals in burials in or near places like the council house and residences, Rodning determined that the space in which the individuals were buried was likely indicative of “gender roles adopted and statuses achieved during their lifetimes” (2001:95). Lynne Sullivan followed similar research with her examination of burial practices in prehistoric Eastern Tennessee in which she found correlations between the biological sex and age of individuals and whether the individuals were interred in mounds or in the village (Sullivan 2001). Finally, other methods include analyzing bone chemistry, DNA, site catchment, and task differentiation as outlined by Cheryl Claassen (2001). Each of these options reviewed here allow archaeologists to determine patterns that potentially led to conclusions about identity formation among the peoples studied. These analyses are even stronger when archaeologists use ethnohistorical records, if available, to support their conclusions.

However, it is important to keep in mind that people do not inter themselves (Pearson

1999:3) and funerary practices are “more for the living than the dead” (Doucette 2001:159). This fact makes it hard to determine whether the goods in the grave were placed there symbolically because the living thought them important to include, or if the deceased person actually valued the artifacts during their lifetime. Therefore, these patterns reflect trends in the native societies as a whole rather than personal identity at the individual level specifically, and a more useful 27 approach is to view the funerary objects as indications of the specific culture’s thoughts on identity. Michael Parker Pearson follows that one step further in saying that “relations between living groups must be seen as relations of influence and inequality where deceased individuals may be manipulated for purposes of status aggrandizement between those groups,” and therefore

“the context of death as a platform for social advertisement must be accounted for” (Pearson

2000:264). What Pearson means by this is that archaeologists should consider in their analyses the fact that the living might use the burial of their dead for social benefit.

Creolization

A final aspect of identity that must be considered is creolization, given the interactions between each of the three groups, the Guale, Timucua, and Apalachee, and the Spanish. The definition of creolization has been much debated. Definitions range from “indigenous peoples’ negotiation, evasion, mediation, confrontation, and resolution of power conflicts resulting from

(or heightened by) colonization” (Mullins and Paynter 2000:73) to “one among a number of processes-acculturation, cultural syncretism, ethnogenesis-that all pertain to the manipulation of self and, ultimately, group affiliations” (Cusick 2000:47) to “a process represented by retentions in cultural values that become expressed in new ways due to cultural contact and relocation”

(Wilkie 2000:11) and “the formation of new social identities for offspring of inter-racial and interethnic marriages” (Loren 2000:85). Each of these definitions represents different aspects of cultural contact and its effects on the populations involved. For the purposes of this thesis, the definition of creolization utilized is Wilkie’s. This definition represents a possible result of interaction between the Spanish and the Guale, Timucua, or Apalachee that may be recognizable in the archaeological record given the limitations of the present dataset.

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Contact with Europeans affected the indigenous populations of North America to varying degrees. However, some common affects were felt across the continent. First, Europeans transformed their new environments through the “intentional and accidental introduction” of various animal species, plant species, and diseases (Silliman 2005:275). Second, diseases like small pox brought by Europeans swept through native populations, again with varying results

(Silliman 2005:276). Finally, given the new species of plants and animals brought in by

Europeans, there was a change in health, particularly in the Southeastern United States where osteological analyses show increases from prehistoric times of tooth defects and indicators of

“metabolic stress in childhood” (Silliman 2005:278). Examples from the study of mission neophytes in Spanish California (Arkush 2011), Fort Ross, with Russians, native Alaskans, and native Californians (Lightfoot et al. 1998), and African slaves in the Caribbean (Wilkie 2000) show that this contact with European groups required negotiations of new and old, particularly given that many of these areas were borderlands and frontiers where “manipulation of personal identity and group affiliation” occurs (Cusick 2000:48).

Native groups were not the only ones negotiating new identities. The Europeans and their descendants born and living in the New World made choices of food, architecture, and ceramics that reflected the struggle between keeping their traditional ways of life and surviving with resources available to them in the colonies, like the Spanish did in St. Augustine (Deagan 1983) or in Puerto Real (Deagan 1995). This is not to say that they were not also affected by their interactions with natives and the Africans brought over as slaves. One cannot remain completely untouched by the people one encounters every day.

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Interpretive Framework

The 1960s saw the emergence of “second wave feminism.” The women involved in this movement wanted to change the way people thought about the expectations placed upon women and the lack of equality afforded them in everyday life, be it at work or elsewhere. Analysis of androcentrism, or placing importance on the male perspective as representative or “normal,” while the female perspective becomes “other” or “abnormal,” factored crucially into feminist critiques. Over the next two decades, these critiques created changes in ideas of how to analyze the archaeological record. Margaret Conkey and Janet Spector (1984) are credited with the first major article calling for the specific focus on gender in archaeology in North America (Scott

1994; Gilchrist 1999; Wilkie and Hayes 2006; Engelstad 2007; Meskell 2007; Balme and

Bulbeck 2008). Conkey and Spector criticized not only the practice of archaeology up to the writing of their article, but also the assumptions made by archaeologists about gender and the biases that led them to making those assumptions (Conkey and Spector 1984). For example,

Conkey and Spector remarked upon the androcentrism present in archaeology and argued that

“the uncritical use of gender stereotypes in our scholarship perpetuates and supports sexism and gender asymmetry” (1984:3). Two of the ways in which Conkey and Spector believed this bias was done were the characterizing men in the past as “stronger, more aggressive, dominant, [and] more active” while women were “weak, passive, and dependent,” and thus researchers placed more importance on men’s perspectives over women’s as “representative of culture” (1984:5).

They wanted to shift the thinking in archaeology to avoid those assumptions and introduce new ways of thinking about gender by reanalyzing the “Man-the-Hunter” model and its role in the continuation of gender bias as well as encourage specificity in terminology, as with the use of

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“man” and “human” as if they were one and the same, and prevent stereotyped interpretations of associations of artifacts with a specific sex.

With the advent of “third wave feminism” in the 1990s, scholars initiated a call for the consideration of other factors as they related to gender. Ethnicity, age, and social status were equally important aspects of identity that were intertwined, and not separate from, gender. In fact, the possibility that gender may not always be the most important aspect of identity at a given time was considered. The importance of each aspect of identity could vary by age, by the given situation in which the individuals found themselves, and by social status. Gender might not even be that important for a given culture. In her 2006 dissertation, Ruth Trocolli analyzed the status and gender in various chiefdom societies across the southeastern United States. Through her analysis of ethnohistorical documents, such as Spanish visitation records, she found that the social status of the woman, and not her gender, affected whether she was appointed cacique or mico of the chiefdom (Trocolli 2006). She demonstrated that when analyzing the data, it is important to consider all factors that go into forming identity. Gender is not constructed in a vacuum unaffected by other influences, therefore archaeologists should analyze artifacts with this idea in mind.

Age and ethnicity have a profound effect on gender, as the social norms and expectations surrounding these aspects of identity are also culturally constructed. Childhood, for example, is a period in which individuals are both taught what is expected of them in terms of gender and society and observe the unspoken behavior of those around them (Wilkie and Hayes 2006:250).

These experiences, in turn, are shaped by the social status in which the individual and their family are included.

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For the purposes of this thesis, gender is defined as the cultural constructions formed by an individual, often based on perceived biological differences between the sexes. Gender is learned and adapted by the individual. As Roberta Gilchrist states, gender is the “cultural interpretation of sexual difference…conflicting, mutable, and cumulative, contingent upon personal and historical circumstances” (1999:1). Gender is thus “politically, socially, culturally, and symbolically constituted…not predictable, stable, or static” (Sørensen 2000:10). This idea of gender is opposed to biological sex, which is the phenotypic expression of genetic differences.

The differentiation in defining the terms gender and sex is not to say that interpretations of biological sex are not also influenced in some way by culture. Sex may not always be

“conceptualized in the same fundamental way in non-Western cultures” (Ardren 2008:21). While this critique is certainly valid, it does not mean that current uses of biological sex should be summarily discarded because of differences in conceptualization. Sex is ultimately a useful category for analysis; there is no reason that it cannot be used while also keeping in mind the previous critique that not all cultures see biological sex in the same way.

The best way to look at gender is as a continuum. Binary models of gender that compare strictly male versus female are invalid because gender itself is not binary. Using a binary model to interpret gender leaves unstudied other variations in which gender appears: third or fourth genders, “two spirits,” etc. Gender identity changes based on a wide range of situational factors, leading to a “plethora of situationally mediated gender experiences” (Wilkie and Hayes

2006:247). Feminist critique of archaeology strives to counteract the androcentrism that has been prevalent throughout much of the history of the practice of archaeology itself. In order to do so, archaeologists must shift their thinking from a largely biological “male as ‘normal’ and as

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‘subject’” and women and other genders as deviating from that supposed “normal” (Trocolli

1999:53).

It is important to recognize that there is also a masculinist viewpoint in archaeology whose aim is to challenge assumptions made about men in analysis of the archaeological record.

This perspective seeks to change the view of men as aggressive and removed/uninterested in childcare (Gilchrist 1999:9). The analysis for this research tried to make as few assumptions as possible about gender and gender roles in the native societies examined. It is just as important to deconstruct views of masculinity as it is to deconstruct views of femininity in order to maintain a more unbiased view of gender.

While only covering a small portion of history, this research hopefully will provide a starting point for others wishing to study identity. Rather than a statement about “gender at large,” this research focused on one specific aspect of gender, that of gender in the seventeenth- century missions of La Florida. In doing so, present day notions of gender should not be related into the past, because while cultures today have their own ideas about gender, they are not necessarily the same divisions that occurred historically (Nelson 1997:17). Trying to “reproduce present gender stereotypes or merely invert them” leads only to inaccurate interpretations and obscures the ways in which gender varies through time (Nelson 1997:23).

Methods

This thesis analyzed mission cemetery populations to determine patterns in the burial of artifacts. Funerary items were analyzed to delineate identity development within the cultures in which these individuals participated. In this way, gender, age, and social status can be teased from the archaeological record. In fact, this analysis showed “unusual circumstances [that] reveal

33 additional genders or non-gender roles or other life circumstances that may enhance or diminish the expression of sex or gender in death” (Nelson and Rosen-Ayalon 2002:6).

The first step was to select the sites to be used in this analysis. San Luis, San Martín,

Santa María, Santa Catalina, Patale, and Soledad were chosen because they were the only sites with either already published information or with researchers working on the sites who were willing to share information. Each site had a large enough sample of burials to analyze. Data were collected from already published information and information shared with me by Dr.

Bonnie McEwan, director of Mission San Luis. All burial data for San Pedro y San Pablo de

Patale came from the Florida Archaeology report written by B. Calvin Jones, John Hann, and

John F. Scarry (Jones et al. 1991). This report provided the burial information and associated artifacts as well as an appendix with all the biological specifics for each individual uncovered.

San Martín de Timucua burial information was found in Brent Weisman’s publication,

Excavations on the Franciscan Frontier: Archaeology at the Fig Springs Mission (1992), Lisa

M. Hoshower and Jerald T. Milanich’s chapter in Bonnie McEwan’s edited volume, The Spanish

Missions of La Florida (1993), and Christopher Stojanowski’s book, Mission Cemeteries,

Mission Peoples: Historical and Evolutionary Dimensions of Intracemetery Bioarchaeology in

Spanish Florida (2013). Stojanowski’s book also provided burial information for Santa María and Santa Catalina on Amelia Island. Further information for Santa María and Santa Catalina was found in Rebecca Saunder’s report, “Excavations at 8NA41: Two Mission Period Sites on

Amelia Island, Florida” (1988). Joan K. Koch provided the cemetery data for Nuestra Señora de la Soledad in the chapter she wrote for Kathleen Deagan’s edited volume, Spanish St. Augustine:

The Archaeology of a Colonial Creole Community (Koch 1983). Finally, San Luis de Talimali

34 burial data was provided by various reports written by Richard Vernon, Lou Groh, and Jerry Lee

(Vernon 1991; Groh 1993; Lee 1995; Lee 1997) as well as a final report to the National

Endowment for the Humanities written by Bonnie McEwan and Clark Spencer Larsen (McEwan and Larsen 1996), a final report by Clark Spencer Larsen and Tiffany A. Tung on the human remains (Larsen and Tung 2002), and a database of burial artifacts sent to me by e-mail by

Bonnie McEwan. Figure 2 provides the distribution of all six sites across space and time.

I then created an Excel database in which each site was given its own spreadsheet to record the information necessary for analysis. Because of the need to use already published sources and shared information, not all of the spreadsheets have the same information as not all the same information was available or provided in each source. However, the spreadsheets have approximate age, biological sex for each skeleton when it could be determined, and artifacts found within the burial. When available, any skeletal features, such as pathologies, that might aid in analysis were listed. Any notes about the skeletal remains or artifacts, such as placement or association with other burials, that might be useful were also included. Not only did the Excel spreadsheets make it easier to do calculations, they allowed for the easy organization of the data into manageable parts.

35

FIGURE 2. Map of the Six Analyzed Sites

Once the spreadsheets were created, I performed statistical analyses. For the purposes of this thesis, I am attempting to demonstrate whether patterns exist between occurrences of artifacts and sex, age, or social status. It was determined that the chi-square test would be the best option. The chi-square test allows for the calculation of significance of occurrence between two mutually exclusive variables, such as biological sex and artifacts, age and artifacts, etc. The chi-square test works by calculating the difference between observed and expected values, then using an adjusted chi-square residual to determine if those differences are significant (VanPool and Leonard 2011:241-246). In this way, the chi-square test can help elucidate whether or not associations of grave goods with an individual of a certain sex or age group are random or are

36

“greater than can be expected by chance” and can therefore be said to occur together in deliberate quantities (VanPool and Leonard 2011:241).

The first step in the chi-square test is to calculate the degrees of freedom, represented by

휈 in the equation below. The degrees of freedom do not refer to the quantity of artifacts or of individuals but rather the “number of character states,” or ways in which the variables appear

(VanPool and Leonard 2011:241). Character states for iron nails would be hand wrought, cut, or machine made. Therefore, with the data entered into a table, the degrees of freedom would be equal to the number of rows (푅) minus one times the number of columns (퐶) minus one. The degrees of freedom are important because they determine critical value to which the chi-square test results will be compared (VanPool and Leonard 2011:242).

휐 = (푅 − 1) ∗ (퐶 − 1)

For example, if you had a table with six rows and four columns, 휈 would be five times three, or fifteen.

15 = (6 − 1) ∗ (4 − 1)

The chi-square test is performed using the equation below in which 푂 represents observed frequency and 퐸 represents expected frequency. Therefore, the chi-square value is the sum of subtracting each cell’s expected frequency from its observed frequency, squaring the result, and dividing that by the expected frequency, as shown in the equation below.

2 (푂푖푗 − 퐸푖푗) 휒2 = ∑ 퐸푖푗

The chi-square value can then be compared to the critical value, determined by the degrees of freedom and the applicable 훼 level that is chosen (Appendix A). If the critical value is smaller than the chi-square value, then the conclusion is that frequencies are “different than those 37 expected by chance” (VanPool and Leonard 2011:242). The observed frequencies for each cell are the actual amounts of each artifact. The expected frequencies are calculated by multiplying the row total by the column total then dividing that by the grand total. For example, if twenty sherds of shell-tempered pottery occurred with female skeletons while thirty occurred with male skeletons, and fifty sherds of grit-tempered pottery occurred with females and twenty-five with males, the grand total would be 125 sherds. The row totals would be seventy sherds for females and fifty-five sherds for males. The column totals would be fifty shell-tempered sherds and seventy-five grit-tempered sherds. The expected frequencies are then calculated using the formula stated above, resulting in values of twenty-eight shell-tempered sherds for females, twenty-two shell-tempered sherds for males, forty-two grit-tempered sherds for females, and thirty-three grit-tempered sherds for males.

In order to determine which frequencies are the ones that are significantly different, the chi-square residual must be calculated. The chi-square residual is the square root of the chi- square value but it can be either positive or negative, as shown in the equation below. A positive value means that the “observed frequency is greater than expected,” and a negative value means the observed frequency is less than expected (VanPool and Leonard 2011:246).

(푂푖푗 − 퐸푖푗) 푒푖푗 = √퐸푖푗

However, the chi-square residual values have been “demonstrated to be biased such that

[they] tend to underestimate the significance of differences for small samples” (VanPool and

Leonard 2011:246). Because of this bias, the adjusted chi-square residual, represented by 푑푖푗 as shown in the equation below, must also be calculated. The adjusted chi-square residual is equal

38 to the chi-square residual divided by the square root of one minus the column total (퐶푇) divided by the grand total (퐺푇) times one minus the row total (푅푇) divided by the grand total.

푒푖푗 푑푖푗 = √ 퐶푇 푅푇 (1 − 퐺푇)(1 − 퐺푇)

Once the adjusted chi-square residual has been calculated, it can be compared to the values for the standardized normal distribution according to the central limit theorem, as determined by the previously used 훼 level value (VanPool and Leonard 2011:119). For an 훼 value of 0.05, as will be used for this thesis, this value is ±1.96 (VanPool and Leonard

2011:119). This 훼 value means that there is a 95% confidence interval, which VanPool and

Leonard argue is reasonable “for most archaeological analyses” (2011:120). Given the parameters of this research, a 95% interval is sufficient. If the adjusted chi-square residual falls between the positive and negative critical values determined from the standardized normal distribution, then the difference between observed and expected frequencies is determined to be not significant (VanPool and Leonard 2011:246). Significance means that the difference in observed and expected frequencies occurred intentionally and was not random.

The final step taken was to use ethnohistorical accounts and compare them to the results of the statistical analysis to determine if there are any differences or similarities and evaluate why those differences or similarities might exist. Two issues concerning ethnohistorical accounts are the validity of accounts taken so long ago and the way in which those accounts were recorded. These issues refer to the biases of the recorder. For example, if the person recounting the events had an agenda or was trying to sway the reader to his or her viewpoint, that agenda will affect the tone in which the record is made. The personal biases of the recorder affect not

39 only what is considered significant to record, but also how the recorder interprets the events they are recording. However, archaeologists must not summarily discard the idea of using ethnohistorical data in their analyses. While it is true that ethnohistorical data may be biased, it still holds valuable information. As long as a researcher is aware of the specific biases of the author when using the accounts for analysis, much of the biases can be tempered. Furthermore, the accounts often reveal as much, if not more about the recorder’s frame of mind as well as the cultural framework from which that person comes. In the case of the visitation records used in the following chapter, the recorders wanted to make sure that the necessary information from

Spanish authorities was disseminated to all of the groups visited as well as to resolve any conflicts, whether between Native Americans, between Native Americans and friars, or between

Native Americans and Spanish citizens or soldiers. This mindset framed a decidedly Spanish perspective of the important details written down during the visitation.

Summary

The theory and the methodology allowed for a useful study of identity within the missions of La Florida. The influence of feminist theory ensured the analysis took into consideration all aspects of identity, including gender, social status, age, and ethnicity, and how these aspects of identity intersected with each other. The use of statistical analyses to evaluate the frequencies with which artifacts are associated with various aspects of identity determined if the frequencies were random or significant enough to be considered deliberate. The results were then compared to ethnohistorical accounts. This analysis included what, if any, change occurred in the identity formation of the Native Americans in the mission system of seventeenth-century

Spanish Florida from before missionization to the collapse of the mission system in the early

1700s. 40

CHAPTER IV

RESULTS

In order to determine what, if any, statistically significant patterns exist between the sex of individuals and the artifacts with which they were buried as well as the age of individuals and the artifacts with which they were buried in the mission system of seventeenth-century Spanish

Florida, statistical analysis in the form of a chi-square test was performed on the data from five mission cemeteries and one Spanish cemetery. These missions include two Timucua missions,

San Martín de Timucua and Santa María, two Apalachee missions, San Luis de Talimali and San

Pedro y San Pablo de Patale, and one Guale mission, Santa Catalina de Guale on Amelia Island.

The Spanish cemetery at Nuestra Señora de la Soledad in St. Augustine was included for comparative purposes to help determine what, if any, effect the Spanish had on the burial practices of the Native Americans they missionized. The null hypothesis being tested for each of these six data sets is 퐻0: 푂푖푗 = 퐸푖푗, in which 푂푖푗 is the actual quantity of each funerary item for the analyzed categories, while 퐸푖푗 is the expected quantity of items for each category. The null hypothesis is observed frequencies for the grave goods will be equal to expected frequencies for those same goods.

Nuestra Señora de la Soledad

Nuestra Señora de la Soledad was a church in St. Augustine utilized by both the Spanish and the British over the course of two centuries. Although likely in use for many years prior,

Soledad did not appear in historical records until the year 1597 (Koch 1983:188). Soledad continued to be an active Spanish church until the British took control of Florida in 1763, at which time the British used it as their own under the name “St. Peter’s” (Koch 1983:189). The

41 burials used for this thesis are the result of Florida State University’s field school excavations in

1976 and 1977 supervised by Kathleen Deagan and written up by Joan Koch (1983). Twenty- eight burials were excavated in total, sixteen of which were analyzed for this thesis (Appendix

B). Because Soledad was in use through the British period, some burials post-date the period of examination. Only the burials that dated to the First Spanish period up to 1704 were used.

Therefore any post-1700 burials, whether Spanish or British, were excluded from the analysis, leaving sixteen pre-1700 burials.

Of the sixteen burials examined, two were sexed as male, two were sexed as female, one was sexed as possibly female, and eleven were unable to be sexed, either due to the age of the individual, as it is not possible to sex younger individuals with any accuracy, or to the condition in which the skeleton was found. One of the individuals was under the age of eighteen, seven were between the ages of eighteen and forty, and eight were simply listed as “adult,” since an exact age could not be determined. Only two artifacts were recovered: jet rosary beads and a silver cross. Both came from the same individual, a male approximately twenty-five years of age.

Sixteen individuals is likely too small of a sample to be statistically significant as a general rule, and the results should be considered in that light. To start the statistical analysis process, it was first necessary to determine the number of artifacts associated with each sex

(Table 1) and with each age group (Table 2) in order to establish the observed frequencies for the chi-square equation. Once completed, the row and column values were tallied for the calculation of the expected frequencies. By sex, the row total for females was two, for males it was three, for the possible female it was one, and for the individuals whose sex is unknown it was eleven. The column totals for the artifacts by sex were one for the “jet rosary,” one for the “silver cross,” and fifteen for the “no artifacts” group. The final total for both columns and rows was seventeen. 42

TABLE 1 OBSERVED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT SOLEDAD Sex Artifacts Jet Rosary Silver Cross No Artifacts Female 0 0 2 Male 1 1 1 Possible Female 0 0 1 Unknown 0 0 11

TABLE 2 OBSERVED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT SOLEDAD Age Artifacts Jet Rosary Silver Cross No Artifacts Under 18 0 0 1 18-40 1 1 6 Adult 0 0 8

The expected frequencies for the chi-square test were calculated by multiplying the row totals by the column totals and then dividing by the grand total. This calculation was done for each cell of both Table 3 and Table 4. The expected frequencies were less than one for each category by sex with the “jet rosary beads” and “no artifacts”. Only the “silver cross” had expected frequency values greater than one for the females, the males, and the unknowns. The same pattern held true for expected frequencies by age. The “jet rosary beads” and “no artifacts” each had less than one for all age categories, while the “silver cross” had values greater than one for the eighteen to forty age group and the unknown age group.

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TABLE 3 EXPECTED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT SOLEDAD Sex Artifacts Jet Rosary Silver Cross No Artifacts Female 0.118 1.765 0.118 Male 0.176 2.647 0.176 Possible Female 0.059 0.882 0.059 Unknown 0.647 9.706 0.647

TABLE 4 EXPECTED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT SOLEDAD Age Artifacts Jet Rosary Silver Cross No Artifacts Under 18 0.059 0.882 0.059 18-40 0.471 7.059 0.471 Adult 0.471 7.059 0.471

After both the observed frequencies and the expected frequencies were established, it was possible to perform the chi-square test. The sum of all of the chi-square values gave the result of whether a significant pattern existed between sex and artifacts and between age and artifacts. The degrees of freedom for the artifacts by sex (Table 5) was six. The critical value for the chi-square test at six degrees of freedom at the 훼 level of 0.05 was 12.592. The chi-square value for artifacts by sex was 10.617. Given that the chi-square value was less than the critical value, the null hypothesis was not rejected, and it was therefore determined that the observed frequencies are not any different than those expected by chance.

TABLE 5 CHI-SQUARE FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT SOLEDAD Sex Artifacts Jet Rosary Silver Cross No Artifacts Female 0.118 0.118 0.040 Male 3.858 3.858 1.025 Possible Female 0.059 0.059 0.016 Unknown 0.647 0.647 0.172 44

Because the number of columns and rows was different for the artifacts by age table

(Table 6), the degrees of freedom were also different. The degrees of freedom for artifacts by age was four. This number made the critical value 9.488 at the 훼 level of 0.05. The chi-square value for artifacts by age was 2.574, which was less than the critical value. The null hypothesis was not rejected, and therefore the observed frequencies of artifacts by age were not any different than those expected by chance. Because the null hypothesis was not rejected for both distributions, by sex and by age, determination of the chi-square residual and the adjusted residual was not needed, as those values are used to calculate which of the values is the source of the variation between observed and expected frequencies and there was no significant variation.

TABLE 6 CHI-SQUARE FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT SOLEDAD Age Artifacts Jet Rosary Silver Cross No Artifacts Under 18 0.059 0.059 0.160 18-40 0.594 0.594 0.159 Adult 0.471 0.471 0.125

San Martín de Timucua

San Martín de Timucua was a Timucua mission established in 1608, and the mission was in use until the late 1660s (Worth 1998b:169). The burials used for this thesis were the result of excavations carried out under the direction Brent Weisman in 1988 and 1989 and under the direction of Jerald Milanich and L. Hoshower in 1990 (Stojanowski 2013:80). Additional work was carried out by L. Hoshower and Rebecca Saunders in 1991, but this information was unavailable for the present analysis. Eleven burials are analyzed from the Weisman excavations, and an additional twenty-six burials were included from the Hoshower and Milanich excavations

(Appendix C). 45

Of the 37 burials, nine were sexed as male, six were sexed as female, one was sexed as possibly male, and twenty-one were unable to be sexed either due to the age of the individual or the condition of the skeleton. Of these same 37 individuals, seven were under the age of eighteen, seventeen were between the ages of eighteen and forty, one was over the age of forty, three were listed simply as “adult,” and age could not be determined for nine individuals.

Artifacts recovered from the burials included glass beads, a possible chert knife, a wrought iron nail, and pieces of turtle carapace found directly on top of a burial pit. Thirty-four individuals had no associated artifacts whatsoever.

For the analysis of the San Martín sample, the artifacts were totaled by category and by sex (Table 7) and age (Table 8). For females, the artifacts included one chert knife and five individuals with no artifacts. Males had nineteen beads, one instance of turtle carapace fragments, one wrought iron nail, and five instances where no artifacts were recovered. The possible male had no artifacts, and all but one of the unknown sex individuals had no artifacts.

The one individual who did had a single bead. By age, the individuals under eighteen had one bead and the rest had no artifacts. The “adult” individuals and the individuals of unknown age were found to have no artifacts as well. The individuals between the ages of eighteen and forty had the majority of the artifacts, with nineteen of the beads, the instance of turtle carapace, and the wrought iron nail. The individual over forty had the one chert knife.

46

TABLE 7 OBSERVED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT SAN MARTÍN Sex Artifacts No Artifacts Beads Chert Knife Turtle Wrought Iron Carapace Nail Female 5 0 1 0 0 Male 8 19 0 1 1 Possible 1 0 0 0 0 Male Unknown 20 1 0 0 0

TABLE 8 OBSERVED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT SAN MARTÍN Age Artifacts No Artifacts Beads Chert Knife Turtle Wrought Iron Carapace Nail Under 18 6 1 0 0 0 Adult 3 0 0 0 0 18-40 16 19 0 1 1 Over 40 0 0 1 0 0 Unknown 9 0 0 0 0

As with Nuestra Señora de la Soledad, the expected frequencies were calculated for each category by sex (Table 9) and by age (Table 10). By sex, the only values above one were the beads and no artifacts for the females, the males, and the individuals of unknown sex. By age, the “bead” and “no artifact” categories were again the only ones with expected values above one.

The values above one occurred with the under eighteen group, the “adult” group, the eighteen to forty group and the individuals whose age could not be determined.

47

TABLE 9 EXPECTED FREQUENCIES OF ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT SAN MARTÍN Sex Artifacts No Artifacts Beads Chert Knife Turtle Wrought Iron Carapace Nail Female 3.579 2.105 0.105 0.105 0.105 Male 17.298 10.175 0.509 0.509 0.509 Possible 0.596 0.351 0.018 0.018 0.018 Male Unknown 12.526 7.368 0.368 0.368 0.368

TABLE 10 EXPECTED FREQUENCIES OF ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT SAN MARTÍN Age Artifacts No Artifacts Beads Chert Knife Turtle Wrought Iron Carapace Nail Under 18 4.175 2.456 0.122 0.122 0.122 Adult 1.789 1.053 0.053 0.053 0.053 18-40 22.070 12.982 0.649 0.649 0.649 Over 40 0.596 0.351 0.018 0.018 0.018 Unknown 5.368 3.158 0.158 0.158 0.158

The chi-square value calculation for the artifacts by sex (Table 11) was calculated next.

The degrees of freedom was 12. This number meant the critical value for 훼 at 0.05 was 21.026.

The chi-square value for Table 11 was 36.332. Since the chi-square value was greater than the critical value, the null hypothesis was rejected. The chi-square residual and adjusted residual had to be calculated for each cell to determine which of the categories was the source of the variation. The degrees of freedom for the artifacts by age was sixteen (Table 12). The critical value for 훼 at 0.05 was therefore 26.926. The chi-square value was 64.276. This chi-square value was also greater than the critical value and required calculations of the chi-square residual and adjusted residual.

48

TABLE 11 CHI-SQUARE FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT SAN MARTÍN Sex Artifacts No Artifacts Beads Chert Knife Turtle Wrought Iron Carapace Nail Female 0.564 2.105 7.629 0.105 0.105 Male 4.966 7.654 0.509 0.474 0.474 Possible 0.274 0.351 0.018 0.018 0.018 Male Unknown 4.460 5.504 0.368 0.368 0.368

TABLE 12 CHI-SQUARE FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT SAN MARTÍN Age Artifacts No Artifacts Beads Chert Knife Turtle Wrought Iron Carapace Nail Under 18 0.798 0.863 0.122 0.122 0.122 Adult 0.820 1.053 0.053 0.053 0.053 18-40 1.669 2.790 0.649 0.190 0.190 Over 40 0.596 0.351 53.574 0.018 0.018 Unknown 2.457 3.158 0.158 0.158 0.158

The purpose of the chi-square residual values was to identify which of the observed frequencies differed significantly from expected. For a 훼 level of 0.05, the standardized normal distribution critical value is ±1.96. Values recorded that are higher than 1.96 are greater than expected while values lower than -1.96 signify less occurrences than expected (VanPool and

Leonard 2011:246). Unfortunately, the chi-square residual values can be biased for some samples, so an adjusted residual calculation was necessary to calculate as well.

The adjusted values for artifacts by sex are presented in Table 13, while the adjusted values for artifacts by age are presented in Table 14. As can be seen the adjusted residuals indicate that for females the “chert knife” value is greater than expected, for males the “beads” value is greater than expected, and for the unknown the “no artifacts” value is greater than 49 expected. For males, the “no artifacts” value was less than expected, and for unknown individuals the “beads” value was less than expected. All other values for artifacts by sex fall within the range between -1.96 and 1.96 and were therefore not significantly different than expected. In terms of adjusted residual values for artifacts by age, the “beads” value for the eighteen to forty group, the “chert knife” value for the over forty age group, and the “no artifacts” value for the unknown age group were all higher than expected, while the “no artifacts” value for the eighteen to forty age group was less than expected. All other values fell within range and are thus considered to not differ significantly from expected values.

TABLE 13 ADJUSTED RESIDUALS FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT SAN MARTÍN Sex Artifacts No Artifacts Beads Chert Knife Turtle Wrought Iron Carapace Nail Female 1.249 -1.904 2.944 -0.454 -0.454 Male -5.013 4.897 -1.026 0.800 0.800 Possible 0.830 -0.742 -0.170 -0.170 -0.170 Male Unknown 4.180 -3.663 -0.771 -0.771 -0.771

TABLE 14 ADJUSTED RESIDUALS FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT SAN MARTÍN Age Artifacts No Artifacts Beads Chert Knife Turtle Wrought Iron Carapace Nail Under 18 1.500 -1.185 -0.376 -0.376 -0.376 Adult 1.463 -1.309 -0.239 -0.239 -0.239 18-40 -3.430 3.499 -0.373 0.743 0.743 Over 40 1.226 -0.742 7.453 -0.147 -0.147 Unknown 2.688 -2.44 -0.437 -0.437 -0.437

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Santa María

Santa María was a Timucua-speaking Mocama mission in use from the late sixteenth century to the mid-seventeenth century on present-day Amelia Island off the Florida and Georgia coastline (Stojanowski 2013:166). The mission was originally believed to be a Yamassee mission (Saunders 1988:13). However, subsequent research by John Worth and Christopher

Stojanowski has revealed that it is much more likely to be a Timucua mission of the Mocama than a Yamassee mission (Stojanowski 2013:193-194). The burials used in this thesis were the result of excavations carried out in June of 1987 under the supervision of Rebecca Saunders and

Clark Spencer Larsen (Saunders 1988:14). My analysis combines published information from

Rebecca Saunders (1988) and Christopher Stojanowski (2013). One hundred and twelve individuals were recovered (Appendix D).

Of the individuals analyzed, twelve were sexed as female, twelve were sexed as male, eight were sexed as possibly female, four were sexed as possibly male, and seventy-six were unable to be sexed due to the age of the individual or the condition of the skeleton. Forty of these individuals were under the age of eighteen, twenty were between the ages of eighteen and forty, eleven were over the age of forty, twenty-four were listed simply as “adult,” and age was unable to be determined for seventeen individuals. Artifacts uncovered with the individuals included glass beads, shells, a shroud pin, rolled copper aglets, and shell beads. Ninety-eight individuals had no artifacts associated with them. Although not generally included as funerary items during the mission period, three burials had ceramics that appear to have been placed deliberately with the individual, including one Native American sherd that was placed directly on the chest of that individual. Those three sherds were considered in the analysis, while any sherds that could only be attributed as found in feature fill were not. 51

The observed frequencies for artifacts by sex (Table 15) were a more spread out than the previous two data sets. The females had five glass beads, one sherd, and ten had no artifacts associated with them. The males had one glass bead, one sherd, one shroud pin, and nine had no artifacts. The possible females had two rolled copper aglets and seven with no artifacts, while the possible males had one shell and three with no artifacts. The unknown sex category had the most artifacts with fourteen glass beads, one sherd, three shells, one shell bead necklace. Sixty-nine individuals had no artifacts associated with them. The observed frequencies were not as varied by age, however (Table 16). Those under eighteen had the majority of the artifacts with fourteen glass beads, one sherd, two shells, one shroud pin, the two copper aglets, and twenty-nine had no artifacts. The “adults” had one glass bead and one shell with twenty-two individuals having no artifacts. The eighteen to forty category had five beads, two sherds, one shell, and nineteen with no artifacts, while the over forty category and the unknown age category each had only the eleven and the seventeen, respectively, with no artifacts.

TABLE 15 OBSERVED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT SANTA MARÍA Sex Artifacts Glass Sherds Shell Shroud Rolled Shell No Beads Pin Copper Bead Artifacts Aglets Necklace Female 5 1 0 0 0 0 10 Male 1 1 0 1 0 0 9 Possible 0 0 0 0 2 0 7 Female Possible 0 0 1 0 0 0 3 Male Unknown 14 1 3 0 0 1 69

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TABLE 16 OBSERVED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT SANTA MARÍA Age Artifacts Glass Sherds Shell Shroud Rolled Shell No Beads Pin Copper Bead Artifacts Aglets Necklace Under 18 14 1 2 1 2 1 29 Adult 1 0 1 0 0 0 22 18-40 5 2 1 0 0 0 19 Over 40 0 0 0 0 0 0 11 Unknown 0 0 0 0 0 0 17

The two tables of expected frequencies, by sex (Table 17) and by age (Table 18) showed very similar results. The expected frequencies by sex had almost no values above one. The exceptions were the “glass beads” and the “no artifacts” categories, in which all except the possible male had values above one. The possible male had a value above one only for the

“rolled copper aglets,” and the “unknown category” had values above one for the “sherds,” the

“shell,” and the “rolled copper aglet” in addition to the “glass bead” and the “no artifact” categories. The expected frequencies by age also had almost no values above one. Only the

“glass bead” and the “no artifact” categories had every single age group with values above one, and the “sherd” category for the under eighteen age group had a value above one.

The degrees of freedom for Table 19, the chi-square for artifacts by sex, was twenty-four.

The critical value for 훼 at the level of 0.05 was 36.415. The chi-square value for Table 19 was

53.385. Given that the chi-square value was greater than the critical value, the null hypothesis was rejected, and it was determined the artifact distribution was not simply by chance. The chi- square residual and adjusted residual values were calculated for each cell of the table to determine which one was the source of the variation.

53

TABLE 17 EXPECTED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT SANTA MARÍA Sex Artifacts Glass Sherds Shell Shroud Rolled Shell No Beads Pin Copper Bead Artifacts Aglets Female 2.481 0.372 0.496 0.124 0.248 0.124 12.155 Male 1.860 0.279 0.372 0.093 0.186 0.093 9.116 Possible 1.395 0.209 0.279 0.070 0.140 0.070 6.837 Female Possible 0.620 0.093 0.124 0.031 3.039 0.062 0.031 Male Unknown 13.643 2.047 2.729 0.682 1.364 0.682 66.853

TABLE 18 EXPECTED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT SANTA MARÍA Age Artifacts Glass Sherds Shell Shroud Rolled Shell No Beads Pin Copper Bead Artifacts Aglets Under 18 7.751 1.163 0.388 0.387 0.775 0.387 37.984 Adult 3.721 0.558 0.744 0.186 0.372 0.186 18.233 18-40 4.186 0.628 0.837 0.209 0.419 0.209 20.512 Over 40 1.705 0.296 0.341 0.085 0.171 0.085 8.357 Unknown 2.636 0.395 0.527 0.132 0.264 0.132 12.915

TABLE 19 CHI-SQUARE FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT SANTA MARÍA Sex Artifacts Glass Sherds Shell Shroud Rolled Shell No Beads Pin Copper Beads Artifacts Aglets Female 2.558 1.060 0.496 0.124 0.248 0.124 0.382 Male 0.398 1.863 0.372 8.846 0.186 0.093 0.001 Possible 1.395 0.29 0.279 0.070 24.711 0.070 0.004 Female Possible 0.620 0.093 6.189 0.031 0.001 0.062 0.031 Male Unknown 0.009 0.536 0.027 0.682 1.364 0.148 0.022

54

The degrees of freedom for Table 20 was also twenty-four, making the critical value for

훼 at the 0.05 level once again 36.415. The chi-square value for Table 20 was 33.536. Because the chi-square value was less than the critical value, the null hypothesis was not rejected. There was no need to calculate the chi-square residual and adjusted residual values for artifacts by age.

TABLE 20 CHI-SQUARE FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT SANTA MARÍA Age Artifacts Glass Sherds Shell Shroud Rolled Shell No Beads Pin Copper Beads Artifacts Aglets Under 18 5.038 0.023 6.697 0.971 1.936 0.971 2.092 Adult 1.990 0.558 0.088 0.186 0.372 0.186 0.778 18-40 0.158 1.616 0.031 0.209 0.419 0.209 0.111 Over 40 1.705 0.296 0.341 0.085 0.171 0.085 0.836 Unknown 2.636 0.395 0.527 0.132 0.264 0.132 1.292

Because the chi-square values indicated at least some of the artifact distributions were greater than could be expected by chance, chi-square residuals were calculated for Santa María artifacts by sex (Table 21). Once completed, the adjusted residual values were calculated. Only three values were determined to be higher than expected, that of the “shroud pin” for the males, the “rolled copper aglets” for the possible females, and the “shells” for the possible males. The

“rolled copper aglets” category for the indeterminate sex individuals was the only one to have a value lower than expected. All other adjusted residual values fell within the range between -1.96 and 1.96. They were not significantly different than expected.

55

TABLE 21 ADJUSTED RESIDUALS FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT SANTA MARÍA Sex Artifacts Glass Sherds Shell Shroud Rolled Shell No Beads Pin Copper Beads Artifacts Aglets Female 1.812 1.113 -0.764 -0.375 -0.536 -0.375 -1.348 Male -0.720 1.448 -0.651 3.135 -0.456 -0.705 -0.081 Possible -1.332 -0.479 -0.556 -0.276 5.196 -0.276 0.131 Female Possible -0.870 -0.313 2.568 -0.180 -0.255 -0.180 -0.046 Male Unknown 0.187 -1.283 0.295 -1.471 -2.088 0.680 0.952

Santa Catalina de Guale

Santa Catalina de Guale was a relocated Guale mission established on present-day

Amelia Island sometime around 1683, after the collapse of the Guale mission system due to raids by Native Americans allied with the British (Worth 1995:39). The mission consisted of Guale from the original Santa Catalina mission on St. Catherines Island as well as from San Diego de

Satuache, who moved with individuals from Santa Catalina in 1683 (Worth 1995:39), and from

San Joseph de Sapala, who joined Santa Catalina and San Diego in the fall of 1684 (Worth

1995:194). The mission remained in use until it was destroyed by the British under the command of James Moore in 1702 (Saunders 1993:37). The burials used in this thesis were discovered during excavations from June to September 1986 under the supervision of Rebecca Saunders and

Clark Spencer Larsen (Saunders 1988:3). One hundred and nineteen burials were uncovered in the Santa Catalina cemetery (Appendix E).

56

Of the individuals analyzed, forty-three were sexed as female, forty-two were sexed as male, and thirty-four were unable to be sexed due to the age of the individual or the condition of the skeleton. Thirty individuals were under the age of eighteen, thirty-six were between the ages of eighteen and forty, forty-three were over the age of forty, and the age for ten of the individuals was unable to be determined. The artifacts recovered included a bone fid (a tool in the shape of a cone generally used to work rope), bear bones, glass beads, an oval glass disc, a double bar cross, a shell disc, glass plates, and jet rosary beads. Interestingly, the artifacts were all discovered with seven females with the exception of the glass beads that were discovered with a small child of about 4-5 years of age, of whom sex could not be determined due to the age of the individual

(Appendix E).

As discussed above, the observed frequencies of artifacts by sex for Santa Catalina de

Guale (Table 22) were unique in that, with the exception of the 27 glass beads found with the individual who was too young to determine its sex, all of the artifacts were recovered in the burials of biologically female individuals. All forty-two male individuals and thirty-two of the thirty-three unknown sex individuals had no artifacts associated with them. The observed frequencies by age (Table 23) were only slightly more evenly distributed across age groups. The under eighteen age group contained twenty-seven glass beads and one oval glass disc, and the over forty age group contained the bear bones and one glass bead. The remaining artifacts were found with individuals in the eighteen to forty age group. Twenty-eight of the under eighteen individuals, thirty-two of the eighteen to forty individuals, forty-one of the over forty individuals, and all ten of the indeterminate age individuals had no artifacts associated with them.

57

TABLE 22 OBSERVED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT SANTA CATALINA Sex Artifacts Bone Bear Glass Oval Double Shell Glass Jet No fid Bones Beads Glass Bar Disc Plates Rosary Artifacts Disc Cross Female 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 31 36 Male 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 42 Unknown 0 0 27 0 0 0 0 0 33

TABLE 23 OBSERVED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT SANTA CATALINA Age Artifacts Bone Bear Glass Oval Double Shell Glass Jet No fid Bones Beads Glass Bar Disc Plates Rosary Artifacts Disc Cross Under 18 0 0 27 1 0 0 0 0 28 18-40 1 0 0 0 1 1 2 31 32 Over 40 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 41 Unknown 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 10

Once again, the expected frequencies by sex (Table 24) and the expected frequencies by age (Table 25) showed a similar pattern. For artifacts by sex, only the “glass beads,” “the jet rosary beads,” and the “no artifacts” categories had values above one. In those instances, all three sex categories had values above one. The same held true for the artifacts by age. Every age group had values above one for “glass beads”, “jet rosary beads,” and “no artifacts.”

TABLE 24 EXPECTED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT SANTA CATALINA Sex Artifacts Bone Bear Glass Oval Double Shell Glass Jet No fid Bones Beads Glass Bar Disc Plates Rosary Artifacts Disc Cross Female 0.423 0.423 11.864 0.423 0.423 0.423 0.847 13.136 47.039 Male 0.237 0.237 6.644 0.237 0.237 0.237 0.475 7.356 26.339 Unknown 0.339 0.339 9.492 0.339 0.339 0.339 0.678 10.508 37.627

58

TABLE 25 EXPECTED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT SANTA CATALINA Age Artifacts Bone Bear Glass Oval Double Shell Glass Jet No fid Bones Beads Glass Bar Disc Plates Rosary Artifacts Disc Cross Under 18 0.316 0.316 8.859 0.316 0.316 0.316 0.633 9.808 35.119 18-40 0.384 0.384 10.757 0.384 0.384 0.384 0.768 11.970 42.644 Over 40 0.243 0.243 6.802 0.243 0.243 0.243 0.486 7.531 26.966 Unknown 0.056 0.056 1.582 0.056 0.056 0.056 0.113 1.751 1.751

The degrees of freedom for the artifacts by sex (Table 26) was sixteen. This number made the critical value 26.296 for 훼 at the level of 0.05. The chi-square value for Table 26 was

113.051. Because the chi-square value was greater than the critical value for artifacts by sex, the null hypothesis was rejected, and it was determined that artifact distribution was not simply by chance. Chi-square residual and adjusted residual values were obtained to see which value was the source of the variation.

The degrees of freedom for the artifacts by age (Table 27) was twenty-four, making the critical value 36.415 for 훼 at the level of 0.05. The chi-square value for Table 27 was 167.676.

The chi-square value was once again greater than the critical value for artifacts by age. The null hypothesis was rejected, and chi-square residual and adjusted residuals were obtained for each cell of the table.

TABLE 26 CHI-SQUARE FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT SANTA CATALINA Sex Artifacts Bone Bear Glass Oval Double Shell Glass Jet No fid Bones Beads Glass Bar Disc Plates Rosary Artifacts Disc Cross Female 0.787 0.787 9.948 0.787 0.787 0.787 1.570 24.294 2.588 Male 0.237 0.237 6.644 0.237 0.237 0.237 0.475 7.356 9.312 Unknown 0.339 0.339 32.294 0.339 0.339 0.339 0.678 10.508 0.569 59

TABLE 27 CHI-SQUARE FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT SANTA CATALINA Age Artifacts Bone Bear Glass Oval Double Shell Glass Jet No fid Bones Beads Glass Bar Disc Plates Rosary Artifacts Disc Cross Under 18 0.316 0.316 37.148 1.481 0.316 0.316 0.633 9.808 1.443 18-40 0.988 0.384 10.757 0.384 0.988 0.988 1.976 30.598 2.657 Over 40 0.243 2.358 4.949 0.243 0.243 0.243 0.486 7.531 7.304 Unknown 0.056 0.056 1.582 0.056 0.056 0.056 0.113 1.751 38.861

As with the previous sites, the chi-square residual then the adjusted residual were calculated. The values for the adjusted residual are in Table 28 and Table 29. The adjusted residual values by sex (Table 28) indicated lower values than expected for the “glass beads” for females and males, for the “jet rosary beads” for males and indeterminate sex, and “no artifacts” for females. “Glass beads” values for indeterminate sex and “no artifacts” values for males were higher than expected. All other values were within the range from -1.96 to 1.96 and were therefore considered not to differ significantly from expected values.

TABLE 28 ADJUSTED RESIDUALS FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT SANTA CATALINA Sex Artifacts Bone Bear Beads Oval Double Shell Glass Jet No fid Bones Glass Bar Disc Plates Rosary Artifacts Disc Cross Female 1.172 1.172 -4.529 1.172 1.172 1.172 1.660 7.150 -2.992 Male -0.560 -0.560 -3.216 -0.560 -0.560 -0.560 -0.793 -3.418 5.721 Unknown -0.718 -0.718 7.618 -0.718 -0.718 -0.718 -1.018 -4.390 -1.519

60

TABLE 29 ADJUSTED RESIDUALS FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT SANTA CATALINA Age Artifacts Bone Bear Beads Oval Double Shell Glass Jet No fid Bones Glass Bar Disc Plates Rosary Artifacts Disc Cross Under 18 -0.682 -0.682 8.031 1.476 -0.682 -0.682 -0.968 4.169 -2.378 18-40 1.270 -0.792 -4.554 -0.792 1.270 1.270 1.801 7.715 -3.401 Over 40 -0.568 1.771 -2.786 -0.568 -0.568 -0.568 -0.570 -3.470 4.556 Unknown -0.247 -0.247 -1.411 -0.247 -0.247 -0.247 -0.775 -1.499 10.506

San Pedro y San Pablo de Patale

San Pedro y San Pablo de Patale was an Apalachee mission originally established at this site between 1633 and 1655, and it was abandoned by the mid-seventeenth century when the mission was re-established at Turkey Roost and in use until British and Creek raids likely destroyed it in 1704 (Hann 1988:53; Hann 1990:480-481). Patale was one of the original missions to be built (Jones et al. 1991:1). It was critical not only as a mission but also as a

“staging point for trips to pagan Indian communities and as an entry point to the mission system for foreign visitors” (Jones et al. 1991:1-2). Although Patale was initially found in 1968, the burials were not excavated until 1971 under the supervision of Calvin Jones (Jones et al. 1991:8-

9). Due to funding issues, the analysis of the project was not finished until 1988 (Jones et al.

1991:9). In all, sixty-seven individuals were excavated at Patale (Appendix F).

Of the individuals considered, seven were sexed as female, two were sexed as male, six each were sexed as possibly female and possibly male, and forty-six were unable to be sexed either due to the age of the individual or the condition of the skeleton. Nineteen of these individuals were under the age of eighteen, one was between the ages of eighteen and forty, thirty-five were simply listed as “adult,” and the age of twelve of the individuals could not be

61 determined. Artifacts recovered with the burials included glass beads, copper beads, copper sheet fragments, a leather pouch, two cloth pouches, shell beads, shell fasteners, smoothed quartz pebbles, and a columella shell pendant. Fifty-three individuals had no artifacts associated with them.

For the observed frequencies of artifacts by sex (Table 30), the artifacts were almost exclusively with individuals whose biological sex could not be determined. The female category had one shell fastener and 6 individuals with no artifacts. The possible male category contained four glass beads, eleven shell beads, four smoothed quartz pebbles, and four individuals with no artifacts. Both male individuals and all six possible female individuals were not associated with any artifacts. The individuals of indeterminate sex had 892 glass beads, 153 copper beads, five copper sheet frags, one leather pouch, one cloth pouch, thirteen shell beads, four shell fasteners, one columella shell pendant, and thirty-five individuals not associated with any artifacts. The observed frequencies by age (Table 31) showed that many of the individuals of indeterminate sex must also have been the individuals labeled “adult” because the vast majority of the artifacts are associated with that category. All but six of the glass beads, five of the copper beads, all the shell beads, all the smoothed quartz pebbles, the columella shell pendant, the leather pouch, one of the cloth pouches, three of the copper sheet rings, and two of the shell fasteners were associated with the “adult” age group. Twenty-seven individuals from that same group were not associated with any artifacts. With the exception of one glass bead in the eighteen to forty age group and in the unknown age group as well as one shell fastener in the unknown age group, the remaining artifacts all belonged to the under eighteen age group.

62

TABLE 30 OBSERVED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT PATALE Sex Artifacts Glass Copper Copper Leather Cloth Shell Shell Smoothed Columella No Beads Beads Sheet Pouch Pouch Beads Fasteners Quartz Shell Artifacts Rings Pebbles Pendant Female 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 6 Male 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 Possible 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 Female Possible 4 0 0 0 0 11 0 4 0 4 Male Unknown 892 153 5 1 2 13 4 0 1 35

TABLE 31 OBSERVED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT PATALE Age Artifacts Glass Copper Copper Leather Cloth Shell Shell Smoothed Columella No Beads Beads Sheet Pouch Pouch Beads Fastener Quartz Shell Artifacts Rings Pebbles Pendant Under 18 4 5 2 0 1 0 2 0 0 15 18-40 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Adult 890 148 3 1 1 24 2 4 1 27 Unknown 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 10

63

The expected frequencies of artifacts by sex (Table 32) reveals that every single sex category for “glass beads” has a value greater than one. Every other category except the “leather pouch” and the “columella shell pendant” for the unknown sex category also had a value greater than one. Other than “glass beads”, the possible male category had a value greater than one for only “copper beads” and “no artifacts.” All other areas had values less than one. The expected frequencies of artifacts by age (Table 33) showed that the “glass beads” at every single age category have values greater than one. All but the eighteen to forty age group had values greater than one for “copper beads”. The only other values greater than one occurred in the “no artifacts” category for the under eighteen age group and the “adult” age group.

The degrees of freedom for the artifacts by sex (Table 34) was 36. This number made the critical value for 훼 50.998 at the 0.05 level. The chi-square value for Table 34 was 3,648.273. As the chi-square value was much greater than the critical value, the null hypothesis was rejected.

Chi-square residual and adjusted residual values had to be found to determine the source of the variation. The degrees of freedom for the artifacts by age (Table 35) was twenty-seven. The critical value for 훼 at the 0.05 level was thus 40.113. The chi-square value for Table 35 was

9,499.749. The chi-square value was greater by far than the critical level, so the null hypothesis was rejected. Chi-square residual and adjusted residual values were found to find the source of the variation.

Adjusted residual values were calculated from the chi-square residual values. Adjusted residual values by sex (Table 36) indicated that the “glass beads” and “copper beads” for the indeterminate sex, the “shell beads” for the possible males, the “shell fasteners” for the females, the “smoothed quartz pebbles” and the “no artifacts” for the females, males, possible female,

64

TABLE 32 EXPECTED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT PATALE Sex Artifacts Glass Copper Copper Leather Cloth Shell Shell Smoothed Columella No Beads Beads Sheet Pouch Pouch Beads Fasteners Quartz Shell Artifacts Frags Pebbles Pendant Female 5.483 0.936 0.031 0.006 0.002 0.147 0.031 0.024 0.006 0.324 Male 1.566 0.267 0.009 0.002 0.003 0.040 0.009 0.007 0.002 0.012 Possible 4.699 0.802 0.026 0.005 0.010 0.123 0.026 0.021 0.005 0.037 Female Possible 18.014 3.076 0.101 0.201 0.040 0.483 0.101 0.080 0.020 1.066 Male Unknown 866.238 147.918 4.834 0.967 1.934 23.203 4.834 3.870 0.967 51.240

TABLE 33 EXPECTED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT PATALE Age Artifacts Glass Copper Copper Leather Cloth Shell Shell Smoothed Columella No Beads Beads Sheet Pouch Pouch Beads Fastener Quartz Shell Artifacts Rings Pebbles Pendant Under 18 22.713 3.878 0.127 0.025 0.051 0.608 0.127 0.101 0.025 1.343 18-40 1.566 0.267 0.009 0.002 0.003 0.042 0.009 0.007 0.002 0.093 Adult 86.154 14.712 0.481 0.096 0.192 2.308 0.481 0.385 0.096 5.096 Unknown 9.399 1.605 0.052 0.010 0.021 0.252 0.052 0.042 0.010 0.556

65

TABLE 34 CHI-SQUARE FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT PATALE Sex Artifacts Glass Copper Copper Leather Cloth Shell Shell Smoothed Columella No Beads Beads Sheet Pouch Pouch Beads Fastener Quartz Shell Artifacts Rings Pebbles Pendant Female 5.483 0.936 0.031 0.006 0.002 0.147 30.289 0.024 0.006 1149.321 Male 1.566 0.267 0.009 0.002 0.003 0.040 0.009 0.007 0.002 440.453 Possible 4.699 0.802 0.026 0.005 0.010 0.123 0.026 0.021 0.005 1372.64 Female Possible 10.902 3.076 0.101 0.201 0.040 229.001 0.101 192.080 0.020 8.075 Male Unknown 0.766 0.175 0.006 0.001 0.001 4.487 0.144 3.870 0.001 188.247

TABLE 35 CHI-SQUARE FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT PATALE Age Artifacts Glass Copper Copper Leather Cloth Shell Shell Smoothed Columella No Beads Beads Sheet Pouch Pouch Beads Fastener Quartz Shell Artifacts Rings Pebbles Pendant Over 18 15.417 0.325 27.623 0.025 17.659 0.608 27.623 0.101 0.025 138.755 18-40 0.205 0.267 0.009 0.002 0.003 0.042 0.009 0.007 0.002 8.846 Adult 7496.670 1207.565 13.192 8.513 3.400 203.874 4.685 33.943 8.513 94.149 Unknown 7.505 1.605 0.052 0.010 0.021 0.252 17.283 0.042 0.010 160.912

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TABLE 36 ADJUSTED RESIDUALS FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT PATALE Sex Artifacts Glass Copper Copper Leather Cloth Shell Shell Smoothed Columella No Beads Beads Sheet Pouch Pouch Beads Fastener Quartz Shell Artifacts Rings Pebbles Pendant Female -5.054 -1.042 -0.177 -0.077 -0.150 -0.388 5.530 -0.156 -0.077 10.239 Male -2.694 -0.556 -0.095 0.045 -0.54 -0.202 -0.095 -0.084 -0.045 18.599 Possible -4.676 -0.945 -0.162 -0.071 -0.100 -0.163 -0.162 -0.146 -0.071 31.818 Female Possible -7.177 -1.904 -0.322 -0.453 -0.202 15.450 -0.321 14.021 -0.140 2.940 Male Unknown 13.569 2.467 -12.129 0.187 0.259 -11.739 -2.091 -10.679 0.187 -12.788

67 and possible male were all higher than expected. The “glass beads” for the females, males, possible females, and possible males, and the “copper sheet rings,” the “shell fasteners,” the

“smoothed quartz pebbles,” “shell beads,” and “no artifacts” for the indeterminate sex were all lower than expected. All other values fell within range so as to not be considered to differ significantly than expected. The adjusted residual values for artifacts by age (Table 37) showed higher than expected values for the under eighteen age group in “copper sheet rings,” “cloth pouches,” “shell fasteners,” and the “no artifacts” category. The eighteen to forty age group only had greater than expected values for the “no artifacts” category, and the “adult” age group had higher values for every artifact category. The unknown age group had higher than expected values for “shell fasteners” and the “no artifacts” category. Lower than expected values occurred in the “glass beads” for the under eighteen and unknown age groups. All other values were within the range to be considered not significantly different than expected.

San Luis de Talimali

The final mission examined for this research was San Luis de Talimali. San Luis was established in 1656 (McEwan 2000:67) and soon gained importance as one of the few missions to also house a garrison of soldiers (McEwan 1993:296). The mission was in use until it was abandoned and burned in 1704 ahead of a Creek raid, and its people either fled to areas around

Pensacola and Mobile, were captured by or left with the Creeks, or moved east to St. Augustine

(Hann 1988:305). The burials analyzed in this thesis are the result of several years of excavations between 1984 and 1997 carried out under the supervision of Gary Shapiro, Bonnie McEwan,

Richard Vernon, Jerry Lee, and Clark Spencer Larsen (Shapiro 1987; Shapiro and McEwan

1992; Lee 1997; Larsen and Tung 2002). Two hundred and ten individuals were discovered

68

TABLE 37 ADJUSTED RESIDUALS FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT PATALE Age Artifacts Glass Copper Copper Leather Cloth Shell Shell Smoothed Columella No Beads Beads Sheet Pouch Pouch Beads Fastener Quartz Shell Artifacts Rings Pebbles Pendant Under 18 -8.557 0.613 5.334 -0.160 4.260 -0.798 5.334 -0.323 -0.160 12.213 18-40 -0.973 -0.596 -0.095 -0.045 -0.055 -0.207 -0.895 -0.084 -0.045 3.048 Adult 955.904 191.560 18.669 14.977 9.469 74.026 11.123 29.932 19.977 50.178 Unknown -5.925 -1.368 -0.230 -0.101 -0.146 -0.510 4.186 -0.206 -0.101 13.032

69 below the floor of the church. However because of the extended and frequent use of this area, many of these burials were disturbed (Appendix G). Because of the need to be able to associate artifacts with a specific individual, only the one hundred and fifty-six individuals who could be tied directly to specific funerary items or a definitive lack thereof were analyzed.

Of the one hundred and fifty-six individuals analyzed here, six were sexed as female, nine were sexed as male, ten were sexed as possibly female, three were sexed as possibly male, and one hundred twenty-eight were unable to be sexed due to either the age of the individual or the condition of the skeleton. Forty-six individuals were under the age of eighteen, thirty individuals were between the ages of eighteen and forty, three individuals were over the age of forty, fifty-five individuals were listed simply as “adult,” and the age of twenty-two of the individuals was unable to be determined. Artifacts recovered varied from coffin hardware to glass beads, glass pendants, stone pendants, jet figas, shell beads, a silver Spanish coin, an iron knife blade, an iron buckle, an iron key, a quartz crystal cross, copper sequins, copper beads, and an Ichetucknee projectile point. One hundred twenty-seven individuals had no artifacts associated with them. While sherds may be less abundant in the church area itself, they are certainly present, particularly at mission sites occupied prior to contact with the Spanish, as can be seen not only at San Luis but San Martín (Weisman 1992:125; Hoshower and Milanich

1993:224) and Patale (Jones et al. 1991:105). Given that ceramics were not generally associated with burials and that the burials were under the floor of an active mission church where at least a small number of sherds might expect to be found, the ceramics were not included in the artifacts for analysis. Also not included were any non-cultural artifacts, like sandstone and concretions, and any indeterminate glass and metal frags that could not be identified as a specific item.

70

The observed frequencies of artifacts by sex (Table 38) and by age (Table 39) for San

Luis continued to follow the pattern set by the other missions in that the majority of the burials were not associated with artifacts. The five female individuals, seven of the male individuals, eight of the possibly female individuals, two of the possibly male individuals, and one hundred and five of the individuals of unknown sex had no artifacts associated with them. The male category had two copper sequins, one glass bead, three instances of the presence of coffin hardware, and two shell beads. One individual in the female category had an associated glass bead. The possible female category contained six glass beads, two instances of the presence of coffin hardware, and one copper bead. The possible male category had the iron key and the iron buckle. All other artifacts were associated with individuals of unknown sex.

In the case of the artifacts by age, the majority of the artifacts were associated with the under eighteen age group. The eighteen to forty age group contained the seven glass beads, three instances of the presence of coffin hardware, and eight copper adornments. The over forty age group had one glass bead, one instance of the presence of coffin hardware, and two shell beads.

The “adult” category was associated with sixteen glass beads, one instance of the presence of coffin hardware, forty-four copper adornments, the quartz cross, the iron key, and the iron buckle. The indeterminate age group contained twenty-three glass beads, the iron knife blade, one stone pendant, and the Ichetucknee projectile point. The remaining artifacts were associated with the under eighteen age group. In addition, thirty-eight individuals of the under eighteen age group, twenty-five individuals of the eighteen to forty age group, two individuals of the over forty age group, forty-five individuals of the “adult” age group, and seventeen individuals of the unknown age group had no artifacts.

71

TABLE 38 OBSERVED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT SAN LUIS Artifacts Jet Silver Glass Coffin Stone Religious Glass Shell Crystal Spanish Quartz Iron Projectile Copper No Sex Beads Hardware Pendants Items Pendants Beads Beads Coin Cross Objects Point Adornments Artifacts

Female 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5

Male 1 3 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 2 7 Possible Female 6 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 8 Possible Male 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 2

Unknown 945 1 3 6 14 3 4 1 1 1 1 49 105

TABLE 39 OBSERVED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT SAN LUIS Age Artifacts Glass Coffin Stone Jet Glass Shell Crystal Silver Quartz Iron Projectile Copper No Beads Hardware Pendants Religious Pendants Beads Beads Spanish Cross Objects Point Adornments Artifacts Items Coin Under 18 906 1 2 6 14 3 4 1 0 0 0 0 38 18-40 7 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 8 25 Over 40 1 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 Adult 16 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 0 44 45 Unknown 23 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 17

72

The majority of categories for expected frequencies by sex (Table 40) were below the value of one. All five sex categories had values higher than one for the “glass beads” column.

The individuals of unknown sex had values greater than one for the “coffin hardware,” the “stone pendants,” the “jet religious items,” “glass pendants,” “shell beads,” “crystal beads,” “copper adornments,” and “no artifacts” in addition to the “glass beads.” The male and possibly female categories had higher than one for the “no artifacts” column. The expected frequencies by age

(Table 41) also had most values under one. All age groups for “glass beads” had values over one.

The “no artifacts” column had values greater than one for all age groups except the over forty category. Also, all but the “quartz cross,” “the silver Spanish coin,” and the “projectile point” columns had values greater the one for the under eighteen category. Other than the “copper adornments” and “no artifacts” categories for the eighteen to forty age group, the remaining values were all less than one. For the “adult” category, the “glass pendants,” the “copper adornments,” and the “no artifacts” categories were higher than one, and for the unknown age group, the “copper adornments” and “no artifacts” categories were greater than one.

The degrees of freedom for the artifacts by sex for San Luis (Table 42) was forty-eight.

The critical value for 훼 at the 0.05 level was then 65.171. The chi-square value for Table 42 was

1649.295. Since the chi-square value was greater than the critical value, the null hypothesis was rejected. It was determined that at least some of the artifact associations were different than would happen by chance. Chi-square residual and adjusted residual values were found to determine which artifact association was the cause of the variation. The degrees of freedom for the artifacts by age for San Luis (Table 43) was also forty-eight. The chi-square value for Table

43 was 1031.395. Because the chi-square value was higher than the critical value, the null

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TABLE 40 EXPECTED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT SAN LUIS Artifacts Jet Silver Glass Coffin Stone Religious Glass Shell Crystal Spanish Quartz Iron Projectile Copper No Sex Beads Hardware Pendants Items Pendants Beads Beads Coin Cross Objects Point Adornments Artifacts

Female 4.862 0.031 0.015 0.031 0.071 0.026 0.020 0.005 0.005 0.015 0.005 0.265 0.648

Male 12.156 0.077 0.038 0.077 0.179 0.064 0.051 0.013 0.013 0.038 0.013 0.663 1.620 Possible Female 13.776 0.087 0.043 0.087 0.202 0.072 0.058 0.014 0.014 0.043 0.014 0.752 1.836 Possible Male 3.241 0.020 0.010 0.020 0.048 0.017 0.014 0.0003 0.003 0.010 0.003 0.177 0.432

Unknown 918.964 5.786 2.893 5.786 13.500 4.821 3.857 0.964 0.964 2.893 0.964 50.143 12.464

TABLE 41 EXPECTED FREQUENCIES FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT SAN LUIS Age Artifacts Glass Coffin Stone Jet Glass Shell Crystal Silver Quartz Iron Projectile Copper No Beads Hardware Pendants Religious Pendants Beads Beads Spanish Cross Objects Point Adornments Artifacts Items Coin Under 18 790.115 4.974 2.487 4.974 11.607 4.145 3.316 0.829 0.829 4.974 0.829 43.112 105.293 18-40 34.846 0.219 0.110 0.219 0.512 0.183 0.146 0.037 0.037 0.219 0.037 1.901 4.644 Over 40 4.862 0.031 0.015 0.031 0.071 0.026 0.020 0.005 0.005 0.031 0.005 0.265 0.648 Adult 88.331 0.556 0.278 0.556 1.298 0.463 0.371 0.093 0.093 0.556 0.093 4.820 11.771 Unknown 34.846 0.219 0.110 0.219 0.512 0.183 0.146 0.037 0.037 0.219 0.037 1.901 4.644

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TABLE 42 CHI-SQUARE FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT SAN LUIS Sex Artifacts Glass Coffin Stone Jet Glass Shell Crystal Silver Quartz Iron Projectile Copper No Beads Hardware Pendants Religious Pendants Beads Beads Spanish Cross Objects Point Adornments Artifacts Items Coin Female 3.068 0.031 0.015 0.031 0.071 0.026 0.020 0.005 0.005 0.015 0.005 0.265 29.228 Male 10.238 110.960 0.038 0.077 0.179 58.564 0.051 0.013 0.013 0.038 0.013 2.696 17.867 Possible 4.389 42.064 0.043 0.087 0.202 0.072 0.058 0.014 0.014 0.043 0.014 0.082 20.694 Female Possible 3.241 0.020 0.010 0.020 0.048 0.017 0.014 0.003 0.003 1329.336 0.003 0.432 5.691 Male Unknown 0.738 3.959 0.004 0.008 0.019 0.688 0.005 0.001 0.001 1.239 0.001 0.026 2.490

TABLE 43 CHI-SQUARE FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT SAN LUIS Age Artifacts Glass Coffin Stone Jet Glass Shell Crystal Silver Quartz Iron Projectile Copper No Beads Hardware Pendants Religious Pendants Beads Beads Spanish Cross Objects Point Adornments Artifacts Items Coin Under 18 16.997 3.175 0.095 0.212 0.493 0.316 0.141 0.035 0.829 4.974 0.829 43.112 43.007 18-40 22.252 35.315 0.110 0.219 0.512 0.183 0.146 0.037 0.037 0.219 0.037 19.567 89.226 Over 40 3.068 30.289 0.015 0.031 0.071 149.872 0.020 0.005 0.005 0.031 0.005 0.265 2.821 Adult 59.229 0.355 0.278 0.556 1.298 0.463 0.371 0.093 8.846 3.750 0.093 318.480 93.804 Unknown 4.027 0.219 7.201 0.219 0.512 0.183 0.146 0.037 0.037 2.785 25.064 1.901 32.875

75 hypothesis was rejected, and at least some of the artifact distributions were higher than would occur by chance. Chi-square residual and adjusted residual values were determined for each cell in the table to find the source of the variation.

Once the residual values were obtained, the adjusted residual values were calculated for the artifacts by sex (Table 44). The results showed that values for males for “coffin hardware,”

“shell beads,” and “no artifacts” were higher than expected while “glass beads” was lower. For females, only the “no artifacts” category was higher, and only the “glass beads” category was lower than expected. The possible females were higher than expected in “coffin hardware,” and

“no artifacts,” while being lower in “glass beads.” The possible males were higher in “iron objects” and “no artifacts,” and they were lower in glass beads. Finally, the individuals whose sex could not be determined were higher than expected with “glass beads.” These same individuals were lower than expected for “coffin hardware,” “shell beads,” “iron objects,” and

“no artifacts.” All other values were within the -1.96 to 1.96 range and considered to be not significantly different than expected.

Adjusted residual values were also calculated for the artifacts by age (Table 45). Higher than expected values occurred for the under eighteen age group in “glass beads” but lower than expected in “coffin hardware,” the “quartz cross,” “iron objects,” “copper adornments,” and “no artifacts.” Values were higher than expected for the eighteen to forty age group in “coffin hardware,” “copper adornments,” and “no artifacts.” Values were lower in the “glass beads.” The over forty age group had higher than expected values for “coffin hardware” and “shell beads” with lower values in “glass beads,” while the “adult” age group had higher values in “glass

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TABLE 44 ADJUSTED RESIDUALS FOR ARTIFACTS BY SEX AT SAN LUIS Sex Artifacts Glass Coffin Stone Jet Glass Shell Crystal Silver Quartz Iron Projectile Copper No Beads Hardware Pendants Religious Pendants Beads Beads Spanish Cross Objects Point Adornments Artifacts Items Coin Female -4.027 -0.177 -0.122 -0.177 -0.268 -0.162 -0.142 -0.071 -0.071 -0.122 -0.071 -0.528 5.738 Male -7.389 10.630 -0.194 -0.280 -0.428 7.719 -0.228 -0.115 -0.115 -0.194 -0.115 1.690 4.505 Possible -4.840 6.912 -0.209 -0.298 -0.455 -0.270 -0.243 -0.119 -0.119 -0.209 -0.119 0.295 4.851 Female Possible -4.136 -0.142 -0.100 -0.142 -0.221 -0.220 -0.118 -0.055 -0.055 19.960 -0.055 -0.673 2.530 Male Unknown 10.386 -10.515 0.333 0.470 0.721 -4.378 0.385 0.195 0.195 -5.875 0.195 -0.868 -8.806

TABLE 45 ADJUSTED RESIDUALS FOR ARTIFACTS BY AGE AT SAN LUIS Age Artifacts Glass Coffin Stone Jet Glass Shell Crystal Silver Quartz Iron Projectile Copper No Beads Hardware Pendants Religious Pendants Beads Beads Spanish Cross Objects Point Adornments Artifacts Items Coin Under 18 22.874 -4.320 -0.748 1.115 1.708 -1.362 0.911 0.452 -2.202 -5.401 -2.202 -16.240 -16.868 18-40 -11.027 6.071 -0.339 -0.478 -0.731 -0.437 -0.389 -0.196 -0.196 -0.478 -0.196 4.611 10.192 Over 40 -4.027 5.532 -0.122 -0.177 -0.268 12.297 -0.142 -0.071 -0.071 -0.177 -0.071 -0.553 1.783 Adult 18.539 0.626 -0.554 -0.785 -1.203 -0.715 -0.640 -0.320 3.124 2.037 -0.320 19.165 10.767 Unknown -4.692 -0.478 -0.339 -0.478 -0.734 -0.437 -0.390 -0.196 -0.196 1.703 5.104 -1.437 6.187

77 beads,” the “quartz cross,” “iron objects,” “copper adornments,” and “no artifacts.” Finally, the indeterminate age group had higher than expected values for the “projectile point” and “no artifacts,” and lower values in “glass beads.”

Summary

With the exception of Nuestra Señora de la Soledad artifacts (for both sex and age) and

Santa Maria artifacts (for age), all the mission sites showed different observed frequencies for the artifacts than can be expected to occur by chance. Calculations of chi-square residuals revealed that all of the artifacts from the remaining missions had either higher or lower values than expected for many of the artifact categories, while many others could not be considered significantly different than expected. These results indicate deliberate patterns for burial of artifacts with individuals by age and sex. What these results could mean is discussed in the next chapter.

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CHAPTER V

ANALYSIS

The results from chi-square tests reveal that many of the burials of Native Americans residing in the seventeenth-century Spanish mission system contained artifacts in numbers that were statistically significant. In this chapter, I attempt to elucidate the meaning of these results.

For the purposes of this discussion, acculturated and assimilated are used interchangeably to mean the level to which native individual’s retained their own culture versus adopting Spanish cultural practices.

Religion

To what extent did religious identity influence gender identity formation? This question cannot be answered fully by this thesis, but this research begins to reveal important aspects, such as how many of the Apalachee, Guale, and Timucua conformed fully to the Catholic style of burial. The sample of the population represented by the burials analyzed would presumably have been Catholic, as they were buried either under the church floor or in consecrated ground near the church. In order to have been buried in consecrated ground and beneath the church floors, the individuals would have converted to Catholicism and be practicing Catholics. Therefore, in order to assess whether their new religious identities influenced their traditional gender identity formations it is appropriate to look at a comparative sample from a non-Christian population.

Such a comparison verifies burial habits of the population who were Christian versus non-

Christian. I did not do this, as very little burial data currently exists for non-Christian Native

Americans within the study area.

79

One of the biggest shapers of identity for Christianized Native Americans appears to have been religion based on the lack of funerary items found within this study. Spanish Catholic burials contained little to no artifacts, as demonstrated by those in the cemetery at Nuestra

Señora de la Soledad, where 93.75 percent had none (Appendix B). Significantly, many of the native burials at the mission sites in this analysis lacked artifacts as well. At San Martín de

Timucua, Santa Catalina de Guale, San Pablo y San Pedro de Patale, and San Luis de Talimali, a statistically significant number of native burials occurred without funerary items. This pattern occurred across all sex categories and age groups for those sites. The indeterminate sex individuals and the indeterminate age individuals at San Martín; the males, the over forty age group, and the indeterminate age group at Santa Catalina; the females, the males, the possibly females, and all age groups at Patale; and the females, “adults,” and indeterminate age group at

San Luis all showed higher than expected values for individuals with no artifacts associated with them. At San Martín, 91.89 percent of the burials held no funerary items. At Santa María, the percentage was 87.5, at Santa Catalina, it was 93.28 percent, and at Patale, it was 79.1 percent.

Even at San Luis, the only site with a large quantity of funerary items accompanying burials,

81.41 percent, or 127, of the 156 burials analyzed lacked associated artifacts. This percentage may not be completely representative of the population of San Luis, as many of the burials could not be evaluated for identity due to an inability to associate specific artifacts with individual skeletons. However, San Luis follows the trend of the rest of the missions with a high percentage of burials without artifacts.

The lack of funerary items is in contrast to pre-contact burial rituals in the lower

Southeast. Irene period mounds on St. Catherines Island, for example, yielded fifty burials with artifacts including soapstone pendants, shell beads, and clay pipes (Thomas 2008:1037). Etowah, 80 built in phases between A.D. 1250 and 1375, contained a significant number of funerary items with the burials, such as shell gorgets and copper headdresses (King 2004). The King site in northern Georgia in the mid-sixteenth century also had a large quantity of artifacts associated with the burials, including celts, end scrapers, triangular points, blades, iron tools, Busycon shell beads, discoidals, hammerstones, pipes, and bone spoons to name a few, from the King site

(Hally 2008:222-270).

Platform mounds at Lake Jackson between A.D. 1100 and 1500 contained an abundance of burial goods as well (McEwan 2000:60). Salvage excavations on Mound 3 at Lake Jackson uncovered twenty-five burials with associated items such as copper and stone axes, shell gorgets, copper breastplates, pearl beads, and copper-inlaid bone hairpins (Jones 1982:13) The

Apalachee, as part of the Mississippian sphere of influence, built burial mounds in which high status individuals were interred (McEwan 2000:59). These individuals were placed in the mounds with specific funerary items indicative of their rank (Hann 1988:7). The Timucua constructed a small quantity of mounds as well (Worth 1998a: 14.82). The contrast between pre-

Contact and post-Contact burials indicates that conversion to Catholicism had a rather profound effect on the Native American’s burial patterns. As seen in the missions analyzed here, native groups began to bury their dead in a more Spanish Catholic style, with relatively few burial goods.

However, a small quantity of individual did receive special treatment. For example, the deceased buried near the altar at San Luis had coffins, and they faced in a direction opposite to all others (McEwan and Larsen 1996:7). McEwan and Larsen suggest that they might have held significant places within the church, such as parish interpreters, as burial with the head away from the altar was generally only allowed for friars (1996:8) 81

The patterns seen here could be a result of the fact that, other than at San Luis, the missions examined were not large regional centers and thus did not have the same access to goods to use in burials. San Luis was the provincial capital beginning in 1656, which made it the administrative center for the Apalachee and Spanish (McEwan 2000:66). The other missions did not have the same level of importance to warrant a large flow of trade or gifted items. However, the high percentage of burials without funerary items across the five sites, even at San Luis, suggests that a lack of access to goods was not the main reason for lack of burial goods. Even with access to Spanish goods, the Native Americans still chose to bury most individuals without funerary items. In addition, those with funerary items still had less than previous generations.

Gender

Gender identity in the Spanish colonial context was a complex issue. This complexity is seen in the patterns of funerary items interred with individuals. Females tended not to be buried with glass beads, which, as will be discussed later in this chapter, was likely due to a greater association of glass beads with individuals of a younger age for whom sex was difficult to determine. With the exception of the one glass bead buried with a female individual at Santa

Catalina and the five glass beads buried with females at Santa Maria, no other females from the other mission sites were buried with glass beads. Even those who were possibly female at Santa

María, Patale, and San Luis still were not associated with a great number of glass beads in their burials. While the number of beads buried with female individuals was less than expected statistically at San Luis and Santa Catalina, it was about average for the rest of the missions.

Females also lacked copper adornments. The only case where females might have been associated with copper adornments was in an internment of possible females from Santa María, in which the only two rolled copper aglets found were with one individual. Both the glass beads 82 and rolled copper aglets were European trade goods. As such, they would have been distributed through the caciques, and thus were likely indicators of an individual’s status in the community hierarchy rather than indicative of gender. While visitation records list no Apalachee women as leaders, the 1657 Rebolledo visitation (Hann 1986), the 1677 Leturiondo visitation (Hann 1993), and the 1685 Leturiondo visitation (Worth 1995) list several female leaders of the Guale and

Timucua. It is possible that the absence of noted female leaders for the Apalachee and the presence of several for the Timucua and Guale could explain the presence of the beads and aglets at Santa María and Santa Catalina (Timucua and Guale), but not at San Luis and Patale

(Apalachee).

As will be discussed below, the association of the glass beads with the under eighteen age group is more likely a correlation with age rather than gender. Glass beads may have been an adornment more common to younger, rather than older individuals, regardless of gender, though the two possibilities are not mutually exclusive.

One female individual was buried with a possible chert knife at San Martín. This occurrence was statistically significant. In addition, the individual was over forty years in age, an association that was also statistically significant. Given the uniqueness of the knife for both age and sex, it is possible that the knife was a symbol of social position, possibly as a noble woman who was part of a particular lineage, or some other social status conferred either by birth or achievement. A final possibility is that the knife was representative of some aspect of this woman’s occupation. David Hally has suggested that bifacial blades found at the King Site in

Georgia were related to the individual being not only a good warrior, but a higher-ranking warrior (2008:465-466). However, Hally also notes that the “blades have a strong tendency to be interred with older individuals” and thus could be age-related (2008:427), or could be 83 representative of the status of the individual if it was used in “more and more socially valued activities such as warfare or ceremonial display” (2008:443-444). These options might also be representative of what the knife meant to the female individual with whom it was buried. Further use-wear analysis might shed some light on the probable use of the knife, and therefore the meaning behind it, as was done by April Sievert for the Mississippian period Spiro and Angel

Sites (1994).

One of the sites where sex was most obviously linked to artifacts was at Santa Catalina, where all artifacts but the glass beads buried with a young child (potentially also female), were found with females. Some of the Guale at that time period were indeed governed by cacicas. In fact, Santa Catalina had a cacica named Maria listed in the visitation records for 1685, 1695, and

1701 (Worth 1995:106, 113, 124). The 1657 Rebolledo visitation in Timucua confirms a Maria

Meléndez was cacica of Santa Ana (Hann 1986:104). A woman named Lucia was listed as

“principal cacica of the place of Nihayca” (Hann 1986:105). The 1677 Leturiondo visitation to the Guale records a petition to the governor to have a woman named Lucia given the chieftainship, who then “renounced in favor of a sister of hers named Elena, who was in the place of San Felipe” (Hann 1993:89). It also lists a principal Mocama cacica named Juana

Meléndez who stepped down from her position “in favor of a woman called Merenciana, her niece” (Hann 1993:93), as well as a cacica of Santa Ana and of Santa Fé (Hann 1993:135).

Given that females are well-documented to have been able to hold high-ranking positions, the statistically significant presence of the artifacts with the biologically female individuals indicates the likelihood that the Guale women of Santa Catalina continued to hold social status even after the appearance of the Spanish missions. They might even have been of the same ruling Guale lineage, though this is difficult to determine without records of exactly who the individuals were 84 that were buried or distinct biological markers, for example, Carabelli’s cusp from the King site

(Hally and Kelly 1998:57). Furthermore, as only the bear bones and a single glass bead were found with females over the age of forty, the artifact distribution cannot merely be attributed to higher status due to age. It is possible that the continued use of female chiefs was a result of population loss. Though women could become chiefs, the male was typically first in line (Worth

1998a:88). Given that the Santa Catalina cemetery on Amelia Island was established later in the seventeenth century when the population had declined, this factor could explain the presence of women in higher status, which is then reflected in the burial patterns. Alternatively, the presence of the burial goods with only women could simply mean that the women received those burial goods, and their positions of power had little to do with this aspect of their burials. Again, without specific records, it is difficult to say for certain.

Males and possible males were more likely to be associated with copper or shell adornments. At San Luis, males had a higher than expected value for copper sequins and shell beads, while the possible males had higher than expected values for shell beads at Patale. In pre- contact Native American societies in the Southeast, shell beads indicated higher social status

(Yerkes 1983; Prentice 1987; Yerkes 1989; Thomas 1996; Trubitt 2003). Shell beads were used for “social negotiation” and “were exchanged as wealth items and used for payment of social debts like bridewealth or reparation” (Eastman 2001:72). This tradition likely continued into the

Spanish missions, making it highly likely that those males and possible males buried with shell beads were higher status. The males and possible males were also more likely to be associated with the coffin hardware at San Luis, indicating that they were more likely to have been buried in coffins. Coffin burials indicate a higher status in Spanish society as it requires more energy and a higher cost to bury someone in a coffin versus a shroud burial. Further evidence supporting this 85 interpretation is all the coffin burials occurred towards the altar end of the church, a position typically associated with higher status (McEwan and Larsen 1996:7). Lastly, a male individual was associated with the only shroud pin found at Santa María. This pin may or may not indicate much about identity, as shroud pins were not always used in burials without coffins but all non- coffin burials were shroud burials. It could be significant, however, given that this individual was the only one buried with a shroud pin.

Adults of both genders had fewer beads than subadults, and very rarely were males associated with glass beads. Only at San Martín was the quantity of beads statistically higher than could be expected by chance. San Luis, Santa Catalina, and Patale all had quantities less than could be expected by chance, indicating a possible deliberate choice in the lack of glass beads. In other words, the native groups seem to have intentionally not buried adult women and men with beads. Even the possible males at Patale had lower quantities than expected. This pattern supports the presence of glass beads being more influenced by age than gender and further validates the theory (discussed below) that glass beads were an indication of greater assimilation by the younger generations.

The large quantities of artifacts associated with individuals whose biological sex could not be determined complicates a discussion about gender at three of the five mission sites examined in this thesis. Almost all the beads, half the coffin hardware, the shell beads, lead ammunition, copper beads, glass pendants, shell pendants, jet figas, the Spanish silver coin, iron knife blade, and the quartz cross were found with burials of indeterminate sex at San Luis. The same pattern occurred at Santa Maria, where two-thirds of the glass beads, three-fourths of the shells, and the shell bead necklace were with unknown individuals. At Patale, all but four glass beads, all but one of the shell fasteners, all the copper beads and copper sheet rings, the leather 86 pouch and two cloth pouches, the columella shell pendant, and half the shell beads were associated with individuals of indeterminate sex. The statistical analysis demonstrates that these occurrences are statistically different than would occur by chance. However, because of the lack of association with individuals who could be sexed, using these specific artifacts to understand the issue of gender identity formation is not entirely feasible, though some inferences can be made.

Age

Because many of the individuals whose sex could not be determined were under the age of eighteen, the artifacts buried with them indicate much more about treatment of these individuals by age than they do about gender. For example, the glass beads that were underrepresented for males and for females were clearly associated with the under eighteen age group. Those under the age of eighteen at Santa María, Santa Catalina, and especially San Luis had a significantly higher quantity of glass beads than those over eighteen. At Santa Catalina, a young child was the only individual, other than females, to have artifacts associated with skeletal remains. Given that all other artifacts were buried with females, it is likely that this child was also female. However, this sex identification cannot simply be assumed, and identification of sex on a subadult skeleton is hard to do with any accuracy. Only at San Martín, where the eighteen to forty year olds had nineteen of the twenty beads, and at Patale, where 890 of the 896 glass beads were buried with the “adult” age group were any individuals buried with glass beads in any great quantities. This pattern is the opposite of the other sites, where younger individuals had the beads. At Patale, though there were fewer glass beads than could be expected for those under eighteen, there were more copper sheet rings, cloth pouches, and shell fasteners for that same category. Individuals under the age of eighteen at San Luis not only had the vast majority of 87 glass beads, but also all the glass pendants and all but one of the stone pendants, all the jet figas, and half the shell beads. What is even more interesting is that the large majority of subadult skeletons were buried in the southwestern portion of the church towards the altar, indicating a possible higher status (McEwan and Larsen 1996:7). Alternatively, the positioning of the subadults near the altar could simply have been a signal to other Apalachee that these children had converted to Catholicism and were being rewarded in death, and thus also in the afterlife, with a burial closer to the altar.

Although the observed frequencies at Santa María for age were determined overall to be no more than would be expected by chance, it is important to note that most of the artifacts were associated with individuals of the under eighteen category. This greater quantity of burial goods is possibly an indicator of higher social status within the group of younger individuals. They were important enough to warrant a significant amount of artifacts in their burials. As with the females at Santa Catalina, more burial record information is required to say with any certainty if social status was a factor.

The San Luis and Santa Catalina samples, where the children had more beads, were both from later mission populations whose numbers had already declined (1656 and 1683, respectively), while the San Martín and Patale samples, where the adults had more beads, were both earlier mission populations (1608 and mid-1600s, respectively). The earlier sites where the adults had more beads might reflect a situation where people lived longer, whereas in later periods mission inhabitants might have died younger due to various diseases and intensified demands for labor by the Spanish. According to John Worth, census data for the region shows the populations dropped below 5 percent of their starting points between the 1500s and the early

1700s (2001:15). Diseases, forced labor, and nutrition led to this decline (Walker 2001:290-292). 88

Over time, as the population declined, there were fewer people, and therefore more goods were available. Those under eighteen were more assimilated into the system, and therefore retained the most goods: a state reflected in the burial assemblage. Vernon James Knight, Jr. found in his study of the Creek at Tukabatchee and in the Southeast in general that “as knowledge of the external world becomes artificially accessible to virtually anybody, virtually everybody will take advantage of it in enlarging their sphere of social identity” (Knight 1985:176). Between assimilation and the population decline, individuals under the age of eighteen might have had greater access to the tribute given to the chiefs, which the chiefs had then spread to the rest of the population.

Unfortunately, the Spanish historical records on demographics within the Spanish mission of La Florida are relatively uninformative or have not been discovered yet. Only records for missions, such as Jesuit missions in Paraguay, contain that sort of information (Livi-Bacci and Maeder 2004; Jackson 2008). In the case of the Paraguayan Jesuit missions, the populations appear to have increased, despite period epidemics (Livi-Bacci and Maeder 2004). This can be attributed to two causes. First, due to Jesuit encouragement of marriage at a young age, the birth rate stayed “at the maximum level under normal conditions,” allowing a surplus population to grow that could accommodate loss due to disease and other factors (Livi-Bacci and Maeder

2004:222). Second, Jesuit policies allowed “social stability and economic achievements…[leading] to an increase in their standard of living and had a positive impact on their demography” (Livi-Bacci and Maeder 2004:222). However, Jesuit missions in Paraguay occurred towards the end of the seventeenth-century and beyond, right at the end of the Spanish mission system in Florida (Livi-Bacci and Maeder 2004; Jackson 2008). Therefore, caution must be taken when using this as a comparative sample, given the two completely different groups of 89 priests (Franciscan and Jesuit), the difference in time periods, and the difference in native populations.

The evidence that the younger generations were buried with more funerary items, and specifically more Spanish funerary items, could also be indicative of younger generations adopting more European ideology over time. Those under the age of eighteen would have been born to parents who spent most, if not all, their lives under the Spanish dominion. The younger generation would thus have been immersed in the mission system and accustomed to the Spanish way of life. During the visitation of Apalachee Province in 1677, at San Lorenzo de Hivitachuco

Domingo de Leturiondo, standing in for Governor Pablo de Hita Salazar, ordered that “a school be established in all of the places for teaching the boys to read and write who apply themselves to it” (Hann 1993:119). This visitation was not the only one to mention schooling. During the visitation to Timucua that same year, the lieutenant was “ordered and commanded to put a school for the teaching of their youth to read and write in every one of the places of his jurisdiction”

(Hann 1993:141). While it is likely that the schools were led by the priests of the various missions teaching classes at the church, the influence these classes likely had on the children cannot be dismissed. Though the very young among them may have had little choice in the acquisition of beads and other European items, these younger children may have had a voice in whether or not they wore the beads, and thus inadvertently affected the types of trade goods sought or acquired by a household.

The eighteen to forty age group and the “adult” age group were a second category with a significant quantity of artifacts associated with them. At Santa Catalina, all the females but one with artifacts were between the ages of eighteen and forty. At Patale, the “adult” age group had almost all the glass and copper beads, half the copper sheet rings, the only leather pouch, half the 90 cloth pouches, a third of the shell fasteners, all of the shell beads, the smoothed quartz pebbles, and the columella shell pendant. At San Martín, all of the artifacts except one glass bead and the possible chert knife were found with the eighteen to forty age group, with the quantity of beads being significantly higher than expected by chance. At Santa Maria, all of the artifacts not found with individuals under the age of eighteen were found with the eighteen to forty and the “adult” age groups. Finally, at San Luis, the majority of artifacts not associated with the under eighteen age group were associated with either the eighteen to forty year olds or the “adults.”

The over forty age group at all five missions had few to no artifacts associated with them.

This pattern makes sense. If an association can be drawn between the number of European artifacts one is buried with and the degree to which they were assimilated into Spanish mission culture, then the under eighteen age group was the most assimilated, the eighteen to forty age group was assimilated but less so than the under eighteen age group, and the over forty age group was the least assimilated. This pattern might be explained for the oldest age group due to the longer period lived in a pre-contact world and/or having parents born before the Spanish entrada.

Additionally, if people were dying younger within the Spanish mission system due to diseases and other stresses to their health, as suggested above, the number of individuals reaching the age of forty or higher would decrease. The early age at death would mean that, given the high percentage of individuals buried without artifacts as well as fewer individuals over the age of forty, the percentage within the category itself for the over forty individuals not associated with any artifacts would be higher.

It is likely that some of the individuals labeled as “adult” and unknown were actually over forty. Unfortunately, there is no way to be certain. The individuals whose age could not be determine had very few artifacts associated with them. This pattern is likely due to the fact that 91 there was a high percentage overall of individuals who were buried without artifacts and a lower percentage for whom age was unknown. Given that most individuals were buried without artifacts, despite age or sex, the likelihood that individuals of unknown age would not have grave goods was higher.

Summary

The results from the statistical analysis indicate several relatively clear patterns in which individuals received specific funerary items upon interment. Females and males tended to not be buried with glass beads. Children were more likely to be buried with glass beads, while males were more likely to be buried with shell beads and copper adornments, and a large percentage within all five sites, regardless of age or sex, were buried without artifacts at all. These patterns reveal more about age than gender. In later missions, those under the age of eighteen received preferential treatment in terms of quantities and types of burial goods while those between eighteen and forty were the recipients of such treatment in earlier missions. The large numbers of individuals for which sex could not be identified made analysis based on gender difficult but not impossible. The association of male individuals with shell beads may indicate a higher status for males in general in Apalachee society. The almost exclusively female-associated burial goods at

Santa Catalina provides evidence of higher status women in terms of rank among the Guale. One possibility was that due to large decreases in population, leadership positions were more readily available to women. Finally, it appears that Catholicism had a major impact on the Apalachee, the Timucua, and the Guale. Changes in burial patterns of funerary items occurred while native groups still attempted to hold on to some pre-Contact customs.

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CHAPTER VI

CONCLUSION

Personal identity, while always fluid due to individuals changing in response to their sociocultural environment, was especially so in seventeenth-century Spanish Florida. Because of its place on the frontier of Spanish colonial territory in the Americas, La Florida proved to be an intermingling of several cultures. This blending of peoples intensified fluidity in the identity formation of the individuals inhabiting Spanish Florida in general and the missions in particular.

Analysis of the funerary items buried with the Guale, Timucua, and Apalachee at the five missions included in this thesis reveals three native groups who attempted to navigate the new world of the Spanish mission system while at the same time retaining parts of their past to carry forward with them. It exposes a complex process through which the Guale, Timucua, and

Apalachee created their own unique personal identities that became an amalgamation of pre-

Contact traditions and post-Contact missionization.

The first question posed in this thesis was to what extent did age, gender, and social status influence the presence and nature of burial goods interred with Native Americans living in the mission system of seventeenth-century Spanish Florida. Obvious patterns emerged from the statistical analysis. One pattern was a change from shell beads to glass beads in interments.

Before contact with the Spanish, shell beads acted as wealth and status symbols among

Mississippian societies (Prentice 1987:193). Those of a higher status used them to adorn themselves or for “social negotiation” (Eastman 2001:72). In the context of the five missions analyzed in this thesis, shell beads were most often, though not exclusively, associated with men.

This pattern may be an indication of a continuation of native burial practices, and these men may have been of a higher status or socially negotiated their way to such status. 93

During the mission period, shell beads shifted to glass beads. At the earlier missions, adult male burials contained the most glass beads. In the latter part of the seventeenth century, the children’s burials, like those at San Luis and the subadult buried at Santa Catalina, contained the most glass beads. As stated in the analysis chapter, one possibility was that this shift occurred out of decreases in populations that created an increased availability of goods, including the glass beads. The beads could still be an indicator of social status, given the distribution over a small portion of the population. The bead pattern could also be a sign of increased Spanish authority with more adults converting and therefore using glass beads. However, as the mortality rate for subadults likely increased, age patterns became skewed over time. Increased availability combined with more subadult deaths could have led to more instances of beads with children.

It is also possible that glass beads became a cheaper, more easily obtained substitute.

Another possibility is glass beads became more exotic or sought after, and therefore, they gradually replaced the shell beads. Because the shift from shell to glass beads appears to have occurred before the shift of glass beads from adult males to children, there is no accompanying switch in association of shell beads with children. While shell beads are still found in several burials at San Luis and Patale, glass beads make up the vast majority of adornment artifacts. Age and social status influenced burial patterns in these circumstances. In other instances, like that of

Santa Catalina, gender was a factor in the burial patterns. All of the funerary items were interred with female individuals with the exception of some beads associated with a child’s burial.

While it is difficult to determine a great deal about gender due to the large number of burials without artifacts as well as a significant number of individuals for whom sex could not be determined, the principles of third wave feminist theory still apply. Feminist theory argues for questioning assumptions and identifying biases of archaeologists in the past as well as 94 considering other aspects of identity such as age and social status alongside gender. These other aspects cannot be considered as separate entities because they are intertwined and affect each other. Age, social status, and gender also hold different levels of importance depending on the individual’s current circumstances. In regards to “third wave” feminist theory, this interconnectedness was apparent in the seventeenth-century missions, particularly with respect to the relationship between gender and status among declining populations in the late mission era.

Although platform mound building had been abandoned prior to contact with the

Spanish, many burial mounds associated with the pre-Contact Apalachee, and to a lesser extent the Timucua, have been excavated (Hann 1988:7). The individuals buried in the mounds before contact with the Spanish had a large quantity of artifacts associated with them (Rothschild 1979;

Jones 1982; McEwan 2000; King 2004). Yet, in all five Spanish missions evaluated, the vast majority of burials lacked any funerary items whatsoever, indicating that the Native Americans began to inter their dead in a more Catholic style. While there is no evidence of a prohibition on burying items with the deceased, there seems to be a trend in shifting to a lack of funerary goods associated with burials after Christianization, not just in the Spanish colonies but also in places like England, though a wide range of burial practices appears to have been accepted particularly as cultural interaction took place (Garcia n.d.; Meaney 2003).

While the artifacts tended to be associated with individuals buried closer to the altar, indicating someone of possible higher status, even many of those closer to the altar were buried without artifacts. The Spanish followed the Catholic tradition of few, if any, items being placed with the interred individual. The Soledad cemetery, a Spanish and British cemetery in St.

Augustine for whom all the burials examined were Spanish, demonstrates this pattern. Here, fifteen of the sixteen pre-1700 Spanish burials contained no artifacts. The one individual buried 95 with artifacts had both the jet rosary beads and the cross, leading Koch to the conclusion that this individual was a priest (Koch 1983). The instances of individuals with many artifacts, such as those observed at San Luis, indicates a persistence of the native custom of burying higher status people with burial items. The high quantity of those buried with none at all points to a possible co-mingling of Spanish and native beliefs. This intermixing of religious practice also indicates a melding of Catholic faith with traditional belief systems and demonstrates the porosity of

Spanish efforts in missionizing the Native Americans. Given this pattern, it appears that religion played an important role in identity formation for the Guale, Timucua, and Apalachee.

The relocated Guale mission of Santa Catalina proved to be the most interesting in terms of certain burial goods associated with gender identity. Of the nine individuals associated with funerary objects, all but one was biologically female. The one non-female’s sex could not actually be determined as the skeleton belonged to a subadult. It is possible that this young child was also female, but limitations of skeletal analysis do not allow for confirmation of this hypothesis. Whether or not the burial of artifacts with almost exclusively female individuals can be attributed to a single lineage, women were obviously able to negotiate their way in the world into positions of status important enough to warrant being the only individuals with burial goods in this context. Another possibility is that women were buried with artifacts because they held onto traditional beliefs longer. Carol Mason found that among the Lower Creek in the eighteenth century, women tended to retain the traditional culture longer as men went out to participate in the deer skin trade, leaving the villages and preserving the “matrilineal land control and matrilineal descent” (1963:73), although Barbara Voss has shown the variation that occurred in native incorporation and retention of their own culture by the women in individual households in

Spanish Florida (Voss 2008). The labor demands of the Spanish requiring extended absences of 96 the men may have had this same effect on the Guale. Given that the Santa Catalina mission on

Amelia Island was founded after the Guale had been forced to abandon their homes along the

Georgia coast and disease had cut their numbers drastically, it is possible that women assumed positions of higher status due to a lack of males for leadership positions. Women like Maria, cacica of Santa Catalina, or Maria Meléndez could take advantage of the power vacuum created to achieve a better social position. Without more specific demographic information regarding each individual, further analysis is impossible, and even this analysis must remain uncertain.

Following the principles of feminist theory, it is limiting to assume that women had to wait for vacancies provided by a lack of men. Just because the women may have had no official leadership positions does not disqualify them from holding informal positions of authority or earning a higher social status in their own rights. For example, the Lady of Cofitachequi was the cacica of a chiefdom in the Carolinas at the time of the de Soto expedition (Trocolli 2006:127-

128). While she “inherited the position from her mother or her aunt,” she was apparently well- respected in her own right, as her people treated her with esteem all the way up “into the mountains, over 100 miles away” (Trocolli 2006:132). Also, a lack of associated funerary items does not automatically disqualify someone from having occupied a high status position or of having wielded power of some sort. This analysis is based on the use of only one aspect of how identity was likely expressed, that of using material goods to reflect personal identity. Therefore, a lack of burial goods cannot necessarily be assumed to mean a lack of status or a neutrality of gender.

The second question regarding what do the results tell us about the nature of personal identity formation among these missionized Native Americans and how it may have varied over time and between regions is impossible to get at within the context of this thesis. First, personal 97 identity formation is a very complicated issue involving several factors including age, gender, social status, and ethnicity that involves “constant negotiation” depending on an individual’s circumstances (Meskell 2007:24). Given that these circumstances are constantly changing, even from day to day, there is no guarantee that what an individual is interred with accurately reflects the long-term personal identity of the individual. Personal identity is also reflected in many ways that are invisible to archaeologists. For example, clothing provides a good medium to express identity, but only certain items are found in the archaeological record. While archaeologists find beads, buttons, and buckles, very rarely is any fabric or leather preserved from garments (Loren

2010:1). Therefore, often these artifacts are found disembodied from the articles of clothing they adorned, allowing little to be said about how and why these items were used. Another expression of identity invisible to archaeologists are the actions of individuals in the sense of the day to day minutia of the peoples’ lives. The personal interactions that individuals have with each other in which identity is negotiated do not make it into the archaeological record, and thus cannot be seen in burial patterns.

Creolization affects personal identity formation as well, and is just as complex.

Archaeologists use varying definitions of creolization depending on what they are studying

(Cusick 2000; Loren 2000; Mullins and Paynter 2000; Wilkie 2000). The definition of creolization used in this thesis was that of Laurie Wilkie in which creolization is “a process represented by retentions in cultural values that become expressed in new ways due to cultural contact and relocation” (Wilkie 2000:11). Within these boundaries, both the native groups of

Spanish Florida and the Spanish colonizers performed their identities. In Spanish Florida, however, colonizers and natives alike dealt with variable ability to access goods, further complicating personal identity formation. Kathleen Deagan points out in her analysis of Hispanic 98 material patterns in Spanish St Augustine that a lack of European potters in Florida and no encomienda system likely led to native pottery being used there (Deagan 1983:234). This factor causes uncertainty as to whether Native Americans and the Spanish used certain ceramics because that was all that was available, or if the individuals were attempting to say something about their own identity as native, Spanish, or something in between. This problem extends to other artifacts recovered from Spanish sites, not just ceramics.

In addition, public persona and personal identity are not equivalent. Although the Guale,

Apalachee, and Timucua may have buried their dead in a more Catholic style, as theorized above, individuals of these three groups did not necessarily identify as more Catholic or more

Spanish either in their daily lives or in the privacy of their own homes. These individuals could have expressed a more Spanish identity in church, but retained their native identity at home.

Because they were buried in a Catholic Church, their native identity would not have been reflected in the funerary items, or lack thereof, with the burials. On the other hand, the question must also be asked of to what extent the priests were able to prevent burial goods or were active in stopping native individuals from being buried with funerary items versus how many of the

Native Americans were actively trying to inter burial goods with their dead. If priests actively tried to prevent funerary items from being interred, this fact would bring a new side to the analysis. Natives without burial goods would then become the individuals for whom the priests were successful, while those with burial goods would represent individuals who were influential enough, or their families were, for the priests to allow the burial goods, or for some other reason were successful in convincing or circumventing the priests. However, none of these proposed options is possible to verify without analyzing other data, such as historical records, not available for this thesis. Therefore, these questions, too, shall remain unanswered for now. 99

Finally, people are interred by others, whether they be family, friends, strangers, or government. Thus, funerary practices are performed by the living more for themselves than for the deceased (Doucette 2001:159). What this entails for patterns of burial goods is the uncertainty that what has been interred with an individual actually informed that individual’s identity or if the people burying that person had other motivations for burying them in such a way. These motivations can range from manipulation for prestige purposes (Pearson 2000:264) to differing perceptions on the part of those burying individual of what that individual’s identity actually was. Therefore, as with the adoption of Catholicism, it is impossible to say for certain how much of the individual’s own identity is reflected in the burial items.

One option that exists that would increase the robusticity of this analysis is the inclusion of the mission Santa Catalina de Guale on St. Catherines Island. While it was not within the scope of this thesis due to unavailability of the collection data still under analysis, inclusion of these data in future analysis would provide an additional mission with a large enough population size to provide a good sample as well as being another earlier mission. Bringing in different types of data sets, such as households, public buildings, etc. would also provide comparative data that would aid in teasing out personal identity formation. An additional option is to find and use sites that spanned both prehistory and history. Examination of such sites would allow for greater insight into changes in identity over time, as well as possibly providing better answers to issues such how much influence Catholicism actually held over burial patterns.

Future Research

Several avenues of future research become apparent from this thesis. First, the burial patterns shown through the statistical analysis could be used to extrapolate inferred associations between specific types of material culture and particular dimensions of personal identity to non- 100 burial mission contexts. Take for example a house from which many beads are excavated. Based on this analysis, glass beads are likely indicative of a higher status and therefore the house possibly belonged to someone of higher status. Extrapolation from burial good patterns observed here should not be the only line of evidence, but it can certainly provide strong support.

Second, this same analytical technique can be applied to other parts of the Spanish colonial mission systems. For example, New Mexico and California both had Spanish missions.

Given that the New Mexican and Californian missions were established almost a century later, a diachronic exploration of changes to the Spanish mission efforts and Native responses can be undertaken. Such a comparison might shed light on what changed in the decades between the establishment of the missions in La Florida and the establishment of the missions in New

Mexico and California, the extent missionization styles of the Jesuits versus those of the

Franciscans affected identity formation, or how the native groups of the Southwest and

California negotiated identity differently, or not, from the Guale, Timucua, and Apalachee of the

Southeast. All of these questions posed allow for an in-depth cross-regional comparison of the

Spanish mission systems in various parts of the Spanish colonies.

Finally, the techniques used to analyze identity formation are not confined to being used solely for Spanish mission contexts. These techniques could potentially be used in analysis of colonial contexts of other parts of the world, both European and non-European, as well as in the

American colonies or as Americans expanded westward. Essentially, the potential to do a similar analysis exists anywhere there are large enough samples from cemetery populations that can be collated together and statistically analyzed. The results of such analyses could prove very useful in studying and comparing patterns of identity formation and negotiation around the world.

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111

APPENDICES

112

APPENDIX A Chi-Square Distribution Critical Values

113 df 훼* 0.5 0.1 0.05 0.025 0.01 0.001 1 0.455 2.706 3.841 5.024 6.635 10.828 2 1.386 4.605 5.991 7.378 9.210 13.816 3 2.366 6.251 7.815 9.348 11.345 16.266 4 3.357 7.779 9.488 11.143 13.277 18.467 5 4.351 9.236 11.070 12.833 15.086 20.515 6 5.348 10.645 12.592 14.449 16.812 22.458 7 6.346 12.017 14.067 16.013 18.475 24.322 8 7.344 13.362 15.507 17.535 20.090 26.124 9 8.343 14.684 16.919 19.023 21.666 27.877 10 9.342 15.987 18.307 20.483 23.209 29.588 11 10.341 17.275 19.675 21.920 24.725 31.264 12 11.340 18.549 21.026 23.337 26.217 32.909 13 12.340 19.812 22.362 24.736 27.688 34.528 14 13.339 21.064 23.685 26.119 29.141 36.123 15 14.339 22.307 24.996 27.488 30.578 37.697 16 15.338 23.542 26.296 28.845 32.000 39.252 17 16.38 24.769 27.587 30.191 33.409 40.790 18 17.338 25.989 28.869 31.526 34.805 42.312 19 18.338 27.204 30.144 32.852 36.191 43.820 20 19.337 28.412 31.410 34.170 37.566 45.315 21 20.337 29.615 32.671 35.479 38.932 46.797 22 21.337 30.813 33.924 36.781 40.289 48.268 23 22.337 32.007 35.172 38.076 41.638 49.728 24 23.337 33.196 36.415 39.364 42.980 51.179 25 24.337 34.382 37.652 40.646 44.314 52.620 26 25.336 35.563 38.885 41.923 45.642 54.052 27 26.336 36.741 40.113 43.195 46.963 55.476 28 27.336 37.916 41.337 44.461 48.278 56.892 29 28.336 39.087 42.557 45.722 49.588 58.301 30 29.336 40.256 43.773 46.979 50.892 59.703 31 30.336 41.422 44.985 48.232 52.191 61.098 32 31.336 42.585 46.194 49.480 53.486 62.487 33 32.336 43.745 47.400 50.725 54.776 63.870 34 33.336 44.903 48.602 51.966 56.061 65.247 35 34.336 46.059 49.802 53.203 57.342 66.619 36 35.336 47.212 50.998 54.437 58.619 67.985 37 36.336 48.363 52.192 55.668 59.893 69.346 38 37.335 49.513 53.384 56.896 61.162 70.703 114

df 훼* 0.5 0.1 0.05 0.025 0.01 0.001 39 38.335 50.660 54.572 58.120 62.428 72.055 40 39.335 51.805 55.758 59.342 63.691 73.402 41 40.335 52.949 56.942 60.561 64.950 74.745 42 41.335 54.090 58.124 61.777 66.206 76.084 43 42.335 55.230 59.304 62.990 67.459 77.419 44 43.335 56.369 60.481 64.201 68.710 78.750 45 44.335 57.505 61.656 64.410 69.957 80.077 46 45.335 58.641 62.830 66.617 71.201 81.400 47 46.335 59.774 64.001 67.821 72.443 82.720 48 47.335 60.907 65.171 69.023 73.683 84.037 49 48.335 62.038 66.339 70.222 74.919 85.351 50 49.335 63.167 67.505 71.420 76.154 86.661 *Note: All Critical Values came from VanPool and Leonard 2011.

115

APPENDIX B Nuestra Señora de la Soledad Artifact Table

116

Burial Age Sex Artifacts Assigned # cultural affiliation 1 25+ years Unknown Spanish 2 25+ years Unknown Spanish 3 Adult Unknown Spanish 4 Adult Unknown Spanish 5 25+ years Unknown Spanish 6 25+ years Male? Spanish 7 25+ years Unknown Spanish 8 Adult Unknown Overcoat? British 9 40+ years Male Burial gown British 10 22-25+ years Male Spanish 11 Adult Unknown Spanish 12 10-12 years Female? Spanish 13 Adult Unknown Spanish 14 Adult Unknown Spanish 15 19+ years Female Spanish 16 25+ years Male Jet rosary Spanish beads, Silver cross 17 Adult Unknown British 18 Fetus or Unknown British Infant 19 Adult Unknown British 20 18-22+ years Female Spanish 21 25+ years Female? Spanish 22 18-22+ years Female British 23 Adult Unknown British 24 Adult Unknown Spanish 25 Adult Unknown British 26 25+ years Male Spanish 4(76) 17-25? Male Spanish *Note: Some of the wording used in this column is taken word for word from the source as there was no other way of phrasing it. SOURCE: Koch 1983.

117

APPENDIX C

San Martín de Timucua Artifact Table

118

Burial # Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 1 child? Unknown None 2 Unknown Unknown None 3 Unknown Unknown None 4 Unknown Unknown None 5 Unknown Unknown None 6 Adult Unknown None 7 12-18 years Unknown One blue glass seed bead Found near neck 8 35-45 years Female None 9 Unknown Unknown None 10 Unknown Unknown None 11 Adult? Male? None 90-1/1 26-30 years Male None 90-1/2 Infant Unknown None 90-1/3 13-15 years Unknown None 90-2 30-35 years Unknown None 90-3/1 25-30 years Male None 90-3/2 25-30 years Female None 90-4 Unknown Unknown None 90-5 Unknown Unknown None 90-6/1 25-30 years Unknown None 90-6/2 25-30 years Unknown None 90-6/3 Adult Unknown None 90-7 2.5-3.5 Unknown None years 90-8 30-35 years Male None 90-9 4-5 years Unknown None 90-10 25-30 years Female None

119

Burial # Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 90-11 30-35 years Male None 90-12 21-25 years Female None 90-13 25-30 years Female None 90-14 35-40 years Male None 90-15 4.5-5.5 Unknown None years 90-16 Unknown Unknown None 90-17 45+ years Female Chert knife (?) Knife found directly on top of right scapula 90-18 20-25 years Male 19 small blue glass beads near feet Possibly part of anklet or footwear decoration 90-19 25-30 years Male None 90-20 35-40 years Male None 90-21 30-35 years Male Wrought iron Spanish nail, Fragments of turtle Carapace frags scattered atop the grave pit fill carapace *Note: Some of the wording used in this column is taken word for word from the source as there was no other way of phrasing it. SOURCE: Weisman 1992; Hoshower and Milanich 1993; Stojanowski 2013.

120

APPENDIX D

Santa María Artifact Table

121

Burial Age Sex Artifacts Notes* # 1 35+ years Female None 3 Subadult Unknown None Disturbed 4 6-8 years Unknown Aboriginal sherd on chest 5 30+ years Male? None Disturbed Burial #10 6 35+ years Male? None 7 25-30 years Female None 8a Subadult Unknown None 8b Unknown Unknown None Upper half disturbed by Burial #17 9 Approx. 2 Unknown None years 10a,b Adult Unknown None Associated with Burial #5, Burial #10a and 10b are same individual 11 5+ years Unknown None Buried after Burial #32 12 20s Female 5 redeposited beads Disturbed Burial #13 and 14a 13 Subadult? Unknown None Redeposited from digging Burial #12 and 15 14a Subadult Unknown None Redeposited cranium from digging Burial #12 14b Adult Unknown None Redeposited fingers, associated with glass beads from Burial #12 15 35+ years Female? None Buried after Burial #12 16 17-25 years Female None 17 Adult Unknown None 18 Unknown Unknown None 19 Infant Unknown None Under Burial #16 20 Adult Unknown None 21 Infant Unknown None 22 Unknown Unknown None 23 Adult Unknown None Same as Bluff Burial #3 24 Adult Unknown Sherds noted in fill

122

Burial Age Sex Artifacts Notes* # 25 7-8 years Unknown None 26 Unknown Unknown None 27 Unknown Unknown None Feet found under skull of Burial #38 28 7-8 years Unknown Shell object Near right humerus 29 5-6 years Unknown None 30 Adult Unknown None 32 Adult Unknown Sherds noted in fill Buried before Burial #11 33 Adult Unknown None Found below Burial #29 34 Approx. 6 Unknown None years 35 25-35 years Male One pot sherd in fill 38 Subadult Unknown None 39 Unknown Unknown None Burial pit only, no bones 40 Unknown Unknown None 41 Unknown Unknown None 42 <18 years Female None Burial #42b is a redeposited adult cranium, Burial #42c is a redeposited subadult bone 43 25-30 years Male None Disturbed by Burial #47 44 13-18 years Unknown None Disturbed by a post 45 Adult Male Frag of glass bead in fill Disturbs Burial #65 46 20-25 years Male None 47 17-18 years Male Shroud pin Pin not in situ, Bone from Burial #42 and 43 redeposited on pelvis/legs of Burial #47 48 40+ years Unknown None Found on top of Burial #50 50 Approx. 7 Unknown None Below Burial #48 years 51 35-45 years Male None

123

Burial Age Sex Artifacts Notes* # 52 Adult Unknown None Unexcavated 53 25+ years Male None 54 Infant? Unknown None No bone recovered 55 35-40 years Female None 56 5-7 years Unknown None Redeposited cranium 57 Approx. 6 Unknown None Possibly buried with Burial #60 years 58 Approx. 25 Male None Possibly buried with Burial #67 years 59 Adult Unknown Goldish shell 60 <1 year Unknown None Possibly buried with Burial #57 61 Adolescent Unknown None A, B, and C noted, Burial #61B belongs with Burial #83 62 20-25 years Male None 63 Adult Unknown None Redeposited bone near Burial #64 64 25-30 years Female None Disturbed Burial #81 and 83 65 40+ years Male None Disturbed by Burial #45, possibly like Burial #84 66 <6 years Unknown None Disturbed by Burial # 55 or 68 67 Unknown Unknown None Possibly interred with Burial #58 68 40+ years Female None 69 40+ years Female None Found above Burial #99 70 25-30 years Female None Found below Burial #69 71 Adult Unknown None Disturbed by Burial #77 72 40+ years Unknown None 73 Adult Female? None 74 40+ years Male None 75 Unknown Unknown None No data, possibly redeposited 76 Adult? Unknown None 124

Burial Age Sex Artifacts Notes* # 77 Adult Female None 78 3-4 years Unknown None Found on top of Burial #79 79 Unknown Unknown None Some parts redeposited in post hole 80 Approx. 4 Unknown None years 81 35-40 years Unknown None Redeposited, Disturbed by Burial #64 82 <18 years Female? Two rolled copper aglets Aglets near right foot, Possibly disturbed by Burial #68 83 Adult Female? None Disturbed by Burial # 64 and 85 84 40+ years Unknown Potsherds and fish bone Burial #84b is a redeposited adult, Burial #84c is a redeposited subadult 85 Adult Female? None Burial #85B possibly redeposited teeth 86 Adult Unknown None 87 40+ years Female? None 88 Subadult Unknown None Redeposited mandible in Burial #83 89 Subadult Unknown 14 beads around head 90 Adult Unknown None 91 8-9 years Unknown None 92 Unknown Unknown None 93 2-6 years Unknown Shell bead necklace around neck 94 6-8 years? Unknown None Disturbs Burial #97 95 40+ years Male? None 96 Unknown Unknown None 97 20-25 years Female None Disturbed by Burial #94 98 40+ years Female? None 99 20-25 years Female? None Found below Burial #69 100 6-8 years Unknown None Disturbed by Burial #103 101 20-30 years Male? Whelk shell in association 125

Burial Age Sex Artifacts Notes* # 102 Adult Unknown None Disturbed by Burial #85 103 30-40 years Male None Disturbed by Burial #100 104 40+ years Male None Buried with Burial #106 105 Unknown Unknown None 106 12+ years Unknown None Buried with Burial #104 108 Adult Unknown None Found below Burial #113, unexcavated 109 Subadult Unknown None Also Burial #106B, redeposited child with burial #106 110 6+ years Unknown None Disturbs Burial #104 111 6-7 years Unknown Piece of Busycon shell 112 Unknown Unknown None Buried below Burial #103,unexcavated 113 Adult Unknown None 114 6-7 years Unknown None 115 Adolescent? Unknown None Found below Burial #103, unexcavated 116 Unknown Unknown None Burial also known as Burial #107 117 Unknown Unknown None Found near Burial #87, unexcavated 118 Subadult Unknown None Redeposited in Feature 70 *Note: Some of the wording used in this column is taken word for word from the source as there was no other way of phrasing it. SOURCE: Stojanowski 2013.

126

APPENDIX E

Santa Catalina de Guale Artifact Table

127

Burial Age Sex Artifacts Notes* # 1 34 Female Bone fid Fid near upper right humerus, much use polish 3a 42 Female None 3b 54 Male None 3c Unknown Female None 4a 42 Female Buried on top of left and right humeri and left distal tibia of a bear, bear bones in direct contact with individual's thoracic area 4b 39 Female None 6a 9 Unknown None 6b 43 Female None 6c 46 Male None 7 60 Female None 8 45 Female None 9 19 Male None 10 35 Male None 11 37 Male None 14 36 Male None 15 39 Male None 16 4 Unknown None 17 50 Male None 18a 41 Male None 18b 3 Unknown None 19 52 Female None 20 25 Female None 21 52 Female None 22 37 Male None

128

Burial Age Sex Artifacts Notes* # 23 40 Male None 24 40 Female None 25a 18 Female None 25b 45 Male None 26 53 Male None 27 36 Female None 28 47 Male None 29 18 Male None 30 39 Female None 31 30 Male None 32 43 Female None 33 30 Female None 34a 46 Male None 34b 26 Male None 35 49 Female None 36a 44 Female None 36b 37 Female None 37 13 Unknown None 38 43 Female One blue and red striped white bead 39a 48 Female None 39b 41 Male None 40a 44 Male None 40b 5 Unknown None 40c 49 Female None 41 9 Unknown None 42a 1 Unknown None

129

Burial Age Sex Artifacts Notes* # 42b 40 Female None 43a 35 Male None 43b 16 Male None 44 47 Male None 45 27 Male None 46 44 Male None 48 41 Male None 49 15 Female One oval glass disc Disc from chest area, Dr. Saunders notes where it was found suggests it was worn, but no hole to put string/rope through 50a 45 Female None 50b 52 Female None 51a 44 Female None 51b 7 Unknown None 51c Unknown Unknown None 51d 32 Female None 51e 47 Male None 52 47 Female None 53 8 Unknown None 54 35 Female None 55a 7 Unknown None 55b Unknown Unknown None 55c 4 Unknown None 56 47 Male None 57 52 Female None 58 42 Female None

130

Burial Age Sex Artifacts Notes* # 59a 48 Female None 59b 20 Male None 60 39 Female One double bar cross, one circular shell disc Disc found around neck 61 38 Female None 62 47 Male None 63 3 Unknown None 64a 1 Unknown None 64b Unknown Unknown None 65 29 Male None 66 19 Female None 67 1 Unknown None 68 3 Unknown None 69 41 Male None 70 13 Male None 71 Unknown Unknown None 72 Unknown Unknown None 73 42 Male None 74a 13 Male None 74b 44 Male None 76 10 Unknown None 77 38 Male None 78 25 Male None 79 3 Unknown None 80a 3 Unknown None 80b 35 Male None

131

Burial Age Sex Artifacts Notes* # 81 4 Unknown 18 blue, oval trade beads, 2 white, small oval trade beads, 6 blue seed beads, 1 white seed bead 82 2 Unknown None 83 S Unknown None 84 2 Unknown None 85 S Unknown None 86 6 Unknown None 87 8 Unknown None 88 51 Female None 89 Unknown Male None 90 50 Female None 91 45 Female None 92 37 Female None 93 25 Female 31 faceted jet rosary beads Beads found around hands 94a 32 Female 2 identical rectangular glass plates, beveled on one Dr. Saunders notes the plates may have been part of side the reliquery originally 94b 35 Male None 95a 16 Unknown None 95b 42 Male None 95c 3 Unknown None 97 3 Unknown None 98 S Unknown None *Note: Some of the wording used in this column is taken word for word from the source as there was no other way of phrasing it. SOURCE: Saunders 1988; Stojanowski 2013.

132

APPENDIX F

San Pedro y San Pablo de Patale Artifact Table

133

Burial Accession Age Sex Artifacts Notes* # # 1 74-27-19 Unknown Unknown 1 medium- Bead found near pelvis sized, spherical, opaque blue spurred bead 2 74-27-20 Adult Unknown None 3 74-27-134 Adult Female None

4 74-27-21 Adult Female None 5 74-27-37 Adult Female None 6 74-27-38 Adult Male None 7 74-27-23 12 Unknown 1 medium- Bead found near pelvis sized, spherical, opaque blue spurred bead 8 None Unknown Unknown None 9 None Unknown Unknown None 10 None Unknown Unknown None 11 74-27-82 Adult Unknown 1 leather pouch, 862 glass beads, 144 rolled copper beads 12 74-27-58 Adult Unknown None 13 74-27-59 16 to 25 Unknown 1 medium- Bead found near pelvis sized, spherical, opaque blue spurred bead 14 74-27-17 Adult Male None 15 74-27-77 Adult Unknown 21 medium- Beads found near neck sized blue glass beads 16 74-27-42 Adult Unknown None 17 None Unknown Unknown None 18 74-27-10 Adult Unknown 1 cloth pouch, 4 Beads found near neck, rolled copper rings found near right beads, 3 rolled humerus sheet copper rings 19 None Unknown Unknown None 20 74-27-57 7 to 12 Unknown None

134

Burial Accession Age Sex Artifacts Notes* # # 21 74-27-62 10 to 11 Unknown None 22 74-27-41 Adolescent/Adult Unknown None 23 74-27-56 Adult Female None 24 74-27-60 Adult Male 11 medium- sized shell beads, 2 opaque blue glass beads 25 None Unknown Unknown None 26 74-27-07 Unknown Unknown None 27 74-27-78 Adult Unknown None 28 74-27-39 Adult Female None 29 74-27-22 Juvenile Unknown None (probably 7-8) 30 74-27-01 Adult Female None 31 74-27-11 Unknown Unknown None 32 74-27-79 7 to 8 Unknown None 33 None Unknown Unknown 1 small Fastener/pendant found columella near occipital bone fastener or pendant 34 74-27-80 Adolescent Female None 35 74-27-06 Adult Unknown 3 medium-sized All artifacts found near conjoined blue neck glass beads, 1 eroded shell fastener 36 74-27-04 Adult Unknown None 37 74-27-02 Adult Male 2 medium-sized Pebbles found near opaque blue pelvis, possibly from beads, 4 small an amulet smoothed quartz pebbles 38 74-27-05 Adult Unknown None 39 74-27-156 Unknown Unknown None 40 74-27-81 12 to 14 Unknown 1 cloth pouch, 2 Rings found near pelvis columella fasteners, 2 rolled sheet copper rings 41 74-27-16 Adult Female None 135

Burial Accession Age Sex Artifacts Notes* # # 42 74-27-08 2 Unknown None 43 74-27-136 15 to 20 Unknown None 44 74-27-09 3 to 4 Unknown None 45 74-27-83 Adult Male None 46 74-27-84 Adult Male None 47 74-27-52 Adult Female None 48 74-27-54 10 to 12 Unknown None 49 74-27-85 Adult Male None 50 74-27-13 3 to 4 Unknown None 51 74-27-14 5 to 6 Unknown None 52 74-27-15 5 to 7 Unknown None 53 74-27-12 Adult Female 1 shell pendant Pendant/fastener found or fastener near skull 54 74-27-72 4 to 5 Unknown 2 large Copper beads found spherical near neck spurred opaque blue glass beads, 1 small doughnut- shaped blue seed bead, 5 small rolled sheet copper beads 55A 74-27-40 Adult Unknown 1 engraved Beads found near right columella shell shoulder pendant, 13 medium-sized shell beads 55B Unknown Unknown None 56A 74-27-55 7 to 8 Unknown None 56B Adult Unknown None 57 74-27-50 Adult Unknown None 58 74-27-37 2 to 5 Unknown None 59 74-27-86 6 months Unknown None 60 74-27-53 Adult Unknown None 61 74-27-87 Adult Female None 62 74-27-138 Adult Female None

136

Burial Accession Age Sex Artifacts Notes* # # 63 74-27-51 6 to 8 Unknown None Commingled with Burial 64, so bones analyzed are those that could be definitively attributed to this burial 64 74-27-63 Adult Female None 65 74-27-153 Adult Male None *Note: Some of the wording used in these columns is taken word for word from the source as there was no other way of phrasing it. SOURCE: Jones et al., 1991.

137

APPENDIX G

San Luis de Talimali Artifact Table

138

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 1 1 18-28 Male Other aboriginal sherd Buried with head to the (no count), 2 copper west, Burial Pit #1 sequins, 1 brass frag, 1 plain grog-tempered sherd, 2 chert flakes 2 2 40+ Male 3 plain grog-tempered Buried with head to the sherds, 22 iron coffin west, buried in wooden nails, 2 shell beads, coffin, Burial Pit #2 other aboriginal sherd (no count), 1 Lamar complicated stamped sherd, 1 indet. grog- tempered sherd, 1 yellow glass tube bead, 1 chert flake 3 3 35-45 Male None Buried with head to the west, buried in wooden coffin, incisors not shoveled indicating possibility individual was either Spanish or Spanish-Indian, .44 lead shot in lumbar region indicating he likely died violently 4 4 12-18 Unknown None years 5 5 Unknown Unknown 4 grog-tempered plain shares Burial pit #5 and sherds, other aboriginal artifacts with Specimen sherd (no count), 2 124 Individual 106 hand wrought iron nails, 2 indet. Iron nail frags, 4 blue glass tube beads, 22 cobalt glass tube beads, 2 stone pendant frags, 1 copper tube bead, 1 blue glass pendant, 1 burgundy glass tube beads, 1 chert flake, 1 lead pellet

139

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 6 6 Adult Unknown Other aboriginal sherd (no count), 2 plain aboriginal sherds, 1 quartz crystal cross, 2 brass frags, 9 copper tube beads 7 7 35+ Male? 6 iron coffin nails, 11 Buried in a coffin, hand wrought iron shares Burial Pit #7 and nails, 1 indet. Iron artifacts with Specimen object, other aboriginal 8 Individual 7.1 sherd (no count), 5 grog-tempered plain sherds, 3 grog- tempered incised sherds, 1 copper tube bead, 1 burgundy glass tube bead, 2 blue glass tube beads 8 7.1 Unknown Unknown 6 iron coffin nails, 11 Long bone fragments hand wrought iron under coffin of nails, 1 indet. Iron Individual # 7, Shares object, other aboriginal Burial Pit #7 with sherd (no count), 5 Specimen 7 Individual 7 grog-tempered plain sherds, 3 grog- tempered incised sherds, 1 copper tube bead, 1 burgundy glass tube bead, 2 blue glass tube beads 9 8 15-18 Unknown 14 iron coffin nails, 7 Only juvenile buried in hand wrought iron coffin tacks, 2 cobalt glass tube beads, 1 plain aboriginal sherd 10 9 Unknown Unknown None

140

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 11 10 30-45 Female? 2 hand wrought iron Possible peg tooth spikes, 31 iron coffin (canine), buried in nails, coffin wood (no coffin count), 3 chert flakes, other aboriginal sherd (no count), 3 grog- tempered plain sherds, 1 blue glass tube bead, 4 iron coffin spikes, 3 hand wrought iron nails, 1 Lamar complicated stamped sherd 12 10.1 25-35 Female? 18 coffin nails, other Found near a coffin, aboriginal sherd (no Separate individual count), 1 grog- number assigned in the tempered plain sherd, lab, Shares Burial pit coffin wood 10B and artifacts with Specimen 48 Individual 39 13 11 Adult Unknown 2 copper tube bead Buried in a coffin, frags, 2 blue glass shares Burial Pit #11 pendants, 1 copper and artifacts with medallion, coffin Specimen 125 wood, clothing fibers, Individual 107 other aboriginal sherd (no count), 8 grog- tempered plain sherds, 1 grog-tempered incised sherd, 1 hand wrought iron nail, 29 iron coffin nails, 1 blue glass tube bead 14 12 Mature Unknown Other aboriginal sherds Shares burial pit # 12 Adult (no count), 2 grog- and artifacts with tempered plain sherds, Specimen 123 1 grog-tempered Individual 105 incised sherd, 1 hand wrought iron nail, 1 chert frag, 8 blue glass tube beads, 12 cobalt glass tube beads, 1 white glass tube bead

141

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 15 13 Unknown Unknown Other aboriginal sherd Shares Burial Pit #13 (no count), 6 grog- with Specimen 121 tempered plain sherds, 1 Individual 103, cobalt glass tube bead, 1 Specimen 122 yellow glass tube bead, Individual 104, and 20 blue glass tube beads, Specimen 133 1 chert flake, 2 copper Individual 115 tube beads 16 14 20-25 Unknown 1 iron coffin nail, 1 grog- Shares Burial Pit #14 tempered plain sherd, 1 and artifacts with blue glass tube bead, 1 Specimen 17 Individual burgundy glass tube bead, 14.1 and Specimen 135 1 hand wrought iron nail Individual 117 17 14.1 Adult Unknown 1 iron coffin nail, 1 grog- Individual # 14 has two tempered plain sherd, 1 femurs, so this extra blue glass tube bead, 1 right femur was burgundy glass tube bead, assigned a new 1 hand wrought iron nail Individual #, Shares Burial Pit #14 and artifacts with Specimen 16 Individual 14 and Specimen 135 Individual 117 18 15 12-16 Unknown None Shares Burial Pit #15 years with Specimen 19 Individual 15.1 and Specimen 127 Individual 108 19 15.1 Unknown Unknown None Secondary burial to Individual # 15.0, Shares Burial Pit #15 with Specimen 18 Individual 15 and Specimen 127 Individual 108 20 16 Unknown Unknown None 21 17 Unknown Unknown Other aboriginal sherd Burial disturbed but still (no count), 2 grog- probably primary tempered plain sherds, 1 chert flake, 1 blue glass tube bead, 1 white glass tube bead

142

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 22 18 Unknown Unknown Other aboriginal sherd Only bone dust (no count), 1 grog- present, but burial tempered plain sherd, 1 map and field notes iron knife blade, 11 blue indicates this is a glass tube beads, 2 separate individual white glass tube beads, 2 green glass tube beads, 1 yellow glass tube bead, 1 amber glass tube bead, 1 stone pendant, Indet. Iron frags 23 19 Adult Unknown 2 chert flakes, other aboriginal sherd (no count), Busycon shell (no count), 1 white glass tube bead, 1 burgundy glass tube bead, 1 green glass tube bead 24 20 Unknown Unknown None Burial disturbed 25 21 Adult Female? 1 aqua glass tube bead, 1 green glass tube bead, 2 blue glass tube beads, 6 blue indet. glass frags, 1 Cornaline d'Aleppo bead 26 22 Adult Female? 2 cobalt glass tube Shares Burial Pit # 22 beads, 1 blue glass tube and artifacts with bead, 1 aqua broken Specimen 134 glass tube bead Individual 116 27 23 Adult Female 47 cobalt glass tube Shares Burial Pit # 23 beads, 1 burgundy glass and artifacts with tube bead, 8 white glass Specimen 123 tube beads, 3 stone bead Individual 114 frags, 5 blue indet. glass frags, 1 blue glass tube bead frag

143

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 28 24 Adult Female? 5 cobalt glass tube Possible burning of left beads, other aboriginal femur, Shares Burial sherd (no count), 1 Pit # 24 and artifacts grog-tempered plain with Specimen 29 sherd, 1 chert flake, 2 Individual 24.1 green glass tube beads, 2 white glass tube beads 29 24.1 Adult Female? 5 cobalt glass tube Assigned separate beads, other aboriginal Individual # based on sherd (no count), 1 presence of two sets of grog-tempered plain left and right femurs, sherd, 1 chert flake, 2 shares Burial Pit #24 green glass tube beads, and artifacts with 2 white glass tube beads Specimen 28 Individual 24 30 25 Adult Unknown 1 white glass tube bead, Buried below 1 aqua glass tube bead Individual # 10.0 31 26 18-25 Female Other aboriginal sherd Age based on fully (no count), Indet. Iron erupted M3 but no metal frag (no count) wear, teeth not present in lab for confirmation 32 27 40+ Male None According to field notes, "no teeth were present, and individual may have been edentulous," Would give credence to older age of individual, shares Burial Pit # 27 and artifacts with Specimen 33 Individual 27.1 33 27.1 Adult Unknown None Buried next to Individual # 27.0, Given separate Individual # based on presence of two right temporal and occipital bones, Shares Burial Pit # 27 with Specimen 32 Individual 27

144

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 34 28 14- Unknown 2 hand wrought iron 16 nails 35 29 25- Unknown None Secondary burial 40 36 30 5-9 Unknown 1 brass frag, 1 chert Deciduous teeth badly years flake, 1 Puebla preserved Polychrome Majolica sherd, 2 cobalt glass tube beads 37 31 Adult Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 48 with Specimen 98 Individual 82 38 32 5-9 Unknown 10 burgundy glass years tube beads, 1 blue broken glass tube bead, 1 whole blue glass tube bead, 1 glass tube bead frag, 9 cobalt glass tube beads, 1 broken cobalt glass tube bead, 1 blue glass pendant, 2 stone pendants, 1 cobalt chevron glass bead, 2 jet figa, 1 yellow glass pendant 39 33 1-3 Unknown None Teeth encased in dirt, years shares Burial Pit # 50 with Specimen 138 Individual 120 40 34 Adult Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 51 with Specimen 45 Individual 37, Specimen 46 Individual 37.1, Specimen 94 Individual 78, Specimen 95 Individual 79, and Specimen 96 Individual 80

145

Specimen Indvidual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 41 35 Adult Male None Shares Burial Pit # 52 with Specimen 42 Individual 35.1, Specimen 43 Individual 35.2, and Specimen 51 Individual 42 42 35.1 Adult Unknown None Secondary burial, Buried with Individual #'s 35, 35.2, and 42, each has two femurs, shares Burial Pit # 52 with Specimen 41 Individual 35, Specimen 43 Individual 35.2, and Specimen 51 Individual 42 43 35.2 Adult Unknown None Secondary burial, Buried with Individual #'s 35, 35.1, and 42, each has two femurs, shares Burial Pit # 52 with Specimen 41 Individual 35, 42 Individual 35.1, and Specimen 51 Individual 42 44 36 Adult Male None 45 37 Adult Unknown None shares Burial Pit # 51 with Specimen 40 Individual 34, Specimen 46 Individual 37.1, Specimen 94 Individual 78, Specimen 95 Individual 79, and Specimen 96 Individual 80

146

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 46 37.1 Adult Unknown Other aboriginal Secondary to sherd (no count), 5 Individual # 37.0 blue glass tube due to presence of beads, 2 brass two left femurs, straight pins, 2 chert shares Burial Pit # flakes 51 with Specimen 40 Individual 34, Specimen 45 Individual 37, Specimen 94 Individual 78, Specimen 95 Individual 79, and Specimen 96 Individual 80 47 38 Adult Unknown None Left and right femurs slightly gracile, but not enough evidence to determine sex 48 39 Adult Male? 18 coffin nails, other Shares Burial pit aboriginal sherd (no 10B and artifacts count), 1 grog- with Specimen 12 tempered plain Individual 10.1 sherd, coffin wood 49 40 18-30 Female? None 50 41 30-48 Female None 51 42 Adult Male None Secondary burial, Buried with Individual #'s 35, 35.1, 35.2, each has two femurs, shares Burial Pit # 52 with Specimen 40 Individual 35, 42 Individual 35.1, and Specimen 43 Individual 35.2 52 43 22-26 Male None Shares Burial Pit # 55 with Specimen 141 Individual 123 53 44 Adult Unknown None

147

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 54 45 2-4 years Unknown None Shares Burial Pit #58 with Specimen 56 Individual 48, Specimen 139 Individual 121, and Specimen 149 Individual 131 N/A 46 Individual # not assigned in field 55 47 5-10 years Unknown None 56 48 10-16 Unknown Other aboriginal Shares Burial Pit years sherd (no count), 1 #58 and artifacts grog-tempered plain with Specimen 54 sherd, 1 grog- Individual 45, tempered indet. Specimen 139 Sherd, 3 blue glass Individual 121, tube beads, 13 clear and Specimen 149 glass tube beads, 8 Individual 131 cobalt glass tube beads, 49 burgundy glass tube beads, 5 red glass tube beads, 5 amber glass tube beads, 1 yellow glass tube bead, 1 green glass tube bead 57 49 Adult Female? None Shares Burial Pit # 63 with Specimen 58 Individual 49.1, Specimen 99 Individual 83, and Specimen 100 Individual 84

148

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 58 49.1 Adult Unknown None Assigned separate Individual # based on extra left talus and left calcaneus, shares Burial Pit # 63 with Specimen 57 Individual 49, Specimen 99 Individual 83, and Specimen 100 Individual 84 59 50 30-50 Female? None Shares Burial Pit # 64 with Specimen 60 Individual 50.1 60 50.1 Adult Unknown None Long bone fragments found below Individual # 50.0, oriented in wrong position to be Individual # 50.0, shares Burial Pit # 64 with Specimen 59 Individual 50 61 51 Adult Unknown None 62 52 Unknown Unknown None Bones too fragmented for lab identification 63 53 8-12 years Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 72 with Specimen 101 Individual 85

149

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 64 54 Adult Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 65 with Specimen 65 Individual 54.1, Specimen 118 Individual 100, and Specimen 119 Individual 101 65 54.1 Unknown Unknown None Located beneath Individual # 54.0, assigned separate Individual # based on field notes, Shares Burial Pit # 65 and artifacts with Specimen 64 Individual 54, Specimen 118 Individual 100, and Specimen 119 Individual 101 66 55 30-45 Unknown None Femur slightly gracile, but not enough evidence to assign sex, three sets of left and right femurs indicate separate individuals, shares Burial Pit # 66 and artifacts with Specimen 67 Individual 55.1, Specimen 68 Individual 55.2, Specimen 117 Individual 99, and Specimen 120 Individual 102

150

Specimen Indvidual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 67 55.1 Adult Female? None Three sets of left and right femurs indicate separate individuals, shares Burial Pit # 66 and artifacts with Specimen 66 Individual 55, Specimen 68 Individual 55.2, Specimen 117 Individual 99, and Specimen 120 Individual 102 68 55.2 Adult Female? None Three sets of left and right femurs indicate separate individuals, shares Burial Pit # 66 and artifacts with Specimen 66 Individual 55, Specimen 67 Individual 55.1, Specimen 117 Individual 99, and Specimen 120 Individual 102 69 56 15-40 Unknown 4 blue indet. Assigned to Individual # glass frags 56.0 in field, No evidence in lab that there was an "over count" as other bones from same area not assigned to an individual 70 57 4-10 years Unknown None 71 57.1 Adult Unknown None Secondary burial based on teeth being from and adult while Individual # 57.0 is a child 72 58 12-15 Unknown None years 73 59 28-45 Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 70 with Specimen 91 Individual 75 and Specimen 92 Individual 76 74 60 35+ Male None Shares Burial Pit # 71 with Specimen 75 Individual 60.1

151

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 75 60.1 Adult Unknown None Secondary burial based on presence of two sets of femurs, Shares Burial Pit # 71 with Specimen 74 Individual 60 76 61 14-18 Unknown None 77 62 20-35 Unknown 20 clear glass tube beads, Shares Burial Pit # 93 21 red glass tube beads, and artifacts with other aboriginal sherd (no Specimen 78 count), 2 cobalt glass tube Individual 63, beads, 1 blue glass tube Specimen 79 bead, 4 burgundy glass Individual 64, and tube beads Specimen 86 Individual 70 78 63 12-15 Unknown 20 clear glass tube beads, Shares Burial Pit # 93 years 21 red glass tube beads, and artifacts with other aboriginal sherd (no Specimen 77 count), 2 cobalt glass tube Individual 62, beads, 1 blue glass tube Specimen 79 bead, 4 burgundy glass Individual 64, and tube beads Specimen 86 Individual 70 79 64 6--10 Unknown 20 clear glass tube beads, Shares Burial Pit # 93 years 21 red glass tube beads, and artifacts with other aboriginal sherd (no Specimen 77 count), 2 cobalt glass tube Individual 62, beads, 1 blue glass tube Specimen 78 bead, 4 burgundy glass Individual 63, and tube beads Specimen 86 Individual 70 80 65 Unknown Unknown None 81 66 4-6 years Unknown None Barrel-shaped mandibular left incisor, shares Burial Pit # 74 and artifacts with Specimen 82 Individual 67 and Specimen 93 Individual 77

152

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 82 67 10-14 Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 74 years and artifacts with Specimen 81 Individual 66 and Specimen 93 Individual 77 83 68 Unknown Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 75 and artifacts with Specimen 84 Individual 68.1 and Specimen 85 Individual 69 84 68.1 12-18 Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 75 years and artifacts with Specimen 83 Individual 68 and Specimen 85 Individual 69 85 69 10-16 Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 75 years and artifacts with Specimen 83 Individual 68 and Specimen 84 Individual 68.1

153

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 86 70 7-12 years Unknown 20 clear glass tube Shares Burial Pit # 93 beads, 21 red glass tube and artifacts with beads, other aboriginal Specimen 77 Individual sherd (no count), 2 62, Specimen 78 cobalt glass tube beads, Individual 63, and 1 blue glass tube bead, Specimen 79 Individual 4 burgundy glass tube 64 beads 87 71 Unknown Unknown None 88 72 12-18 Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 7 years with Specimen 89 Individual 73 and Specimen 90 Individual 74 89 73 8-12 years Unknown None Closer to 12 years due to no wear on right M2, wear on deciduous molar and left M1, shares Burial Pit # 77 with Specimen 88 Individual 72 and Specimen 90 Individual 74 90 74 4-7 years Unknown None Secondary burial, shares Burial Pit # 77 with Specimen 88 Individual 72 and Specimen 89 Individual 73 91 75 8-11 years Unknown None Secondary burial, shares Burial Pit # 70 with Specimen 73 Individual 59 and Specimen 92 Individual 76 92 76 8-12 years Unknown None Secondary burial, no roots on teeth, shares Burial Pit # 70 with Specimen 73 Individual 59 and Specimen 91 Individual 75

154

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 93 77 15-25 Unknown None Secondary burial, shares Burial Pit # 74 with Specimen 81 Individual 66 and Specimen 82 Individual 67 94 78 Unknown Unknown None Secondary burial, shares Burial Pit # 51 with Specimen 40 Individual 34, Specimen 45 Individual 37, Specimen 46 Individual 37.1, Specimen 95 Individual 79, and Specimen 96 Individual 80 95 79 15-25 Unknown None Secondary burial, shares Burial Pit # 51 with Specimen 40 Individual 34, Specimen 45 Individual 37, Specimen 46 Individual 37.1, Specimen 94 Individual 78, and Specimen 96 Individual 80 96 80 20-35 Unknown None Secondary burial, shares Burial Pit # 51 with Specimen 40 Individual 34, Specimen 45 Individual 37, Specimen 46 Individual 37.1, Specimen 94 Individual 78, and Specimen 95 Individual 79

155

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 97 81 6-10 Unknown None Secondary burial, shares years Burial Pit # 51 with Specimen 40 Individual 34, Specimen 45 Individual 37, Specimen 46 Individual 37.1, Specimen 94 Individual 78, Specimen 95 Individual 79, and Specimen 96 Individual 80 98 82 Adult Unknown None Shared Burial Pit # 48 with Specimen 37 Individual 31 99 83 20-30 Unknown 1 grog-tempered plain Secondary burial, shares sherd, 1 Lamar Burial Pit # 63 with Complicated Stamped Specimen 57 Individual sherd, 1 wood frag, 1 49, Specimen 58 broken cobalt glass Individual 49.1, and tube beads, 2 cobalt Specimen 100 glass tube beads, 19 Individual 84 blue glass tube beads, 1 blue indet. glass frag 100 84 25-35 Unknown 1 grog-tempered plain Secondary burial, shares sherd, 1 Lamar Burial Pit # 63 with Complicated Stamped Specimen 57 Individual sherd, 1 wood frag, 1 49, Specimen 58 broken cobalt glass Individual 49.1, and tube beads, 2 cobalt Specimen 99 Individual glass tube beads, 19 83 blue glass tube beads, 1 blue indet. glass frag 101 85 15-20 Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 72 with Specimen 63 Individual 53 102 86 20-30 Unknown None Protostylid on mandibular left M3

156

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 103 87 18-25 Unknown 5 copper tube bead Shares Burial Pit # 79 frags, other aboriginal with Specimen 104 sherd (no count) Individual 87.1 104 87.1 Adult Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 79 with Specimen 103 Individual 87 105 88 30-45 Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 80 with Specimen 106 Individual 89 and Specimen 107 Individual 90 106 89 3-4 years Unknown None Secondary burial, shares Burial Pit # 80 with Specimen 105 Individual 88 and Specimen 107 Individual 90 107 90 25-35 Unknown None Wear score formula for age determination= 31.8 years, shares Burial Pit # 80 with Specimen 105 Individual 88 and Specimen 106 Individual 89 108 91 25-40 Unknown None 109 92 18-25 Unknown None Secondary burial, shares Burial Pit # 82 with Specimen 110 Individual 92.1, Specimen 112 Individual 94, Specimen 113 Individual 95, Specimen 114 Individual 96, and Specimen 115 Individual 97

157

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 110 92.1 Adult Unknown None Secondary burial, shares Burial Pit # 82 with Specimen 109 Individual 92, Specimen 112 Individual 94, Specimen 113 Individual 95, Specimen 114 Individual 96, and Specimen 115 Individual 97 111 93 Unknown Unknown None Burial pit outline but no bones 112 94 Adult Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 82 with Specimen 109 Individual 92, Specimen 110 Individual 92.1, Specimen 113 Individual 95, Specimen 114 Individual 96, and Specimen 115 Individual 97 113 95 30-45 Unknown None Secondary burial, shares Burial Pit # 82 with Specimen 109 Individual 92, Specimen 110 Individual 92.1, Specimen 112 Individual 94, Specimen 114 Individual 96, and Specimen 115 Individual 97

158

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 114 96 Adult Unknown None Secondary burial, shares Burial Pit # 82 with Specimen 109 Individual 92, Specimen 110 Individual 92.1, Specimen 112 Individual 94, Specimen 113 Individual 95, and Specimen 115 Individual 97 115 97 12-18 Unknown None Secondary burial, burial years pit outline but no bones, shares Burial Pit # 82 with Specimen 109 Individual 92, Specimen 110 Individual 92.1, Specimen 112 Individual 94, Specimen 113 Individual 95, and Specimen 114 Individual 96 116 98 Unknown Unknown None Secondary burial 117 99 Adult Unknown None Secondary burial, shares Burial Pit # 66 with Specimen 6 Individual 55, Specimen 67 Individual 55.1, Specimen 68 Individual 55.2, and Specimen 120 Individual 102 118 100 Adult Unknown None Secondary burial, Shares Burial Pit # 65 with Specimen 64 Individual 54, Specimen 65 Individual 54.1, and Specimen 119 Individual 101

159

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 119 101 Unknown Unknown None Secondary burial, Shares Burial Pit # 65 with Specimen 64 Individual 54, 65 Individual 54.1, and Specimen 118 Individual 100 120 102 Adult Female None Secondary burial, shares Burial Pit # 66 with Specimen 6 Individual 55, Specimen 67 Individual 55.1, Specimen 68 Individual 55.2, and Specimen 117 Individual 99 121 103 Unknown Unknown Other aboriginal sherd Burial pit outline but no (no count), 6 grog- bones, Shares Burial Pit tempered plain sherds, # 13 and artifacts with 1 cobalt glass tube Specimen 15 Individual bead, 1 yellow glass 13, Specimen 122 tube bead, 20 blue Individual 104, and glass tube beads, 1 Specimen 133 chert flake, 2 copper Individual 115 tube beads 122 104 12-18 Unknown Other aboriginal sherd Burial pit outline but no years (no count), 6 grog- bones, Shares Burial Pit tempered plain sherds, # 13 and artifacts with 1 cobalt glass tube Specimen 15 Individual bead, 1 yellow glass 13, Specimen 121 tube bead, 20 blue Individual 103, and glass tube beads, 1 Specimen 133 chert flake, 2 copper Individual 115 tube beads 123 105 Unknown Unknown Other aboriginal sherds Burial pit outline but no (no count), 2 grog- bones, shares burial pit tempered plain sherds, # 12 and artifacts with 1 grog-tempered Specimen 14 Individual incised sherd, 1 hand 12 wrought iron nail, 1 chert frag, 8 blue glass tube beads, 12 cobalt glass tube beads, 1 white glass tube bead

160

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 124 106 Unknown Unknown 4 grog-tempered plain Burial pit outline but no sherds, other aboriginal bones, shares Burial pit sherd (no count), 2 #5 and artifacts with hand wrought iron Specimen 5 Individual 5 nails, 2 indet. Iron nail frags, 4 blue glass tube beads, 22 cobalt glass tube beads, 2 stone pendant frags, 1 copper tube bead, 1 blue glass pendant, 1 burgundy glass tube beads, 1 chert flake, 1 lead pellet 125 107 Adult Male? 2 copper tube bead Secondary burial, shares frags, 2 blue glass Burial Pit # 11 and pendants, 1 copper artifacts with Specimen medallion, coffin 13 Individual 11 wood, clothing fibers, other aboriginal sherd (no count), 8 grog- tempered plain sherds, 1 grog-tempered incised sherd, 1 hand wrought iron nail, 29 iron coffin nails, 1 blue glass tube bead 126 107.1 Adult Unknown 1 hand wrought iron Secondary burial, shares nail, chert shatter Burial Pit # 15 and artifacts with Specimen 18 Individual 15, Specimen 19 Individual 15.1, and Specimen 127 Individual 108 127 108 Unknown Unknown 1 hand wrought iron Burial pit outline but no nail, chert shatter bones, shares Burial Pit #15 and artifacts with Specimen 18 Individual 15 and Specimen 19 Individual 15.1

161

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 128 109 Unknown Unknown 2 wrought iron nail frags, other aboriginal sherd (no count), 1 grog-tempered plain sherd, 1 white glass tube bead, 1 cobalt glass tube bead 129 110 8-12 years Unknown 1 plain aboriginal sherd, 19 blue glass tube beads, 28 black wire wound beads, 7 black glass tube beads, 7 blue glass pendants, 634 cobalt glass tube beads, 4 aqua glass pendants, 2 shell beads, 1 clear glass pendant, 3 indet. brass frags, 1 aqua indet. glass frag 130 112 10-15 Unknown 6 wrought iron nails, 1 Individual # 111 not years chert hafted biface used in field, shares Burial Pit # 86 with Specimen 131 Individual 113 131 113 Adult Unknown 6 wrought iron nails, 1 Shares Burial Pit # 86 chert hafted biface with Specimen 130 Individual 112 132 114 Adult Unknown 47 cobalt glass tube Shares Burial Pit #23 beads, 1 burgundy with Specimen 27 glass tube bead, 8 Individual 23 white glass tube beads, 3 stone bead frags, 5 blue indet. glass frags, 1 blue glass tube bead frag

162

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 133 115 Unknown Unknown Other aboriginal sherd Burial pit outline but no (no count), 6 grog- bones, shares Burial Pit tempered plain sherds, # 13 with Specimen 15 1 cobalt glass tube Individual 13, bead, 1 yellow glass Specimen 121 tube bead, 20 blue Individual 103, and glass tube beads, 1 Specimen 122 chert flake, 2 copper Individual 104 tube beads 134 116 Adult Unknown 2 cobalt glass tube Secondary burial, beads, 1 blue glass shares Burial Pit # 22 tube bead, 1 aqua with Specimen 26 broken glass tube bead Individual 22 135 117 12-? Unknown 1 iron coffin nail, 1 Secondary burial, grog-tempered plain Shares Burial Pit #14 sherd, 1 blue glass tube and artifacts with bead, 1 burgundy glass Specimen 16 Individual tube bead, 1 hand 14 and Specimen 17 wrought iron nail individual 14.1 136 118 Unknown Unknown Other aboriginal sherd Burial pit outline but no (no count) bones 137 119 4-10 Unknown 2 copper sheet frags years 138 120 4-10 Unknown 9 burgundy glass tube Secondary burial, years beads, 15 blue glass shares Burial Pit # 50 tube beads, 1 hand and artifacts with wrought iron nail, 2 Specimen 39 Individual brass frags, 9 cobalt 33 glass tube beads, 7 white glass tube beads, 1 olive green glass ornament, 1 clear glass tube bead

163

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 139 121 3-7 years Unknown Other aboriginal sherd Secondary burial, (no count), 1 grog- Shares Burial Pit #58 tempered plain sherd, 1 and artifacts with grog-tempered indet. Specimen 54 Individual Sherd, 3 blue glass tube 45, Specimen 56 beads, 13 clear glass Individual 48, and tube beads, 8 cobalt Specimen 149 glass tube beads, 49 Individual 131 burgundy glass tube beads, 5 red glass tube beads, 5 amber glass tube beads, 1 yellow glass tube bead, 1 green glass tube bead 140 122 12-? Unknown 1 silver Spanish coin, 1 Secondary burial indet. object frag, 1 grog-tempered plain sherd, 1 white glass tube bead, 1 stone pendant, 1 stone pendant frag, 1 copper sheet frag 141 123 15-25 Unknown 1 burgundy glass tube Secondary burial, shares bead Burial Pit # 55 with Specimen 52 Individual 43 142 124 1-4 years Unknown Other aboriginal sherd Secondary burial, shares (no count), 1 blue glass Burial Pit # 90 and tube bead artifacts with Specimen 146 Individual 128, Specimen 147 Individual 129, and Specimen 148 Individual 130 143 125 30-45 Female None Marked ridges for muscle attachment on phalanges, shares Burial Pit # 103 with Specimen 171 Individual 150 and Specimen 172 Individual 151 144 126 Unknown Unknown None Secondary burial

164

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 145 127 15-35 Unknown None Secondary burial 146 128 Adult Unknown Other aboriginal sherd Secondary burial, shares (no count), 1 blue glass Burial Pit # 90 and tube bead artifacts with Specimen 142 Individual 124, Specimen 147 Individual 129, and Specimen 148 Individual 130 147 129 15-35 Unknown Other aboriginal sherd Secondary burial, shares (no count), 1 blue glass Burial Pit # 90 and tube bead artifacts with Specimen 142 Individual 124, Specimen 146 Individual 128, and Specimen 148 Individual 130 148 130 15-35 Female? Other aboriginal sherd Secondary burial, shares (no count), 1 blue glass Burial Pit # 90 and tube bead artifacts with Specimen 142 Individual 124, Specimen 146 Individual 128, and Specimen 147 Individual 129 149 131 Unknown Unknown Other aboriginal sherd Burial pit outline but no (no count), 1 grog- bones, Shares Burial Pit tempered plain sherd, 1 #58 and artifacts with grog-tempered indet. Specimen 54 Individual Sherd, 3 blue glass tube 45, Specimen 56 beads, 13 clear glass Individual 48, and tube beads, 8 cobalt Specimen 139 glass tube beads, 49 Individual 121 burgundy glass tube beads, 5 red glass tube beads, 5 amber glass tube beads, 1 yellow glass tube bead, 1 green glass tube bead 150 132 6-24 Unknown Other aboriginal sherd months (no count) 151 133 12-15 Unknown Other aboriginal sherd years (no count)

165

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 152 134 8-12 Unknown Other aboriginal sherd Shares Burial Pit # 96 years (no count), 2 grog- and artifacts with tempered plain sherds, Specimen 154 1 Lamar Complicated Individual 136 and Stamp sherd, 4 stone Specimen 184 beads, 1 broken jet Individual 162 rosary bead, 2 jet rosary beads, 1 perforated brass cross frag, 10 brass cross frags, 5 copper sheet frags, 1 shell bead frag, 1 cobalt glass tube bead, 128 blue glass tube beads 153 135 4-8 Unknown 1 grog-tempered plain Shares Burial Pit # 99 years sherd, other aboriginal and artifacts with sherd (no count), 1 lead Specimen 179 pellet Individual 157 154 136 2-4 Unknown Other aboriginal sherd Shares Burial Pit # 96 years (no count), 2 grog- and artifacts with tempered plain sherds, Specimen 152 1 Lamar Complicated Individual 134 and Stamp sherd, 4 stone Specimen 184 beads, 1 broken jet Individual 162 rosary bead, 2 jet rosary beads, 1 perforated brass cross frag, 10 brass cross frags, 5 copper sheet frags, 1 shell bead frag, 1 cobalt glass tube bead, 128 blue glass tube beads

166

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 155 137 20-35 Female? Other aboriginal sherd (no count), 4 blue glass tube beads, 2 blue glass tube bead frags, 3 cobalt glass tube bead frags, 3 copper tube beads (composite artifact) frags, 1 brass frag, 1 joined blue glass tube bead, 1 burgundy glass tube bead, 2 cobalt glass tube beads, 1 yellow glass tube bead, 1 clear glass Guilded Seven Oaks bead, 4 copper frags 156 138 Adult Female 1 grog-tempered Shares Burial Pit # plain sherd, 1 chert 98 and artifacts with bifacial tool, and 1 Specimen 157 cobalt glass tube Individual 138.1, bead Specimen 159 Individual 140, and Specimen 166 Individual 146 157 138.1 Adult Unknown 1 grog-tempered Secondary burial, plain sherd, 1 chert shares Burial Pit # bifacial tool, and 1 98 and artifacts with cobalt glass tube Specimen 156 bead Individual 138, Specimen 159 Individual 140, and Specimen 166 Individual 146

167

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 158 139 25-35 Female? Other aboriginal sherd Shares Burial Pit # (no count), 2 clear glass 100 and artifacts tube beads, 1 burgundy with Specimen 162 glass tube bead, 9 cobalt Individual 143 and glass tube beads, 1 Specimen 163 copper tube bead Individual 144 159 140 25-45 Male? 1 grog-tempered plain Shares Burial Pit # sherd, 1 chert bifacial 98 and artifacts tool, and 1 cobalt glass with Specimen 156 tube bead Individual 138, Specimen 157 Individual 138.1, and Specimen 166 Individual 146 160 141 Adult Male? 4 grog-tempered plain Shares Burial Pit # sherds, 1 iron buckle, 1 101 and artifacts iron door key, 1 green with Specimen 164 glass tube bead, 1 blue Individual 145, glass tube bead Specimen 165 Individual 145.1, and Specimen 170 Individual 149 161 142 25-35 Female 1 grog-tempered plain Shares Burial Pit # sherd, other aboriginal 102 and artifacts sherd (no count), 1 aqua with Specimen 167 glass tube bead, 4 blue Individual 147 and glass tube beads Specimen 168 Individual 147.1 162 143 Adult Female Other aboriginal sherd Shares Burial Pit # (no count), 2 clear glass 100 and artifacts tube beads, 1 burgundy with Specimen 158 glass tube bead, 9 cobalt Individual 139 and glass tube beads, 1 Specimen 163 copper tube bead Individual 144 163 144 18-30 years Unknown Other aboriginal sherd Shares Burial Pit # (no count), 2 clear glass 100 and artifacts tube beads, 1 burgundy with Specimen 158 glass tube bead, 9 cobalt Individual 139 and glass tube beads, 1 Specimen 162 copper tube bead Individual 143

168

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 164 145 35-50 Female? None Shares Burial Pit # 101 and artifacts with Specimen 160 Individual 141, Specimen 165 Individual 145.1, and Specimen 170 Individual 149 165 145.1 Adult Unknown None Secondary burial, shares Burial Pit # 101 and artifacts with Specimen 160 Individual 141, Specimen 164 Individual 145, and Specimen 170 Individual 149 166 146 Adult Unknown 1 grog-tempered plain sherd, 1 chert bifacial tool, and 1 cobalt glass tube bead 167 147 18-25 Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 102 with Specimen 161 Individual 142 and Specimen 168 Individual 147.1 168 147.1 Adult Unknown None Secondary burial, shares Burial Pit # 102 with Specimen 161 Individual 142 and Specimen 167 Individual 147 169 148 Adult Unknown Other aboriginal sherd Secondary burial (no count), 1 white glass tube bead, 1 Cornaline D'Aleppo bead

169

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 170 149 Adult Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 101 with Specimen 160 Individual 141, Specimen 164 Individual 145, and Specimen 165 Individual 145.1 171 150 Adult Unknown None Secondary burial, shares Burial Pit # 103 with Specimen 143 Individual 125 and Specimen 172 Individual 151 172 151 Adult Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 103 with Specimen 143 Individual 125 and Specimen 171 Individual 150 173 152 16-24 Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 105 with Specimen 174 Individual 152.1 174 152.1 12-? Unknown None Secondary burial, shares Burial Pit # 105 with Specimen 173 Individual 152 175 153 18-25 Unknown None 176 154 Adult Unknown None Secondary burial 177 155 Adult Unknown None 178 156 Adult Unknown None Secondary burial 179 157 11-16 Unknown None Shares Burial Pit years # 99 and artifacts with Specimen 153 Individual 135

170

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 180 158 11-16 Unknown None years 181 159 4-10 years Unknown None 182 160 6-10 years Unknown None 183 161 15-25 Unknown None Shares Burial Pit #111 with Specimen 187 Individual and Specimen 200 Individual 179 184 162 2-4 years Unknown Other aboriginal sherd (no Shares Burial Pit count), 2 grog-tempered # 96 with plain sherds, 1 Lamar Specimen 152 Complicated Stamp sherd, 4 Individual 134 stone beads, 1 broken jet and Specimen rosary bead, 2 jet rosary 154 Individual beads, 1 perforated brass 136 cross frag, 10 brass cross frags, 5 copper sheet frags, 1 shell bead frag, 1 cobalt glass tube bead, 128 blue glass tube beads 185 164 Unknown Unknown 21 copper frags, 1 chert Individual # 163 hafted biface, 1 grog- not used in field, tempered plain sherd, shares Burial Pit Ichetucknee point #111 and artifacts with Specimen 185 Individual 164, Specimen 187 Individual 166, and Specimen 200 Individual 179 186 165 Adult Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 112 with Specimen 188 Individual 167

171

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 187 166 Adult Male? None Large teeth, shares Burial Pit # 111 with Specimen 185 Individual 164 and Specimen 200 Individual 179 188 167 Adult Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 112 with Specimen 186 Individual 165 189 168 Adult Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 115 with Specimen 190 Individual 169 190 169 Adult Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 115 with Specimen 189 Individual 168 191 170 Adult Unknown 2 blue glass tube beads Shares Burial Pit # 128 with Specimen 204 Individual 183 192 171 Adult Female None 193 172 Adult Unknown 2 cobalt glass tube beads 194 173 Adult Unknown Other aboriginal sherd (no count), 1 burgundy glass tube bead 195 174 Adult Male? None Shares Burial Pit # 135 and artifacts with Specimen 205 Individual 184

172

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 196 175 Adult Unknown 1 lead lump, 1 Shares Burial Pit handwrought iron spike, 12 # 136 and cobalt glass tube beads, 1 artifacts with blue glass tube bead, 1 Specimen 199 clear glass tube bead, 1 Individual 178 lead pellet and Specimen 206 Individual 185 197 176 25-35 Unknown 2 blue glass tube beads, 1 Secondary burial white glass tube bead 198 177 Adult Unknown None 199 178 25-35 Unknown 1 lead lump, 1 Shares Burial Pit handwrought iron spike, 12 # 136 and cobalt glass tube beads, 1 artifacts with blue glass tube bead, 1 Specimen 196 clear glass tube bead, 1 Individual 175 lead pellet and Specimen 206 Individual 185 200 179 12-20 years Unknown None Shares Burial Pit # 111 with Specimen 185 Individual 164 and Specimen 187 Individual 166 201 180 Adult Unknown None 202 181 Unknown Unknown None Secondary burial 203 182 12-? Unknown None Secondary burial 204 183 Unknown Unknown 2 blue glass tube beads Secondary burial, shares Burial Pit # 128 and artifacts with Specimen 191 Individual 170

173

Specimen Individual Age Sex Artifacts Notes* 205 184 Adult Unknown None Secondary burial, shares Burial Pit #135 with Specimen 195 Individual 174 206 185 25-35 Unknown 1 lead lump, 1 Secondary burial, shares handwrought iron Burial Pit #136 and spike, 12 cobalt glass artifacts with Specimen tube beads, 1 blue glass 196 Individual 175 and tube bead, 1 clear glass Specimen 199 tube bead, 1 lead pellet Individual 178 207 186 22-28 Unknown None Secondary burial, No Burial Pit # assigned 208 187 Unknown Unknown None Secondary burial, No Burial Pit # assigned 209 188 Adult Unknown None Secondary burial, No Burial Pit # assigned 210 189 12-? Unknown None Secondary burial, No Burial Pit # assigned *Note: Some of the wording used in these columns is taken word for word from the source as there was no other way of phrasing it. SOURCE: Vernon 1991; Groh 1993; Lee 1995; McEwan and Larsen 1996; Lee 1997; Larsen and Tung 2002; Artifact database from Dr. Bonnie G. McEwan, personal communication, 6/14/2012.

174