Ireland-Smash British Imperialism Brazil Kidnapping /Skinheads/Libya/LSE the Black Dwarf October 1St 1969 Page 2 It Would Be a Mistake to See Increasing Rapidly

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Ireland-Smash British Imperialism Brazil Kidnapping /Skinheads/Libya/LSE the Black Dwarf October 1St 1969 Page 2 It Would Be a Mistake to See Increasing Rapidly Established 1817 Vol. 14 No. 23 October 1st 1969 Fortnightly 1/6 Ireland-Smash British Imperialism Brazil Kidnapping /Skinheads/Libya/LSE The Black Dwarf October 1st 1969 Page 2 It would be a mistake to see increasing rapidly. The more workers the strikes in Britain in isolation. The who are educated, the greater will be the situation in Western Europe as a whole is Editorial demand for workers control. The worrying the bourgeoisie and they would argument that the bosses know best and obviously like to integrate the British only the bosses can run plants will be ruling class into a strategy for combating The Strikes Continue turned on its head as it will no longer be the workers’ movements as soon as true and workers will know much more possible. Hence the recent statement by about running industry than either the the Dutch Foreign Minister on the bosses or the hordes of financial ‘urgency’ of an EEC meeting to discuss journalists who are their public relations Britains’s entry. increasing wages are necessary but by workers) are a good deal less interested men. The narrowing of the technical In the last week of September, workers themselves are not sufficient for making in idealism than in the financial backing knowledge gap is not as far off as it were on strike in: any serious headway. The challenge can of their weekly pay packets. ” Of course seems. Lubeck: 1, 200 shipyard workers be mounted effectively by demanding hacks like Davis object even to the latter. The wave of strikes in Western Europe is Kiel: 7, 000 workers and forcing the capitalists to open the They talk about ‘partnership’ and reminiscent of the post-war periods in Copenhagen: 600 workers books, to abolish secrecy in banking and ‘realistic concepts.’ Europe in 1918-24 and 1945-47. In the Milan: 21/2m. workers to yank out and expose all the hush-hush However, what they fail to see is that we latter instance the workers were Rome: Doctors threatened to join mechanisms of profit and big business. are living at a time when capitalism is on betrayed by the traditional strike in solidarity with millions of The Merseyside action should be seen as the brink of the third industrial social-democratic and Stalinist workers a beginning. Paid agents of the City like revolution. Change is paramount — leaderships. May 1968 in France was Palermo: Transport paralysed the Editor of Punch can complacently various branches of industry, various both a dress rehearsal for a socialist France: Rail strike write in the Guardian (15 Sept. 1969): jobs will disappear within the next few revolution but also a grim reminder that Many of the strikes are for higher wages, “Occupation of factories is unlawful, years. Manual labour will gradually only a revolutionary party opposed to but these wage demands will and workers who take part will lay disappear, and the number of technicians the twin policies of the undoubtedly spread to more specific themselves open to all sorts of trouble. involved in production will increase. This social-democrats/Stalinists and able to anti-capitalist actions. Periodic fights Mr. Weinstock is hardly the sort who coupled with the fact that the level of attract large numbers of young workers which are limited either to readjusting or takes things meekly on the chin. (the training and the education of workers is will be able to seize state power. The gates are back in LSE made of wood instead of strike — this was another example of a fundamentally steel. Marcuse’s advice (“Burn them down”) goes correct tactic misfiring because it was not done unheeded. The revo’s are still there as well, but then properly; i.e., in the context of and following from a politics is not. A full year’s action leaves the socialists long campaign to expose the concept of “academic licking their wounds and learning their lessons. freedom'’.) By the final term, students were simply In one year 1968/69 LSE saw a three day occupation tired of repeated confrontations, and pessimistic over the weekend October 27th; a well conducted about the chances of success. In this situation, and in exposure of the school’s support of Rhodesia and the absence of a feasible socialist society strategy, South Africa; a partial take-over of the Oration Day victimisation could not be prevented. Lecture given by the apologist for Greek Facism, Because we lacked a commonly-held long range Trevor Roper; the violent removal of internal security political perspective, LSE socialists made at least two gates; the closure of the school by the police and a In Retrospect other major errors. The first concerned the way in counter offensive including arbitrary arrests, trials which we failed to relate struggles within LSE to and injunctions; an all party parliamentary smear An integration that is only achieved on action (almost struggles outside. We never succeeded in resolving the campaign orchestrated by Edward Short; counter no-one at the LSE will support apartheid IN THE contradiction between the need to secure support demonstrations; nation-wide solidarity actions by ABSTRACT). Direct action also made our demands from large numbers of non-socialist LSE students students; the dismissal of a shop-steward and two on these issues credible and confronted the adminis­ (which meant we had to take into account non­ lecturers; a student strike during the beginning of the tration with an insoluble dilemma: either to meet our socialist, although sympathetic, sensibilities in final term which ended with a one year suspension of demands, whereupon we would have proven to our­ planning any action); and the importance of widening two students. selves our power to change things; or to refuse our the struggle beyond the LSE to involve the left The aim of the socialist society at the LSE this past demands and repress our efforts to achieve them, in throughout the country (which meant taking the kind year was to transform the politics of morality, prac­ the process further educating us to the need to of militant action which would inspire other tised by most English students, into revolutionary struggle against the LSE. We raised the issue of revolutionaries to support us). Almost invariably, socialist politics. Most students are morally opposed student power but not in a reformist campaign to whatever action we took would alienate one group to U.S. agression in Vietnam, fascism in Greece, and improve our already privileged position. Instead we while winning support from another (the best apartheid. However, they make no connection sought power over our own institution in order to example being the ULU occupation and retreat; the between apartheid and those institutions in England, prevent that institution from servicing a system which exception being the Oct. 27 occupation. ) In retro­ including, inevitably, the university, which support oppresses the many for the sake of the few. spect, it seems clear that LSE socialists were overly apartheid. Therefore, their politics are isolated from But very serious mistakes were made at the LSE this concerned with winning immediate and complete their daily lives and revolution remains for them an year. Fundamental was our lack of any perspective support from so-called moderate students, and there­ abstract concept, perhaps meaningful for South beyond the above strategy. Confrontations serve to fore came to act like moderates themselves. Support Africa, but with no relevance to England. LSE mobilise students, they also help to educate them. from moderate students is crucial, but it must be socialists sought to involve students in struggles with However, in and of themselves, they do not organise support for socialist programs and actions, and such the institutions which control their lives by showing students. This last year at the LSE saw a series of support can only be won by taking principled the true nature of those institutions. isolated confrontations which temporarily activated a socialist positions. On the other hand, it is also clear The strategy of the first three confrontations at the large number of students but which failed to integrate that revolutionary students elsewhere were not LSE was basically the same: an event was chosen them into any permanent and serious socialist move­ sufficiently sensitive to the need for a mass base which would focus attention onto an issue over which ment (see Tom Fawthorp’s article in Solidarity Vol 5 within the university (both LSE and their own the left held moral and political hegemony (Oct. 27 No. 10). school). Thus, they repeatedly flocked to LSE revolu­ for Vietnam, Trevor-Roper’s oration for Greece, the Without such a movement students can become tionary happenings, criticised them for not being Commonwealth P. M.’s Conference for Rhodesia. ) “pop” socialists, participating in confrontations revolutionary enough to suit them, and at the same Research was carried out into the connections because they’re trendy or fun, but disappearing into time neglected the crucial work of waging the struggle between the LSE and the issue in question. the library in time to save their careers and avoid the within their own university. (This criticism of course Invariably, the connections were there. LSE’s Court hard political work that needs to be done. Because does not apply to all those who came to LSE and of Governors is virtually a Who’s Who of the there was no sustained attempt at education, rendered socialists there invaluable support on several imperialist, monopoly capitalist ruling class; LSE has agitation, and organisation, confrontations soon occasions. ) investments in everything from South African com­ became, if not counter-productive, then at least much Finally, LSE socialist society adopted a fundamen­ panies, to I.
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