Established 1817 Vol. 14 No. 23 October 1st 1969 Fortnightly 1/6

Ireland-Smash British Imperialism Brazil Kidnapping /Skinheads/Libya/LSE The Black Dwarf October 1st 1969 Page 2 It would be a mistake to see increasing rapidly. The more workers the strikes in Britain in isolation. The who are educated, the greater will be the situation in Western Europe as a whole is Editorial demand for workers control. The worrying the bourgeoisie and they would argument that the bosses know best and obviously like to integrate the British only the bosses can run plants will be ruling class into a strategy for combating The Strikes Continue turned on its head as it will no longer be the workers’ movements as soon as true and workers will know much more possible. Hence the recent statement by about running industry than either the the Dutch Foreign Minister on the bosses or the hordes of financial ‘urgency’ of an EEC meeting to discuss journalists who are their public relations Britains’s entry. increasing wages are necessary but by workers) are a good deal less interested men. The narrowing of the technical In the last week of September, workers themselves are not sufficient for making in idealism than in the financial backing knowledge gap is not as far off as it were on strike in: any serious headway. The challenge can of their weekly pay packets. ” Of course seems. Lubeck: 1, 200 shipyard workers be mounted effectively by demanding hacks like Davis object even to the latter. The wave of strikes in Western Europe is Kiel: 7, 000 workers and forcing the capitalists to open the They talk about ‘partnership’ and reminiscent of the post-war periods in Copenhagen: 600 workers books, to abolish secrecy in banking and ‘realistic concepts.’ Europe in 1918-24 and 1945-47. In the Milan: 21/2m. workers to yank out and expose all the hush-hush However, what they fail to see is that we latter instance the workers were Rome: Doctors threatened to join mechanisms of profit and big business. are living at a time when capitalism is on betrayed by the traditional strike in solidarity with millions of The Merseyside action should be seen as the brink of the third industrial social-democratic and Stalinist workers a beginning. Paid agents of the City like revolution. Change is paramount — leaderships. May 1968 in France was Palermo: Transport paralysed the Editor of Punch can complacently various branches of industry, various both a dress rehearsal for a socialist France: Rail strike write in the Guardian (15 Sept. 1969): jobs will disappear within the next few revolution but also a grim reminder that Many of the strikes are for higher wages, “Occupation of factories is unlawful, years. Manual labour will gradually only a revolutionary party opposed to but these wage demands will and workers who take part will lay disappear, and the number of technicians the twin policies of the undoubtedly spread to more specific themselves open to all sorts of trouble. involved in production will increase. This social-democrats/Stalinists and able to anti-capitalist actions. Periodic fights Mr. Weinstock is hardly the sort who coupled with the fact that the level of attract large numbers of young workers which are limited either to readjusting or takes things meekly on the chin. . . (the training and the education of workers is will be able to seize state power.

The gates are back in LSE made of wood instead of strike — this was another example of a fundamentally steel. Marcuse’s advice (“Burn them down”) goes correct tactic misfiring because it was not done unheeded. The revo’s are still there as well, but then properly; i.e., in the context of and following from a politics is not. A full year’s action leaves the socialists long campaign to expose the concept of “academic licking their wounds and learning their lessons. freedom'’.) By the final term, students were simply In one year 1968/69 LSE saw a three day occupation tired of repeated confrontations, and pessimistic over the weekend October 27th; a well conducted about the chances of success. In this situation, and in exposure of the school’s support of Rhodesia and the absence of a feasible socialist society strategy, South Africa; a partial take-over of the Oration Day victimisation could not be prevented. Lecture given by the apologist for Greek Facism, Because we lacked a commonly-held long range Trevor Roper; the violent removal of internal security political perspective, LSE socialists made at least two gates; the closure of the school by the police and a In Retrospect other major errors. The first concerned the way in counter offensive including arbitrary arrests, trials which we failed to relate struggles within LSE to and injunctions; an all party parliamentary smear An integration that is only achieved on action (almost struggles outside. We never succeeded in resolving the campaign orchestrated by Edward Short; counter no-one at the LSE will support apartheid IN THE contradiction between the need to secure support demonstrations; nation-wide solidarity actions by ABSTRACT). Direct action also made our demands from large numbers of non-socialist LSE students students; the dismissal of a shop-steward and two on these issues credible and confronted the adminis­ (which meant we had to take into account non­ lecturers; a student strike during the beginning of the tration with an insoluble dilemma: either to meet our socialist, although sympathetic, sensibilities in final term which ended with a one year suspension of demands, whereupon we would have proven to our­ planning any action); and the importance of widening two students. selves our power to change things; or to refuse our the struggle beyond the LSE to involve the left The aim of the socialist society at the LSE this past demands and repress our efforts to achieve them, in throughout the country (which meant taking the kind year was to transform the politics of morality, prac­ the process further educating us to the need to of militant action which would inspire other tised by most English students, into revolutionary struggle against the LSE. We raised the issue of revolutionaries to support us). Almost invariably, socialist politics. Most students are morally opposed student power but not in a reformist campaign to whatever action we took would alienate one group to U.S. agression in Vietnam, fascism in Greece, and improve our already privileged position. Instead we while winning support from another (the best apartheid. However, they make no connection sought power over our own institution in order to example being the ULU occupation and retreat; the between apartheid and those institutions in England, prevent that institution from servicing a system which exception being the Oct. 27 occupation. ) In retro­ including, inevitably, the university, which support oppresses the many for the sake of the few. spect, it seems clear that LSE socialists were overly apartheid. Therefore, their politics are isolated from But very serious mistakes were made at the LSE this concerned with winning immediate and complete their daily lives and revolution remains for them an year. Fundamental was our lack of any perspective support from so-called moderate students, and there­ abstract concept, perhaps meaningful for South beyond the above strategy. Confrontations serve to fore came to act like moderates themselves. Support Africa, but with no relevance to England. LSE mobilise students, they also help to educate them. from moderate students is crucial, but it must be socialists sought to involve students in struggles with However, in and of themselves, they do not organise support for socialist programs and actions, and such the institutions which control their lives by showing students. This last year at the LSE saw a series of support can only be won by taking principled the true nature of those institutions. isolated confrontations which temporarily activated a socialist positions. On the other hand, it is also clear The strategy of the first three confrontations at the large number of students but which failed to integrate that revolutionary students elsewhere were not LSE was basically the same: an event was chosen them into any permanent and serious socialist move­ sufficiently sensitive to the need for a mass base which would focus attention onto an issue over which ment (see Tom Fawthorp’s article in Solidarity Vol 5 within the university (both LSE and their own the left held moral and political hegemony (Oct. 27 No. 10). school). Thus, they repeatedly flocked to LSE revolu­ for Vietnam, Trevor-Roper’s oration for Greece, the Without such a movement students can become tionary happenings, criticised them for not being Commonwealth P. M.’s Conference for Rhodesia. ) “pop” socialists, participating in confrontations revolutionary enough to suit them, and at the same Research was carried out into the connections because they’re trendy or fun, but disappearing into time neglected the crucial work of waging the struggle between the LSE and the issue in question. the library in time to save their careers and avoid the within their own university. (This criticism of course Invariably, the connections were there. LSE’s Court hard political work that needs to be done. Because does not apply to all those who came to LSE and of Governors is virtually a Who’s Who of the there was no sustained attempt at education, rendered socialists there invaluable support on several imperialist, monopoly capitalist ruling class; LSE has agitation, and organisation, confrontations soon occasions. ) investments in everything from South African com­ became, if not counter-productive, then at least much Finally, LSE socialist society adopted a fundamen­ panies, to I. C. I.; LSE offers recruiting facilities to the less productive than they could have been. This was tally incorrect policy in relation to student union same type of companies that it invests in (and that its the case with the removal of the gates and the politics. We placed primary importance on winning Governors control); and LSE’s professors, in general, attempts to prevent the victimisation which resulted Union mandates for our actions, failing to realise that teach the kind of shit that makes apartheid possible. from that action. The removal of the gates was it is involvement in, not support for, actions that is These connections were published and debated. Then fundamentally correct — we were acting to control important. By the end of the year, we could win the demand was put forward either that the connec­ our environment against the wishes of those who almost any vote in the Union, but could not involve tions be severed, or that they be compensated for normally control it for us and it was clearly an the students who voted for our resolutions. We had (e.g. the demand that no firms operating in South important action for those who took part — when the encouraged students to think that they were working Africa be allowed to use LSE facilities for recruiting first sledge-hammer was swung all sorts of inhibitions for the revolution if they voted for it. They did vote or that the school be made available to the Oct. 27 were smashed along with the gate. However, we were for it, but did nothing else. We should have gone into demonstrations. ) On each of the occasions the neither prepared to* take the next logical step, to Union meetings to argue the correctness of our demands put forward by the socialists were adopted extend our control over our own environment, nor actions, but should have seen our actions as being by the mass of students, and were then backed up by capable of defending ourselves against the basically independent of Union mandates. This would some form of direct action (no direct action took administration’s retribution. Therefore, the relevance have forced us to take more responsibility for, and to place over Rhodesia; the gates came down before that of and the reasons for the violent removal of the gates involve more people in, our actions. could happen). were never clear to most students. The violent We were also mistaken in our policy towards the This strategy of interlocking a political moral issue removal of the gates enabled the administration to students Union in deciding to run for bureaucratic with a direct mass action against the authorities for take the offensive, and forced us to devote all of our positions in order to occupy them. Union elections their class role, was very successful. On each of these energy to a campaign to prevent victimisation. can, in some circumstances, provide a platform for issues, we were able to show students that they could Solidarity is fairly strong sentiment among students. socialist propaganda. Union office however, can only not enjoy the luxury of moral indignation over However, it is not strong enough to defeat the fear of encourage bureaucratic tendencies among those Vietnam or Greece while continuing with business as losing one’s place in the university or of jeopardising elected, and passivism on the part of the mass. Our usual at the LSE. Students came to see that they one’s career. LSE Socialist society could offer, aim should have been to destroy Union bureaucracies, could not oppose the war in Vietnam without also students no way of fighting victimisation without not to staff them as we ended up doing. opposing, at least, temporarily, the LSE and by entailing these risks. In this situation, most students Hopefully, the revolutionary student left will learn extension, the system of which LSE is an integral would only give half-hearted support to a campaign the lessons of the past year at LSE. It is imperative part. These issues were debated and discussed in a against victimisation, and seized readily on any that we do so, for university authorities throughout way they would never have been if we had not made excuse to get back to the lecture room. (For most, the country are busy right now studying these same them integral with the power structure at the LSE. that excuse was the disruption of lectures during the lessons. Dave Slaney The Black Dwarf October 1st 1969 Page 3

practically no money; it is a voluntary society have to take home as their dignity. It’s nice for the Russian occupation, this is a good descrip­ and therefore had to depend on donations to the owners if the myth comes out of the Union tion of a new mood in trade unionism and THE FIGHT FOR survive. If it were legally reconstituted as a structure. Unions, hand in hand with Wilson, socialist political organisations. It sums up a friendly society then regular subscriptions with the owners and with the greed they all spirit of militant democracy, of active opposi­ EQ UA L PAY could be demanded. Another suggestion is that have in common. The work people in Port tion to arbitrary political and economic power trade unions should be asked to subscribe to Talbot were set-up as ignorant troublemakers by one man over another, and of regard for the National Equal Pay Day — September 12 — was any Newsletter produced. If NJACWER was trying to screw up the already screwed up creative capacities of the working people, which a disappointing affair. It had originally been more democratically organised and activities economic scene in Britain and elsewhere. The are so fearfully choked back and stifled in our planned by NJACWER (National Joint Action better co-ordinated, and if there wasn’t this Unions through the T.U.C. and Wilson saw to it present society. Campaign for Women’s Equal Rights) as a chronic shortage of money. National Equal Pay that the strike would never become official. It is true that workers in Britain enjoy nationwide day of meetings and demon­ Day could have been far more militant than it The words ran, ‘If you don’t work workers then certain democratic rights, which are crucially strations, but ended up as one meeting in was. we won’t talk to you at all. Your time is to important to their livelihood and the defence of London with the emphasis on the nurses’ All this is not to belittle the importance of work, Not to talk. Not to think. Certainly not their conditions and standards of life. It is situation. NJACWER, but to point out some of the to act. ’ So the credo goes all the way down •equally true that many of these fundamental In the context of the equal pay struggle, this reasons why its activities up till now have been Press and Media and servants of the owners in rights are under heavy attack, by the choice of subject was somewhat out of place. limited. And on the political level, there is some this position and that position. employers, the State, the Conservative Party, NJACWER demands equal pay for equal work: disagreement as to what its role should be. A The workers were being forced out into an and the predominant groupings within the industrial figures in April this year show that number of the CP stewards in NJACWER see it exposed position in Wales for the owners were Labour Government. The trade union victory the average increase in a woman’s wage was as a pressure group on Parliament, a group curious to see how effective certain propaganda over attacks on the right to strike, for instance, 6.15d per hour as against men’s 10.35d per which should simply make propaganda for myths had been. Wales was the mythical king­ was only the first round of a battle which will hour, about 60% of the men’s increase. It is equal pay, maybe to persuade Wilson and the dom of Charlie boy and the robber barons. A continue to be fought on many fronts for a certainly true that nurses are exploited, but TUC to bring in equal pay some time before the place where the owners had been spinning their long time. Unions are learning that they can they are exploited as women in a traditionally promised 1975. But Wilson’s equal pay divisive tales for years. only maintain their powers by militant vigil­ female role, that of inferior creatures who can programme is rather an insidious one. In order Why not a strike in Scotland or in the North ance, and that they must be prepared to fight fetch and carry for (men) doctors, an extension to maintain profits, Wilson and the TUC will East? Why not in the South? Wales was the on several fronts at once. But workers are also of the female domestic. Within the medical have to demand sacrifices from men workers — scene as the Moon had become a bag of useless learning that it is not enough to defend the profession the nurses’ struggle is — or ought to both in terms of a wage ceiling and speed up in stones. The workers in Port Talbot, however, democratic gains which were made by their be — aimed at smashing the concept of the factory — in order to give a pay rise to did not follow the pattern the owners antici­ fathers and grandfathers. They are also being ‘women’s work’. Thus the meeting reflected the women. This will effectively split the working pated. They told their Union leaders and the thrust into new appreciations, which teach obvious confusion within NJACWER: what class and pit one section against the other. With others to go get fucked. They organised them­ them the gross inadequacy of many of the exactly are its priorities — the specific aim of the prospect of this distortion of equal pay, it is selves for their people. They refused to be institutions which purport to represent or equal pay for equal work, or the struggle for vital that NJACWER retain its autonomy as a brought out on words by the Press or the defend them, and which continually underline equal rights at all levels? grass roots movement which w ill organise Media. They elected their own strike committee the need for an extension of democratic powers Sister Pat Veal from the United Nurses women (and men) workers to prevent anything and they prepared to carry on their own at the grass roots of society. Association talked at great length, mostly in like Wilson’s scheme from coming in. Women struggle. Their women and their children Nowhere has this process of learning been anecdotes, and on a purely descriptive level she factory workers have got to realise that the aim became involved. The television sets were deser­ more clearly exemplified than at the Liverpool provided a good insight into the conditions is to raise women’s wages to the level of men’s ted. The women were on the beaches with their plants of GEC—English Electric. The fact is, under which nurses have to operate. Since without any material disadvantage to the latter, children talking among themselves. The work that the enthusiastic determination of the 1933, for example, the TUC have been and that subsequent pay increases involve the people went to their pubs and for the first time Liverpool Shop Stewards to resist unemploy­ searching for a Nurses Union: at present nurses same amount of money for both. In a situation in many years old and young put their heads ment by actually occupying and continuing to are incorporated into NUPE (National Union of where only 11% of working women are getting together. Port Talbot was united as a com­ work their factories is a copybook example of Public Employees) or COHSE (Confederation equal pay, NJACWER has a vital role to play in munity against a common enemy of that “trade unionism with a human face. ” The new of Health Service Employees). Since there is a the fight for genuine equality of pay, and in the community. unionism has learnt from the old, and learnt general wage pool in both these unions, nurses fight for full unionisation of women, both full In spite of the heads that flew around thoroughly and quickly. fare extremely badly so that a student nurse and part time. To a great extent the result of looking for proof of their particular theory for Before he turned his attention to the earns only £5. 15. 0 per week, a staff nurse the struggle will depend on the amount of it all, the workers and the community they Merseyside factories, Arnold Weinstock had £12. 10. 0. Nursing Agencies, to which a large agitational work they can do. But in order to lived in moved to organise their people. Local already dismissed 12000 workpeople, of all number of newly qualified nurses are turning prepare the ground for this work they are going council, housewives, youth, workers all united grades and skills, from one end of the country for work, take up to 121/2% off the girl’s salary; to have to restructure the organisation and get in support. The heads way out on theory were to the other. Many of these dismissals were the hospital isn’t charged. Pat Veal is right it running efficiently. For unless they manage split among themselves as all angels are with the combatted by every possible ‘constitutional’ when she says, ‘Nurses are their own worst this we may be faced with repetitions of pin that can’t stick nowhere. The people had means. A perfect example of such resistance is enemies’: they don’t realise just how much they National Equal Pay Day 1969. acted, had organised their own actions, had the quite remarkable struggle of the Woolwich are being exploited. The official nurses working LUCIA______talked, had thought and they won every one of workers, totally united and enjoying, as they week is 42 hours, and attempts are being made their demands. did, the backing of a whole community. Five to bring shifts of 5-51/2 days. At the same time, Port Talbot was one step forward by the thousand people, or more, participated in an nurses will flock in response to Agency ads PORT TALBOT community and the development was on every impressive march of protest. Town clerks which run: “If you’re energetic, work 6 hours a level of their lives. A community was organised protested, Members of Parliament were lobbied Iron-ore had been stockpiled for months on night, 72 hours a week for £29”. It might be in a just struggle. The Unions, the Government, and joined in the protests, local authorities lent good money but in the long run nurses are the Glasgow docksides. The working people had the owners were seen for what they are. . . their weight to the campaign, work was doing themselves no good at all. They are seen nothing like it since before the Second enemies of working people. A small victory blacked, and endless negotiations were under­ beginning to solve the problem of under­ World War. Carriers came on stronger each day perhaps but a victory for the working people in taken with the company and the Government. staffing, and in hospitals with up to 100 agency and the piles of iron-ore grew and grew. That’s Port Talbot. The mythical bullshit in Wales was The sum of all this activity was precisely, and nurses it’s very much in the interests of the April. exposed also. So they progressed and they have entirely, zero. Never can the labour movement authorities to maintain this situation. The At the car plants all over Britain vehicles had taught all of us that when people organise in one centre of population have been more Nursing Council which since 1920 has been been stockpiled all through winter, spring and themselves for their rights then they will always completely united for resistance: yet, with all ‘safeguarding’ nurses is unconcerned with the the new end of summer. win if they are a community. They gain their the pressure and lobbying, Mr Weinstock went rapid growth of agency nursing, or with unjust Then the strike at Port Talbot. The steel dignity and above all they gain security among his own way as if his plans were no more sackings, victimisation of UNA members, the industry being the mid-link in the chain from people and take up the confidence that the untoward than changing the brand of the high failure rate in final exams, the equally high iron-ore to motor car. system shaved from them year by year since canteen tea. drop-out rate. But although nurses are by how One why answered. . . the owners were not their birth. There is no way out of the fact. No Power did not lie in the hands of the local very pissed off they are scared of taking any making sweet bread. In America the owners of adjective or processions of adjectival hang-ups councils, or the MPs, or the union executives. kind of militant action. In their isolation they the car plants here were making no kind of will prove otherwise. The people will win. Have Mr Weinstock had the power, and the Govern­ are likely to be struck off the roll and left bread either. They were trapped, and are, in an won and will continue in their day to day ment itself was impotent to challenge him, if it jobless. impasse as the foundations of their greed come struggle to win their rights and their humanity. were to continue its misguided policies for This was as far as Sister Veal went. What she apart all over the world. If the owners in Port Talbot is important and much more than ‘economic recovery’ which depend upon the never touched on was the one thing that counts America were not making pennyone profit, the place the people. In a coming winter when success of the Weinstocks for their very life. in terms of the equal rights struggle: the then, you’d better believe it, the owners’ ser­ great struggles will take place over this land The ultimate frustration of the democratic structure of the medical profession. Which can vants in this country would never be allowed to Port Talbot’s lessons should be learned and process was to be found in this: the largest be summed up quite simply as that women are go out alone in their quest for greed. practiced, developed and driven on as the Constituency Labour Party in the country is at traditionally nurses and men traditionally Port Talbot produced strip steel for the people waken from the sleep the owners and Woolwich, and it certainly did not labour night doctors. The fact that the doctor’s subordinates motor industry. When the strike began the car their agents have carefully dropped them under and day to elevate Mr Wilson to office, in order industry was on holiday. The owners had been are nurses (i.e. women) makes it easier for him for many years. The people will win! to rationalise nearly six thousand Woolwich to push them around. And although a standard giving their work people high wages. Not out of Ken Murray the goodness of their hearts. They have no breadwinners out of their jobs. The lack of 15% of medical school places is ‘kept’ for control, of elementary accountability, within hearts. To enable them to stockpile. High wages women students, those women who are the Labour Movement itself, could not be more determined to become doctors are under great given out of intention. The owners then provoked at Port Talbot a strike that they had N E W POLITICS- clearly demonstrated than by this doleful story. pressure to be shunted off into nursing. Thus That is why it is necessary for the Liverpool created the patterns for with their huge over­ the delineation is perpetuated. There is the men to take over their plant. Nothing less will production. Work people were forced to act. argument that women doctors are of little use NEW work. Reason will never be seen on high unless They had some bread saved for their own to the profession since they will leave to have force is applied. The Political leaders have holidays. No one knew this better than the kids almost as soon as their 5-7 year training is escaped from responsibility to their constitu­ owners for they had paid the handouts. The TRADE UNIONISM over. But this just reflects on the idea that ents, with the result that Mr Weinstock has a owners then called the strike for at both ends women are not really in their proper place license to do as he likes on the Mersey, of their greed-system, raw materials and con­ unless they’re at home washing nappies. At the 1969 Delegate Conference of the whatever happens to the people who have sumer product there was over-production. The nurses’ struggle is obviously closely Transport and General Workers’ Union, Jack invested their lives in his undertakings. The Unions following the directives of related to the women’s movement as a whole, Jones, speaking of the developing ideas of An occupation of the Weinstock Plants will Wilson’s crew tried to carry out the old myth. but ‘more pay for nurses’ is a somewhat workers’ control and rank-and-file union not lead into utopia. It will be a hard and That the workers had been ‘got at’ by oddballs democracy, coined the phrase “trade unionism different call from ‘equal pay for equal work’ in testing struggle. The workers will need massive and their like and were striking for selfish with a human face”. With its calculated evoca­ factories. Blatant sex discrimination is different support from the Labour Movement. Unless reasons. So chatchat from Feather and his mob tion of the experiments in socialist democracy from simply being paid low wages, something their colleagues in other factories and industries would be the bumfluff the work people would which were beginning in Czechoslovakia before which isn’t solely confined to nurses. It was the collect large sums of money to aid them, they blurring of the issues which ran through the may be starved out. Unless a vast political and entire meeting. Unfortunately, the confusion trade union solidarity movement arises, they apparent there represents a confusion and may be forced out. They are making a brave, if disorganisation inside NJACWER itself. desperate stand. In the process, they will learn a One of the reasons why Equal Pay Day was great deal about the problems of the new not organised on the national scale was that society, just as their fore-runners in the there is practically no co-ordination between occupation of the French factories have learnt. local secretaries. Some branches thought the The innumerable problems they will face must Day had been cancelled and throughout the be closely watched by the rest of the move­ holiday period there was almost complete ment, in order, first to help while help is inactivity. National co-ordination would be needed, and second to profit from the experi­ greatly improved if local secretaries were on a ence for the future battles. Unless we change all General Council; the present General Council the basic policies of Government, the next was constituted at the founding meeting last decade will be a decade of redundancies, and year (October 22) and hasn’t been re-elected the light which will be lit in Liverpool will be a since. This lack of democracy has resulted in a flare which will guide the steps of workers in breakdown in communication between the innumerable subsequent conflicts. executive and the rank and file of the The lessons of direct democracy, of the movement. At the moment this could be solved school for self-management which will one day in one way by a regular Newsletter produced by open on the Mersey, must therefore be carefully the National Secretary which could act as a marked. co-ordinator. On top of this, NJACWER has Ken Coates & Tony Topham The Black Dwarf October 1st 1969 Page 4

Star” — only daily of the left (until and if they offers the only possible advice, unity of the members tried to reason with the ‘Newsletter’ bring out the Daily Newsletter). I can’t help but left. It would be quite impossible to talk about Editor. They said that he was splitting the left. wonder how often he has read The Newsletter unity with the YS. The fanatics would drown This made sense, this fact annoyed the Editor, DWARF (at the present time it is published twice your questions (They never listen to anything and unable to control himself with answers, he weekly). The Young Socialists and the Socialist against their policies) with cries of “no com­ broke down waving his fist, screaming fucking Labour League (The Newsletter is the official promise”. merry hell as the meeting broke up and the SLL paper) actively condemn the Communist However, its members should not be neglec­ majority of people followed the CP members LETTER Party of Great Britain, comrade David’s own ted, the majority have only been in the out of the hall. party, and its programme ‘The British Road to organisation for a short time. They are usually I decided to stay, working within the YS I Socialism’. It also denies the sincerity of the very young and very misled. Before they too have a better chance of destroying it. Dear Black Dwarf, Socialist Party of Great Britain, the Inter­ become increasing fanatics there should be an Yours in solidarity, As a member of the Young Socialists I must national Socialists, the Black Dwarf, in fact, it attempt to teach them unity of the left and not An enlightened member of the Young reply to David Kessel’s letter in your last issue. chooses to recognise itself as THE party. its destruction by a power hungry few. At a Socialists He advises in his letter “Read the Morning Laurette Decrez’s letter (BD same issue) ‘Newsletter’ public meeting recently several CP (name and address supplied) is to the ‘competitors’ most visible to you. In a professional’s dressing-room and his properties that one of the prime targets of the skinheads class-divided social structure, ‘competitors’ tend and costumes. But if professionals themselves who are organised into gangs is the blacks. to be highly visible precisely because of the had slightly less conception of this same’ Comrade Taylor might not like to believe that A ttack ‘sacredness’ - which can extend from dressing- working-class boys were beating up Pakistanis Dear Dwarf Comrades, structural requirement that you identify rooms etc. to the very person of the noble actor in Leeds, but the fact is that workers sometimes What is wrong with the cropheads? In this yourself. The middle-class student, for example, at all hours of the day - then the theatre might do become active racialists even if racialism fucked up society everyone loves to categorise has a life-style and uniform, aiding communica­ not be quite so reactionary as it is. It is also fair itself is not caused by workers. I wonder how people before it was long haired louts, now it is tion and identification. It is no accident that to add that the ‘Skinheads’ did at times give off many blacks would look so kindly on this these stupid cropheads. IT, OZ and Black students have formed more of a collective various racialist and other intolerant opinions. I particular form of “resistance” as Ian Taylor Dwarf and all left wingers seem to think you identification in recent years: a social group know of no area of British society in which does. must have long hair, wear their clothes, like under siege will assert a collective identity of a such views may not, on occasion, be heard. . . Comrade Taylor’s theory o f “visible com­ their music or else you’re not part of the kind. It does not mean that the group (in this It is also fair to add that when a very big row petitors” is an interesting one.. Along with Revolution. What happens when a crophead case students) is a class. It may simply represent blew up between the authors and directors of points I made myself about the relatively goes into a place full of hips say in Hampstead the temporary (historically-specific) achieve­ the play — on the one hand — and the Institute privileged situation of students and hippies, it somewhere, he is immediately shunned by all ment of a collective consciousness within a of Contemporary Arts (our financial backers) - may help to explain why these particular chicks and blokes, he may want to take part in group. on the other - most of the professional actors “visible competitors” are also targets for their scene. This is what happens when a hippie Skinheads don’t occupy the same structural chickened out and ruptured themselves (by attacks by some o f the skinheads. We can goes into an old boys Conservative Club, he is positions as students. That is, their structural trying to run with the hare and hunt with the understand why the skinheads respond in this naturally shunned, and we talk about the relationship to the powerful is rather different. hounds, change horses in midstream, sit on the way — we can go to them and argue with them society before us and yet we are doing the The Administration, the capitalist Employers fence, and other gymnastic feats, all at the same about it as Ian Taylor proposes - but this is fucking same things. Did Karl Marx say all and of course the Government are not so time) the ‘Skinheads’ came out to us in great totally different from greeting their response as revolutionaries must have long hair, dress immediately visible (as they are to students). anger and said that we had only to give the evidence o f vanguard militancy. different? No, what he really wanted was to The Skinheads are destined for the production word and they would go down the Mall and ‘do We must reject this uncritical idolisation of smash Capitalism and this is where the British line, educated on the football terraces and Michael Kustow’ for us. Now I am not a Fascist the working-class which fails to see that Left should take a peg from the Irish Socialist, socialised in the street-corner pub. For all and I had made no attempt to ‘organize’ those sections of the working-class can at times play it was a great sight to see long hair, cropped Hoyland’s exhortations, they are not likely to boys. But I had taken seriously their interest in hair all fighting together to smash the same be interested in Further Education as it stands. an objectively reactionary role even when the work they were helping me to do: and my thing. So British Left Wing cop on before it is This offers no real alternative to the life- attempting to struggle against their own aliena­ annoyance at some of their wilder behaviour too late, the working-class (a great percentage chances our society has mapped out for them. tion. No two skinheads are the same (just like behind the scenes had not tempted me into are cropheads) need us, don’t stamp them down And if Hoyland thinks that Further Education anyone else) and their attitudes as a group are sweeping denunciations of their entire class and because they dress the way they like, after all colleges are the place for communicating the contradictory; but we can say that in as much we are supposed to be after complete freedom revolutionary elan of May 1968, he hasn’t seen age-group. as they are attempting to escape from their in the Socialist Republic, freedom for too many of them. “Education” within the Yours fraternally, class-situation by carving a hierarchical niche John Arden, 26 Cranbourne Road, London, N10. censorship, rules and regulations and free for walls of capitalism’s training schools is of a for themselves within an unaltered society, they everyone to do their thing. On with the real certain kind: to think of these institutions as are opting for a capitalist and false solution. If revolution. revolutionary bases it to deceive. The expansion we are to describe this as the activity of a David Bucke, (Member of the Dublin Young of Further Education in recent years was not vanguard, we might just as well say that the Socialists) Sutton High Street, Surrey. intended as an illumination of the contradic­ D efence Kray brothers were running a guerilla foco in tions of capitalism. If Hoyland is emphasising John Hoyland replies: the East End. this kind of “education” as “positive and Firstly, I stand well corrected on my use of Far from being evidence of militancy, Dear Commrades: constructive”, he is mistaking individual the phrase about “louts”. You are entirely right attacks on hippies and blacks are dangerous John Hoyland "The Skinheads: A Youth advancement within the system for revolu­ about this. diversions from militancy. It is true that in Group for the National Front? ” Dwarf August tionary ardour. Secondly, I have taught in Further Educa­ America some o f the Chicago street-gangs have 30 is not alone in noting the emergence of Hoyland needs to be careful in deciding on tion Colleges containing a fair proportion of taken up an overtly revolutionary position, and new movement in working-class youth. Gerry the “louts” of the capitalist system. Black skinheads for several years. I could cite dozens this is a possibility in relation to the skinheads Stimsley recently managed to construct a much Dwarf needs to be careful in obtaining its of examples of their interest, friendliness, if we take into account their defiance and anti­ less misleading picture of the Skinheads in “Insights” from the posh Sundays. Socialists in independence of spirit, etc. like the one authoritarianism. But it unfortunately remains Rolling Stone. It is paradoxical that Stimsley, general should be careful not to write off signs described by John Arden (who, like me, is much more likely that if they go anywhere at although writing for what Hoyland would of working-class resistance as pathological or as generalising from his own experience). This all (and particularly if there is a worsening consider a Trendy and presumably bourgeois “naive. . . and unconscious”. Most impor­ does not prevent me from criticising the social racial situation in Britain) they will go to the journal, felt no need to launch into an unreflec- tantly, we need to say that just because the role they are now tending to play, so far as I am right. We need not be alarmist about this. The tive attack on working-class youth. Skinheads do not come to us is not to argue able to observe it. skinheads are young, small in nunbers, and by Hoyland, writing for Dwarf, is concerned to that we should not go to them. Hoyland Thirdly, at no point in my article did I no means intractable. But neither should we isolate the Skinheads from the rest of working- invokes the history of fascism. Examination of attack working-class youth as a whole. My imagine we are helping them “resist bourgeois class youth, and to offer as an alternative to the downfall of the Weimar Republic certainly article dealt specifically with those skinheads (a society” if we encourage them in behaviour Skinhead “mystique” the “excitement” of the reveals the need to smash fascism “physically” small fraction o f their age-group) who have which is both self-destructive and against the “May Events”. More than that, Hoyland is if and when it has claimed to consciousness of identified themselves by punch-ups on the foot­ interests of their class. concerned to warn the Left that it may have to the class. It also tells us that there is no ball terraces and by attacks on blacks and Finally, we are not abandoning the casualties, defend itself against “these charming little inevitability about the process of consciousness hippies (and their own working-class contem­ of the system or showing elitist preferences if thugs”. within the class, and that if the Left ignores poraries) in the streets. we offer the maximum possible support for the Hoyland’s sources are impeccable: one class resistance in favour of its own elitism and However, Comrade Taylor’s letter in young workers who are ready to resist the quotation from a Further Education class and received ideologies it is likely then to abdicate particular does not only suffer from his system. In fact nothing will help the down­ another from a Walthamstow Youth Club the class. History does not tell us that working- misunderstanding o f my article and his absurd trodden sections o f the class more than militant Leader! His values are even cosier: defend the class resistance to bourgeois-rule is made-to- attack on a position I do not hold in relation to action by their own comrades. free concerts and “see the Skinheads as the measure socialism. Neither does it demonstrate Further Education. Underneath his point­ John Arden is correct in his hostility nasty, thick little louts they really are”. All this a precedent for the Skinheads as an inevitable scoring about psychologisms and cosy-values, towards the idea of one lot of people going dense ‘Marxist’ analysis leads Hoyland to cadre for a future Hitler Youth. there is a kind of ouvrierist romanticism which around organising other lots of people. (Apart envisage an immediate, and apparently inevit­ Fraternally, Ian Taylor. Glasgow I. S. is as misleading and dangerous as the elevation from anything else it doesn’t usually work. ) able, link between the Skinheads and the cadres 20 St. Vincent Crescent, Glasgow C. 3. o f crime into an act o f intrinsic revolutionary What is more important is that working-class of the National Front. He does not even care to merit by sections o f the anarchists and situa- youths should start organising themselves. question the reportage given the Leeds Race tionists. Many young workers (for example, large sec­ Riot by the bourgeois press: o f course it is in Of course the skinheads may turn out to be tions of the apprentices) are potentially their interests to lay the responsibility on Dear Black Dwarf, no more significant (from the political point of extremely militant, and will soon develop their “nasty, thick, little louts”. They are as con­ John Hoyland really ought to know better view) than the Teds. Of course there is no own methods o f struggle. But at the moment cerned as Hoyland appears to be to avoid a than to generalize in so rash and unsubstan­ inevitability about them turning into fascists. they lack confidence, and in many cases they socialist analysis of the first race riot in tiated a fashion, about ‘Skinheads’ or anybody Of course they belong to the most beleaguered have been confused by years of successive else. The ‘Daily Mail’ the other day had an Yorkshire. sections o f the working-class - the sections that brainwashing both in and out o f school. This is Hoyland’s observations and prescriptions just article about these youths couched in almost suffer most from the inequalities and injustices where socialists can help - through argument will not do. To isolate (and smash? ) the section identical terms, except that the writer did not of our society. I was at great pains to make and example, through political work, through of the working-class that is being most end up with boy-scoutish recommendations to these points in my article, comrades, and I tried showing more awareness of youg workers’ stringently hit by the constraints of incomes his readers to get moving and ‘organize’ the to make it clear that insofar as their behaviour problems. policy, by the class-determined limitations on ‘nasty thick little louts’. (I’ve met a few nasty is a defiant assertion o f their (class) identity, What is important is that comrades like Ian education and life-chances and by the bour­ thick little Revolutionary Students on my socialists should view it with interest and under­ Taylor should not fall into the trap of assuming geoisie’s domination of the mass media, is not travels lately — but so what? ) Under-privileged standing. I might have added that skinheads are that working-class people are necessarily inar­ to ‘smash fascism’. Rather it is to leave that adolescents have been a nuisance in the streets victimised by the police and other authorities ticulate and incapable o f a socialist response to section open to fascist ideas and action. for very many years and I do not think that the every bit as consistently as the hippies and left­ their situation. This is tantamount to saying Presumably we would not want to leave the present generation is any more or less likely to wingers. But to go from there to claiming that that they must remain eternally trapped within Smithfield porters and London Dockers to the enlist en masse under the fascist banner than the skinheads represent the “vanguard o f a tender mercies of the National Front because a their fathers the ‘teds’ or their grandfathers the confines of capitalist ideology. It is more relatively militant resistance to bourgeois correct to view the workers as the potential few of them marched for Powell? who used to waylay me on the streets of society” is absolutely incredible. Black Dwarf has been pushing the need for Barnsley in the early thirties and chase me masters o f their own destinies that they can and All three comrades choose to ignore the fact will become. consistent socialist theory in its pages. Hoyland home from school because my mother had not offers up a few gratuitous insults (“louts”), a equipped me with hob-nailed boots (quite a sprinkling of psychologisms (“easily manipu­ fashion in those days, too). lated”, “mystique” etc. ) and a strain of elitism Last year I was concerned in the production (he says we should concentrate on the “positive of a play about Nelson at the Roundhouse. The EDITOR Tariq Ali and constructive” element in working-class actors were professionals supplemented by a EDITORIAL BOARD Anthony Barnett, Vinay Chand, Clive Goodwin, Fred youth - and seems to prefer those at college). large number of non-professionals drawn from Halliday, John Hoyland, Adrian Mitchell, Sheila Hardly the most consistent Marxist analysis all over the shop, among them a group of Chalk Rowbotham, Bob Rowthorne. produced in Dwarf recently Farm ‘Skinheads’ who (a) asked to be in the DESIGNER Mike Newton, Ruth Prentice, Agitprop Publicity Group. The fact is that the Skinheads represent the play, (b) attended every rehearsal with unfailing CIRCULATION AND vanguard of a relatively militant resistance to regularity, (c) entered into their roles with great ADVERTISING David Kendall bourgeois society. If nothing else, the magis­ excitement — they were cast as members of a DISTRIBUTION John Weal trates recognise this quite clearly. Soccer press-gang and demanded that no-one else SECRETARY Ann Scott. hooligans are treated much more strictly, on should take these parts as “we are the only ones Published by THE BLACK DWARF, 7 CARLISLE STREET, LONDON W1A 4PZ. average, then the comrades arrested in that properly understand the violence involved Printed by APT, 16 Dufferin Street, London ECI Grosvenor Square. Which is not to say that in this sort of historical acting. ” They were Distributed by Moore-Harness Ltd., II Lever Street, EC1. political consciousness is unimportant. But if quite right, too. It is fair to add that back-stage you are living on a council estate in Leeds or they were something of a problem, in that they North Kensington, or anywhere, your resistance had no conception of the ‘sacredness’ of a The Black Dwarf October 1st 1969 Page 6 The Black Dwarf October 1st 1969 Page 7 IMPERIALISM VERSUS IRISH SELF-DETERMINATION

In August a citizen of the United Kingdom was completely to economic imperialism. By doing so they If Ulster had been relatively prosperous modernisa­ "At the head of the whole people, and particularly jailed for three weeks and fined ten pounds for being have dismantled the economic basis of partition. tion might have been possible. But new political in possession of the constitution of a political At the same time the North’s economy has structures are more difficult to build than new party. The man, Francis Cambell, was Irish, the collapsed. Its two great industries, shipbuilding and factories. The one party state proved too hysteric of the peasantry-for complete freedom, for a government that arrested him, Northern Ireland’s, the linen which were the backbone of the Ulster economy, to change under adverse conditions. This is central to constitution was Sinn Fein’s the political party whose used to employ 55% of the manufacturing workforce understanding the situation. The Unionist party, the consistent democratic revolution, for a republic! At military arm is the I.R.A. At his trial Cambell denied after the war, now they employ less than 25%. New Orange order, the police force, and the lumpen, ‘B’ being a member of the Party and claimed that he had industry, attracted in by massive grants and aid have specia’, are the state. There is no ‘neutral’ apparatus the head of all the toilers and the exploited- found the Sinn Fein constitution on a pile of rubbish, failed to keep up with demand and have only just with two parties and a flexible centre. One social he pleaded “I have not read the booklet”. managed to create as many jobs as have been lost. group, for historic and economic reasons which are for Socialism.” l e n in This wretched story contains many of the key Male unemployment is now 10%, the average wage is fast disappearing gained power over a smaller group elements to the present crisis. The gross injustice of a just over £10 a week. The North is suffering a chronic within a Confined area and are attempting to keep it by keeping up the border. The crisis in Ireland confronts the left in support the mass struggle for Civil Rights in totalitarian state, the active and provocative role of economic depression. the Unionist Party who have always controlled the Under order from Westminster the Unionists will Britain with its most important struggle at the Northern Ireland, and we must never forget it. state apparatus, the political backwardness of the put through reforms. But it has little hope of present time. Bourgeois politics will attempt to But it is essential to distinguish between the I.R.A.; and the clash which underpins the situation, surviving. The British want to create a coalition place the ‘Irish question’ outside the muted vanguard and the masses. As socialists our duty Republicanism versus Union with Britain. This may government and are willing to impose this by force conflict of its two party consensus. It will be a lies not only to those engaged in the struggle at suprise readers who have been fed reports of religious providing they don’t have to open fire. Not even a bitter indictment of the left if it accepts this whatever level it may have reached, but to rioting. But politics, the question of Ireland’s relation­ long history of Imperial magic and conjuring tricks and limits its response to general slogans and those who are trying to develop it and to those ship to England is the substance of the clashes will make that an easy thing to achieve. No real reform political solidarity with the Civil Rights move­ in Britain who are being mystified by the mass between Protestants and Catholics. Religion is only such as abolishing the ‘’B’ specials or The Special media. the language with which battle is fought and religious Powers Act, is possible, no ‘central’ state power can be ment. institutions are only one of the means of organising created without splitting the Unionist/Orange bloc. With the entry of British troops onto the the struggle. Once split, the hard liners will have to be put down. streets of Belfast and Derry and the ludicrous ICRSC For an outsider the present situation is astonishing. The Catholics expect the British to tear gas them and ‘intervention’ of the Lynch regime in the South The ICRSC was founded about four months An old industrial city of over half a million inhabi­ shoot them down. The Protestants who are the fall the basic issue at stake in the present troubles ago by International Socialism and the London tants, proud possessor of the world’s largest ship­ guys of British Imperialism, don’t. was made quite clear. It is the first issue of Irish branch of Peoples Democracy. The main building crane is torn in pieces. During August and Behind the barricades the Catholics have been led politics and it is not the religious question: it is distinction between it and the Northern Ireland part of September over 10,000 of its population lived by the hierachical organisations of the Church and the between Irish self-determination and British Civil Rights Association (NICRA) with whom behind barricades. Two weeks ago on their way back IRA. The Church still has more popular power and is imperialism. Clann Nah’Eirein (Sinn Fein) and the Connolly from work in Mackies, a skilled engineering plant more effective. The areas leave mixed feelings with The present conflict, the use of British Association (a predominantly C.P. organisation) employing 6, 000 men, workers casually burnt out a anyone who visits them. To wake up in liberated Catholic family that was still living in devastated territory, to emerge into a run down Victorian ghetto, troops, Unionist rule all remain within the are working in an uneasy alliance is that the Cukor Street. Last week the British Army, or ‘the and see that the streets belong to the people and that borders of the six-counties. But the funda­ ICRSC is an activist campaign. By touring military’ as the Sinn Fein call them to distinguish there are NO POLICEMEN, and to look down the mental politics of the situation is not so round factories, building sites and Irish residen­ them from their own Army, erected over half a mile of street to the twenty-foot high steel barricade with confined. No demand for self-determination, tial areas, with or without Bernadette Devlin, it 'barbed wire ‘peace’ barrier! workers guarding its side entrance; that is a really good such as that put forward by the Irish Civil has tried to involve the Irish Workers in Britain. The British army, for once the victim of its feeling. But although physically liberated the areas Rights Solidarity Campaign, and more important It is worthwhile comparing briefly the Irish Imperial injustice, is trapped between two massed were not politically free. There is no proletarian no socialist perspective makes sense if it is con­ Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign (ICRSC) and groups of frightened determined and armed workers democracy, mass meetings are rare, the citizens fined to the limits of a one party statelet. A who greatly outnumber it. They are tentatively and defence committee i s not elected. This is not the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign (VSC). surprising, it is not a city that has been freed, there are statelet which was carved out of Ireland with a) The struggle in Vietnam was and is the slowly attempting to gain unified political military control over the entire area without upsetting anyone no areas of political or industrial production within the blessing of Westminster after a bloody war most significant struggle in the world today too much. A delicate and ruthless operation which the barricades (no factories, town halls, or even in the South, and which has been kept in being between Imperialism and the advancing prole­ they know will take time and patience. Their colonial cinemas). The barricades are defensive and surround by a reign of terror in the North itself. tariat. British capitalism is not directly Catholic homes. The inertia of self-defence and the wild-man, the RUC as indisciplined hooligans established) inferiority and discrimination than There has been confusion about how to involved, but British complicity is well- history has prepared them for this kind of job, indeed static position of being beseiged give an insight into Cameron- and PD as subverters of the constitution. On in the past’ (ibid)... ‘It was members of the handle the relationship between helping to established. some of the troops there have only known action why the Paris Commune despite its internal develo­ the second, things fall a bit more into place. We Catholic middle-class which in 1964 founded develop an effective revolutionary theory and b) The Vietnamese leadership is conducting against civilians, in Aden and Cyprus. Although the pment, never marched onto Verseille. Whitewash for Whom? realize it is O’Neill who is being bashed. We the Campaign for Social Justice’ (para 12). ‘It strategy within Ireland and supporting the this struggle in a fully conscious Marxist troops are keeping the two groups apart they are not The newspapers have tended to gloss over the over­ remember that the first rule of cabinet would be a grave political and social error to manner. playing a neutral role in the situation. The contradic­ whelming strength of the Protestants. Some simple decisions is collective responsibility. So O’Neill regard the CRA as narrowly sectarian or popular national anti-imperialist forces there. index will illustrate the balance of forces. Of the 400 Such confusion can only be overcome by being c) The VSC was the first movement since tion between Catholics and Protestants is the THE COMPOSITION OF THE COMMISSION is simply shielded by the attack on Craig. And subversively political; it was and is a movement dominant contradiction at the moment, but it is plus houses petrol bombed, less than twenty were we realize, too, that the brunt of the attack on clear about the fundamental revolutionary the war able to radicalise something approach­ Protestant. If you walk up Disraeli Street, which is LORD JOHN CAMERON: From Edinburgh drawing support from a wide measure of strictly a secondary one incomprehensible outside the PD is that it is undermining the CRA, not the objective; which is a United Socialist workers ing a mass base in Britain on clear Marxist context of the national question. If Britain wanted to Protestant you walk under Union Jacks and bunting establishment. Law Lord (of Scottish Sessions). moderate opinion’ (para 233). ‘So far, it has and Farmers Republic of Ireland. Two things slogans and, furthermore, slogans which were in keep the old order it would be an easy matter for it to strung across the street, tied onto the houses and Climbed from the rank of Navy Advocate. constitution. It represents a ‘complication for obtained, and still obtains, the support of many follow from this. Self determination for the complete harmony with the aspirations of the have turned the troops against the Catholic barricades, already bleached from the summer. Not a petrol bomb SIR JOHN HENRY BIGGART: Pro-Vice policy-making’ - the danger of the situation who are neither Catholics nor interested in Irish people and the withdrawal of British Vietnamese people. cry IRA vandalism when one of them got shot, and put could have been thrown into the street without Chancellor and Dean of the Faculty of polarizing along class-lines. The CRA is warned constitutional change, violent or otherwise, and troops. A revolution in Ireland will be much With the ICRSC on the other hand: the whole country back firmly into the hands of the bringing the bunting down. The street ends at a Medicine of Queen’s University, Belfast. His against letting its control slip to PD no less than it is this ballast of moderate and earnest men more than these two things, without them it a) The struggle in Ireland is not pivotal in Unionist clique. But Britain no longer has any interest junction with the Crumlin Road and on the other side faculty at Q.U.B. has a bad record of four times (paras. 150, 193, 199 & 229). And and women. . . which has enabled the CRA to will be impossible. the world revolution. in doing this. Its troops are there to guard thefactories of the Crumlin is Hooker Street, a Catholic street on discrimination against Catholic candidates for as we slowly understand the significance of this, maintain its originally designed course. ’ (para the edge of a small Catholic Ghetto called the Ardoyn. A number of important questions have been b) But it is very important in the British and to impose a new policy upon the Unionist Party. entrance. we comprehend the incredible balancing-act 193). A policy of reform which will pave the way for a The entire area around Hooker Street has been raised around these issues. It has been argued class struggle because British Imperialism is JAMES JOSEPH CAMPBELL: A ‘Castle’ Cameron is required to perform. We quote so lengthily because the point is so political reorganisation of Ireland more convenient devastated. In order to legitimize the CRA he must that for socialists the demand for self deter­ directly involved in and responsible for the and profitable to British capital. The I.R.A, built up by themselves as well as the- Catholic Unionist. Prominent spokesman of important. The CRA is the only way out. But mination should replace the demand for a situation. The Southern Government also wants this solution. Acute depression, and worse, relative economic Unionists into a bogey force of considerable fire segregated education. Attached to Department confirm the real basis of their grievances, but there is only room for one, ‘moderate’ CRA. united republic; that the latter is a limitation of c) There is no Marxist leadership in the They have pressed for reunification and have insisted decline, is at the core of Protestant and Catholic power has proved itself to be a miserable and of Education. only in such a way that those Unionists who are That is why PD is an ‘UNNECESSARY the former. Nothing is further from the truth. North or South of the island which has won the that there shall be no return to the status quo. This protest and has divided Belfast between two hundred amateurish organisation. Many Catholics bitterly sufficiently credible for a coalition with CRA ADJUNCT. . . providing a means by which Socialism is the consumation of self determina­ people’s confidence. would give Lynch and his ruling party Fianna Fail a barricades. Both Paisley and the Civil rights supporters resent the fact that for all its boasting it could only SITUATION OF THE COMMISSION’S WORK can retain pure white political records. This in ■want economic and social equality with Britain. In a politically extreme and militant elements tion, and it redoubles the vigour with which we d) the possibility of sharpening the class place in the history books and take the burden of produce two bren guns a few german pistols and a The Commission was set up on the 3rd turn requires a lot of covering-up. Let’s take a could. . . incite political disorder.’ (para 229 (b Ulster from Wilson’s shoulders. (It would also help double reaction to the decline, Protestants have seen motley collection of shot guns when their help was couple of instances. fight for self-determination. For socialists to contradictions in Britain itself is furthered by the collapse of their historic role as the economic and March as one of O’Neill’s last crumbs to the 12)). Wilson, whose own constituency contains a high needed, and then only after hours of burning and fear. masses. It began taking evidence on 18th April, forget about their own objectives and go to the the presence of over a million Irish workers in social vanguard of anglo-saxon virtues, while Catholics, Since the crisis the IRA have introduced a new First, who staged the Burntollet ambush? PD Who can neutralize both this and Orangery? proportion of Irish Catholics, to win the coming ten days before O’Neill was dethroned. It assistance of the bourgeoisie, means to hand this country who could become directly general election. ) Thus Dublin have put as much suffering twice the rate of unemployment and far weapon to defend their areas, an Irish version of the produce evidence that their march was attacked What man will lead Ulster from the wilderness? over both their politics and the class that they involved external pressure on Wilson as they can, by going to worse wages and conditions have demanded in Claymore mine. They have brought in gelignite and reported on the 16th August, at the height of under the direction of the local Orange Who does Cameron whitewash? The answer is are fighting to represent. There can be no Revolutionaries working through the soli­ the United Nations and moving troops to the border, desperation a ‘fair deal’. plan to fill buckets with a double sandwich of the Belfast riots. In other words, the span of landowners and bosses. Cameron, on the other John Hume, of the Derry Citizens Action compromise in the struggle for self determina­ darity campaign should support all existing without forcing him into the hands of the Unionists. Political crises are the result of politics not Gelignite packed down with cardboard and polythene the report covers the period of rapid political Committee (DCAC). Cameron writes that what economics. The resentment created by the depression hand, blames Paisley and Bunting. Yet they tion, no ‘critical’ support that turns out to be mass struggles in Ireland, no matter how weak and topped up with nuts, bolts, rivets, and screws. disintegration. So it became its task not only to simultaneously deride the organizational is required is ‘wise and courageous leadership’. was transformed into the present fratricidal divisions You point the bucket down the street and touch off no support at all, because self determination is their perspectives may be from a revolu­ The Origins analyse what had gone wrong, but to point the capacity of Bunting, pointing out most of the It gives us six possibilities (as the contending The origins of the current situation lie in the by the Unionist Party’s attempts to reform itself. the layer of Jelly in the bottom. way out of the mess. To simply call for the a basic and fundamental necessity for socialism. tionary’s point of view, so long as they are a Under pressure from Whitehall and some of the larger organizations he claimed support from were forces engaged in struggle): they are - With regard to British troops we have seen struggle against the forms of British partition of the country after the first world war. It would be just if this weapon was pointed at the restoration of O’Neill was inadequate. The Unionism, the CRA, PD, the DCAC, the Ireland was partitioned because uneven economic international companies and as the South moved into fictional. At the same time they describe the the astonishing situation of socialists in England Imperialism. line in preparation for joining the Common Market at assembled Unionist Party in Storemont and put an end Commission, like everyone else, knew what that detailed planning that must have been necessary Paisleyites and the ‘hooligan element.’ All development between the North and the South to that whole bunch of squalid and bigoted would mean: a return to the chaos of O’Neill’s subordinating their principles and their overall Should educate participants in the campaign divided the working class and the bougeoisie. Whilst the same time as Britain, the Unionists attempted to for both Burntollet and Armagh on November except the CRA and Hume’s outfit are politics to the demands of the minute in into the exact nature of the struggle with a modernise the political and social structure of the mediocrities. But it is a desperate weapon of defence inability to deal with any of the opposing 20 (para 78). In other words, Bunting is blamed dismissed or dismiss themselves. Hume, on the the rest of the country remained almost pre-industrial and its explosion signals the loss of far more Catholic Belfast. Seemingly without realising that self thorough marxist analysis. country. The pious hopes of reform are in ruins. forces. In any case, O’Neill no longer possessed other hand, is accorded a eulogy: ‘Mr John Belfast’s factories ensured capitalist support for the lives than Unionists. for organizing acts of terrorism beyond his determination is incompatible with the Should expose and attack imperialism’s Orange aristocrats who led the political and military Protestant extremists, lead by Paisley and urged on by a base and Cameron knew it. What were the powers to organize. The question of real Hume. . . from the beginning has taken the presence of British troops. The troops are on actions or lack of them before and during the battle against home rule. Belfast, for historic reasons Unionist M. P.s exploited the growing resentment by remaining alternatives? Only responsibility is avoided. lead and shown himself both responsible and opposing the new line of the Party. Of necessity, for Conclusion Chichester-Clarke’s brand of reaction or the the streets in Northern Ireland to enforce the struggle so that a clear alternative analysis of associated with the Protestant settlement, was the Caught in the vice of a declining client economy of Similarly, although Unionism is credited capable. He. . . was formerly a teacher and the Unionists are the party of the Protestant working Civil Rights movement. To back Clarke would interests of British capitalism across the water; the shifting situation is presented and propagan­ only region in Ireland where large scale industrial British imperialism, both Catholic and Protestant with corruption, patronage, violence, stupidity, thereafter in business and is now dedicated to development took place during the nineteenth class, and the allegence of the Protestant workers is be to back another loser. Only one possibility guarding the factories and enforcing a new dised in direct opposition to the lies and deceit workers have seized the period of reform to press their cowardice and bankruptcy, throughout the text the political work he has undertaken. Prior to century. By the turn of this century it was dependent essential to Unionist rule. was open - a quiet eulogy of the Civil Rights policy upon the Unionist party. To keep silent of the mass media. For their part middle class Catholics supported the grievances and fears at the state of life in the North. it remains free from any accusation of unfitness work in the DCAC Mr Hume was closely on access to Britain and the Empire’s markets, whilst movement. And that is what Cameron about British troops, whistling in the air when Finally without ceasing to support the new drift of reform by advancing demands for civil Desperately manoeuvring to retain control over to govern. It is tried, convicted and receives a associated with the Credit Union and the Derry the Southern petit bourgeoisie demanded protection their respective sections of the working class represents. they are mentioned, supports the solution they original struggle should attempt to show to the and tariffs to develop indigenous manufacturing. rights, in particular an end to gerrymandering. suspended sentence. But it is warned, especially Housing Association. . . both flourishing and Socialists, taking advantage of the fact that local the Protestant and Catholic have clashed and are attempting to impose. radicalised members of the campaign the need Protection would have ruined the Northern unleashed a conflict as bloody as any in the history of about its connection with the Orange Order doing good work. Mr Hume’s influence has But, it is argued, how can we demand the to build a unified revolutionary party to capitalists. The two fought, reached agree­ government voting was still based on house ownership THE REPORT’S FINDINGS (para 153). been insistently exercised in favour of peaceful demanded more houses and then more jobs. For the the North. British Capitalism, whose interests now lie Cameron's problem was to establish a withdrawal of British troops when this would continue and develop the struggle against ment, and divided the country with the active South of Belfast as well as in the North want thorough means... he has so far resolutely opposed first time Catholics had found a legitimate means of balance between making the CRA appear as the lead to a pogrom, when the most oppressed capitalism in other related struggles. assistance and under the sovereignty of Britain, which reform and an end to sectarian divisions. (The THE CONCLUSIONS OF CAMERON violence and disorder. It was his action and then and still exercises economic domination over the political expression within the condition of the six embodiment of rational progress and finding a section of the population want British troops to All support to the Irish Civil Rights fighters. Financial Times responded to the Cameron Report by Cameron examines with relish how the CRA initiative in particular. . . which prevented a whole country. Protestantism was used to integrate counties. They demanded their rights as British dignified way out of Unionism. The solution be there? Only the bourgeoisie, in particular the Expose British Imperialism and its die hard citizens. The Protestants were enfuriated. At the very demanding the abolition of Stormont and justified this ruptured the twin fossilized power-structures of situation arising on 20th April which could the Belfast workers into a political alliance with their as being the “least dangerous course”. For whom? ) So adopted was to stress the NOVELTY of the bourgeois Catholics, want British troops to be puppet in the North and its economically exploiters. They accepted the package because moment that their own living standards had sunk to Unionism and Nationalism, but in doing so have led to disasterous consequences’ (para in the North. The people of the Falls do not dependent stooges in the South. Forward to a three quarters of that of their compatriots across the the working class in Belfast will be told the grim truth. CRA as its most important characteristic. This ensures the reader of the true character of the for them, too, the decline of Belfast industry behind They will get no economic miracle from Britain. want British troops in Ireland and they have no United Irish Workers and Farmers Republic. the tariffs of a petit bourgeois Catholic Dublin govern­ water, and as the province became “The depressed meant that it could at the same time be CRA’s origins: - ‘to suppose the CRA as a Inexorably they will be forced to share a common presented as: Cameron is thus not merely a very selective illusions about their role. Obviously they are ment would have meant ruin. area in the United Kingdom”, the ‘Fenians’ went and function, or even an aspect of religious People’s Democracy demanded a fair share, and worse were being situation. It is a great opportunity for Irish socialists. whitewash, but a very committed king-maker. very glad that the British are keeping back the The situation is now radically transformed. The 1. a panacea for the future antagonism would be dangerously superficial P.D. arc re-organising themselves. They encouraged by elements within the Unionist Party. For the first time in half a century the grip of orange 2. an explanation why nothing was done in the It points the way past the next crisis to a armed Paisleyite extremists. It does not follow South has dropped its tariffs, opened free trade with and erroneous and could lead and (we are now have an Office, 84 Albert Street. Belfast 12, The two sides soon clashed and in eleven months of sectarianism over the Protestant working class will past Hume-O'Neill coalition. For Cameron, there are that they want the British troops to stay. They England and exploited its cheap labour and proximity loosen. If they seize their chances they may be able to convinced) has led to a wholly false evaluation and are having a telephone installed. They have to England and the E.E.C. It has already benefited marches and counter marches they tore the country 3. an account of the incorrect official no other alternatives, no other paths open to want the Orange fascists to be disarmed and to elected a committee and will be trying to hammer build a non-sectarian base strong enough to combat of the real strength and character of the from considerable foreign investment (40% British, open. O’Neill the Unionist Prime Minister and leading treatment it met. provide the necessary condition for the survival arm themselves in self defence, and they want out a systematic position over the next few reformer was overthrown, the police murdered and Church politics. Then a united working class agitation’ (para 11). It ensures too, that the months. These first tentative steps towards 20% German, 16% U.S.; this foreign investment makes Cameron is a short document but requires a of the bourgeoisie - a core of Catholic and batoned innocent victims, barricades went up, petrol movement capable of confronting the double tyranny reader gathers the nature of the CRA’s CLASS the British troops out. organisation were taken at a meeting over the up 80%) of Southern Ireland’s total investment! ) of Catholicism and Protestantism can free Ireland number of readings. On the first, it appears a Protestant businessmen willing to accept Surely it is not difficult to see that revolu­ bombs were thrown, and finally the battle in Belfast BASIS: 'A much larger Catholic middle-class Weekend o f September 13th, 14th. Nearly a Unable to undergo a homegrown industrial revolution from Imperialism and lead it to Socialism. whitewash for O’Neill. Craig is attacked as an political and economic responsibility under the tionary politics must guide our solidarity hundred people attended and four local groups in the middle of the 20th century, and with no natural on August 14th and 15th left 2, 000 homeless, eight has emerged which is less ready to acquiesce in outside Belfast were represented. dead and hundreds wounded. Daniel Read incompetent bigot, Paisley as a crazed economic domination of Britain. actions, and cannot be the same as them. We resources the Southern Irish have capitulated the acceptance of a situation of assumed (or Bert Pebigoe The Black Dwarf October 1st 1969 Page 8 M ajor C hichester C lark

Clark was elected M. P. for South Derry in July 1960 and Prime Minister in May 1969. From retired soldier to Prime Minister in under 9 years is a rapid rise to fame. Even in as talentless a body as the Ulster Unionist Party one would expect the new Prime Minister to be something of an intellectual whizz-kid. In fact Major Chichester-Clark is a man of few words and not very sparkling ones. He was elected in July 1960 and did not make his maiden speech until February 1961. After that he spoke occasionally until 1963 when he became Chief Whip and from then till May 1967 his contributions to Stormont were limited to one-line interjections. In 1967 he became Minister for Agriculture and had to speak in agricultural debates. Why the rapid promotion and swift rise to the top of this undistinguished back-bencher? Major Chichester-Clark was born in 1923 and educated at Eton, like Terence O’Neill, and most of the English ruling class. In 1942 he joined the Irish Guards and retired in 1960. In 1955 his brother Robert had become M.P. for Derry City and County at Westminster — a seat held by their grandfather in the 1920’s. The Major’s grandmother, Dame Dehra Parker, was M. P. for South Derry at Stormont and Minister for Health. She had held the seat since 1921 except for a short break from 1929-33 when she let her son-in-law, the Major’s father, take over. In April 1960 Major James retired from the army. In June Dame Dehra suddenly resigned. In July the Major was elected. Asked by a journalist if she had resigned in order to hand over to her grandson, Dame Dehra said: “Well I wanted to give him a chance. ” It was all very convenient but not for R. A. Brown, Chairman of Magherafelt Rural Council, who was defeated by the Unionist nomination by the young Major just 3 months home from his travels. The South Derry seat was kept in the family, as it had been since 1921, and an even older family the back by resigning from the Cabinet. Inside a week That night in Maghera an armed mob wrecked the forgotten the Ulster Covenant and we intend to tradition was maintained. On the Dawson side there O’Neill had resigned and Chichester-Clark was Prime town. Meanwhile “followers of Major R. Bunting met preserve our heritage and our Protestant faith. There had been an M.P. in every generation of the Major’s Minister. J. D. Chichester-Clark at his Moyola Park home. They family since 1695. Asked why he had decided to go will be no surrender on any of these scores to-day or In the frantic attempt to preserve Unionist unity asked him to contact Home Affairs Minister Mr. W. J. at any other time. ” into politics the Major said. “I was a man with a bit of Chichester-Clark has tried to appear, simultaneously a Long to have the rest of the march banned. Mr. Major Chichester-Clark is of course a member of spare time and I hoped I could do something useful. ” liberal and a reactionary. Where do his sympathies Chichester-Clark phoned Mr. Long and later told the The spare time was after he had looked after his 570 really lie? Castle-dawson LOL No. 97 and Bellaghy Scarlet Line crowd outside his home that the Minister could do R.B.P. No. 573. In the 1969 election he was seconded acre estate at Castledawson. Still, his constituents As the P.D. march from Belfast to Derry left nothing without first consulting his advisers. Some didn’t seem to mind a spare-time M.P. Toome for Hillhead it was stopped at the junction of by the Rev. H. C. Conn, Deputy County Grand consulation to the crowd for this fobbing-off was a Chaplain of the Orange Order for County Derry. In an The new M.P. was well connected. On the Clark the Hillhead and Bellaghy roads. The marchers “were promise by Mr. Chichester-Clark to be with them side he was related to Henry Clarke, M.P. for North informed by the police that they could not proceed by election circular which unaccountably reached only when they meet at Beagh cross-roads at 9. 00 a.m. this sections of the electorate he pledged himself to uphold Antrim at Westminster. On the Chichester side to way of Hillhead and Knockloughtim to Maghera as morning. ” Irish News, January 3rd 1969. Phelim O’Neill, now Minister for Education, and Capt. there was likely to be trouble with Loyalists. the position of the Orange Order in public life. Why did the Major not tell these people to leave Aristocrat, landlord, old Etonian Orangeman — this Terence who was soon to become Prime Minister. A On the side of the junction about 50 loyalists the marchers alone? Why did he agree to join them Chichester relative of the Major’s was even married to were drawn up across the road. The Local is N. Ireland’s New Prime Minister. He became an M. P. next morning where they intended to block the because it ran in the family. He was rapidly promoted Capt. John Warden Brooke, foolish son of a famous M. P.s, Major J. D. Chichester-Clark and his brother march? Is it true that he was there with a stout because he was well-connected. He was in the running father. For what little it was worth his estate agent Mr. Robin Chichester-Clark M. P. for County Derry at walking stick? for Prime Minister because he stabbed O’Neill in the was an M.P. — Joe Burns from North Derry. Westminster spoke to the Loyalists. While this was We can only judge the Major’s views by his own back at the right time. He won the election because It was hardly surprising that the new M. P. going on an Ulster Television camera team, who words. Though the Major’s words in the House of he d said so little at Stormont that he’d antagonised advanced rapidly especially when Capt. Terence moved in to take shots of the loyalists and the police, Commons have been few and far between, the summer became Prime Minister, and, as Chief Whip for 3 years, nobody. What can the Civil Rights movement expect were attacked by the loyalists. ” sunshine makes him wax more eloquent. Speaking at from him. . . nothing! the Major stood loyally by his aristocratic relation. Mid-Ulster Mail, Jan. 4th 1969. Garvagh on July 12th 1966 he said: “I can assure you But as things got worse for Terence the Major began to What did the Prime Minister and his brother say to that, as far as the Government is concerned, there is get ambitions of his own and in April 1969 when the “loyalists”? Why did they not ensure that the no weakness towards our enemies and there will be O’Neill won the last and narrowest of his votes of police did their duty and cleared a passage for the none. We have not forgotten the Boyne, we have not confidence Chichester-Clark stabbed him vigorously in marchers? forgotten the 13 Apprentice Boys, we have not reprinted from PD Voice No. 2.

early August when Murphy locked out the IT & GWU was doomed. Unless British workers were prepared to the only way to end the Dublin dispute, and the tram workers. By September 400 firms had fallen strike with their Irish fellow unionists, not only would Northwall Dublin NUR branch demanded a similar The Betrayal behind Murphy and demanded the signing of the the strike be defeated, but they would turn their own meeting to stop blacklegs being brought over. Both notorious document which forbade membership of the unions into direct strike breaking organisations. requests were refused. IT & GWU, as a condition of employment. Rather Early in the strike the British TU bosses had Following the London conference the NUR than sign it, 30, 000 workers marched out from their attempted to go over the heads of the IT & GWU to ordered its men in Dublin back to work. The NUDL o f 1913 factories in solidarity with the IT & GWU comrades. find a compromise with the employers. By November and the Seamen’s and Firemen’s Union rapidly This brave resistance of the Irish workers was met they had opened up a major attack on Larkin. Thomas followed, ordering its men to unload and man ships, by the full force of the police and military on Ashton, secretary of the Miners Federation, com­ loaded by scabs. Immediately the news was out, the the streets. Baton-charges, killings, savage prison plained that Larkin was using his ‘Fiery Cross’ tour of employers knew they had won and had nothing to fear sentences dealt out by magistrates who were England to cause strife between the trade unionists from the British trade union movement. The strike On the last Sunday in August 1913 James Nolan shareholders in Murphy’s Tramway company; and and their leaders. Larkin, released from prison in mid- continued till February when the men gradually went and John Byrne were batoned to death in the streets repression of meetings and free speech. But all over November, was attacked by J. H. Thomas of the NUR back under conditions which denied them the right to of Dublin by members of the Royal Ulster Con­ Dublin they chose to fight rather than sign the and Havelock Wilson, president of the Seamen’s and use the sympathetic strike. By isolating Dublin the stabulary. A further four hundred working people document. Connolly wrote in October of ‘Glorious Foremen’s Union, for appealing to British workers for British labour leaders had helped the employers beat were injured as the police broke up a meeting Dublin’, “Baton charges, prison cells, untimely death strike action. Snowden and Smillie of the NUM also the strike, and all but destroy the IT & GWU, inflict­ addressed by Jim Larkin. Later Michael Byrne, an IT and acute starvation - all were faced without a joined in the opposition to sympathetic action. ing a blow on the Irish labour movement from which & GWU secretary, was tortured to death in a police murmur, and in face of them all, the brave Dublin The final confrontation came at a special congress it has not to this day recovered. Nor was this the first cell; young Alice Brady while walking home with her workers never lost faith in their ultimate triumph, of trade unions on December 9th. Here, Arthur act of strike breaking by British trade union leaders. strike allowance of food was shot down in cold blood never doubted but that their organisation would Henderson, Sexton of the Dock Labourers Union and Sexton had broken the fragile unity of Catholic and by a scab; drunken police broke into homes in the emerge victorious from the struggle. This is the great Gosling, President of the Transport Workers Federa­ Protestant workers built by Larkin in the 1907 Belfast slums of Corporation Street bludgeoning the women fact that many of our critics amongst the British tion, joined with Wilson and Thomas in defeating the strike, had expelled Larkin from the Union, and labour leaders seem to lose sight of. The Dublin fight and children of strikers. Such brutalities were proposal for a blockade. It was left to the gasworkers doomed the labour movement in Belfast to sectarian commonly inflicted then, as today, on the Irish is more than a trade union fight; it is a great class union delegate, supported by the compositors, to raise religious division. Taken together these two acts were working class in struggle. struggle, and recognised as such by all sides. We in the flag of proletarian internationalism. He declared decisive in dividing the working class and tipping the The Bogside and Belfast people have recently Ireland feel that to doubt our victory would be to lose that the Dublin employers should be told that while faith in the destiny of our class”. balance of Irish politics in favour of reaction in the experienced the ravages of drunken mobs of police labour was prepared to exhaust the possibilities of a North and conservative nationalism in the South. and trigger happy Specials, while in Dublin workers The murder of Byrne and Nolan on 31st August peaceful settlement, it was equally prepared to More than fifty years later the attitude of the trade have been clubbed into the ground. But British made Dublin the centre of international labour exhaust the possibilities of war. When Larkin replied socialists should remember the strike breaking role of struggle. The response of British workers in support of union and labour bureaucracy has changed little. We to his critics, he declared bitterly that he thought he’d still have the hollow gesture of solidarity that was our own TUC and Labour leadership in Ireland in their Irish fellow unionists was immediate. The TUC, come to a conference elected by the rank and file, and made by their predecessors in 1913. The odd murmur 1913. It will then be not so difficult to understand the which was in session, sent a delegation to reassert the pointed to at least one delegate who had scabbed on was heard at the Portsmouth TUC in solidarity with deafening silence among the ranks of the labour right of free speech and public assembly. Special relief the Dublin workers. When it came to a decision the the workers defending their lives behind barricades but aristocrats today when the most exploited section of ships were organised and carried food and provisions capitulators tried to cloak their deeds by saying that not a stifled mutter was heard against the imperialist workers in the British Isles face the prospect of an to the strikers paid for by British trade unionists. they had no mandate from the union rank and file, policy Wilson is following in Ireland. even bloodier repression than did the Dublin men and For the first few weeks the strike was well suppor­ despite the fact that the conference had been three Yet the situation in the north grows more critical women in 1913. ted, British trade unionists held meetings for Larkin weeks delayed by the same gentlemen claiming the each day. Troops dismantle the protective barricades The Irish general strike of 1913 was a decisive and raised funds for the strike. But the TUC leaders time to do precisely that. in Belfast. The Ulster Volunteers (i.e. ‘disarmed’ B landmark in Irish history. The employers were out to were already beginning to vacillate. While they had so This sell-out of the Irish workers was carried out in Specials) are given time to prepare a further massacre. break the Irish Transport and General Workers Union strongly condemned the August massacres they had the face of strong sympathy among British workers for More urgently than ever is the need for British trade that had practised a unionism which went radically been careful not to express support for the aims of the the Irish struggle. Huge amounts of money were unionists to join with Irish workers in Britain to beyond the conservative form of new unionism in strike itself. Soon the Dublin workers were to face the collected, and Irish boats blacked. But in both Dublin support the cause of Irish self-defence and self- Britain. From 1911 the IT & GWU under Larkin’s barefaced treachery of the British labour leaders. and Belfast, men who refused to scab were told by determination. Nowhere in the labour movement leadership had used the sympathetic strike in every British TU support for the strike was crucial. their union officials that other union men would be should the policy of the government and the silent industrial dispute in which their fellow unionists were British unions organised large numbers of workers in brought over in their places, and when dockers refused complicity of the trade union bosses go unchallenged. involved and had won a whole series of victories for Belfast, and the ability of the employers to move their to load a consignment of Guinness at Sligo it was Nowhere should the alignment of the trade union other unions and immeasurably strengthened the cargoes in Dublin depended on the support of seamen, railed to Derry where Sexton’s members loaded it. In leaders with British imperialism go unexposed. For too fighting strength of the working class movement. The railwaymen, dockers, and ferrymen, members of November, 216 branches of the NUR representing long the labour movement here has failed in its employers, led by William Murphy the owner of the British unions. Here was a clear demonstration of the 100, 000 members demanded the calling of a special elementary responsibilities to the Irish working class. Dublin Tramways and of three powerful newspapers, validity of the sympathetic strike policy of the IT & meeting of the executive to discuss the calling of a Let there be no more 1913s. organised to fight the Irish TGWU. They began in GWU. Without a blockade of the Irish ports the strike strike of miners, railwaymen and transport workers as BERNARD REANEY The Black Dwarf October 1st 1969 Page 11

In a few weeks/days time Twentieth Green Berets. Undoubtedly there will be see the movie free as there is no sense in always the possibility, however, that Century Fox will release their version of many imaginative protests in England as increasing Fox’s profits. Also comrades those who maintain that Cuba is a Che. The film is a revolting and typical there have been in the United States. In should sell the Cuban version of Che’s ‘petit-bourgeois’ country will accept this piece of Americanised cultural trash. It Scandinavia the left was so successful diaries (available from The Black Dwarf) version of CHE as it is close to their shows the length to which capitalism is that The Green Berets could not be outside and inside every cinema. own. Shit on them, but first shit on prepared to go in order to increase exhibited publicly. However, we suggest For the benefit of comrades we Twentieth Century Fox. Comrades profits. Many comrades will that the protests are organised in such a publish below an excerpt from this- wanting to sell Che’s Diaries: Please ring undoubtedly want to see Che in much way that Twentieth Century Fox get no appalling film to give you some idea of Dave Kendall at 01-734 4827. the same spirit as they went to see The publicity. Comrades should arrange to the shit you will be watching. There is

"IN CULTURE, CAPITALISM HAS GIVEN ALL THAT IT HAD TO GIVE, AND ALL THAT REMAINS OF IT IS THE FORETASTE OF A BAD SMELLING CORPSE."

NAME OF MURDERERS: 20th CENTURY FOX

255 INT. PENTHOUSE SUITE - SHOOTING speak for this country. to Fidel. Che stares out of the window. A deep FIDEL: I need you now more than ever, Che. TOWARD FOYER - NIGHT. As Che enters, The stunned Cubans stare at Che. Fidel has silence falls between them. There is not much In the name of our martyred comrades,... I brushing past two of Fidel’s bodyguards. He his arm round the Ambassador’s shoulder left to be said. ask you not to desert us. looks tense and angry. Camera moves with Che accompanying him to the exit, followed by the CHE: Fidel, let’s be frank with each other. You and widens to take in Fidel, Raul, Juan Russian General. Che’s Departure used the Party to get here. You want to build Almeida, Dorticos, Ramon, Rojas, A RUSSIAN Che pours himself a Coca-Cola and sits socialism on one flea speck in the Caribbean. As GENERAL and the SOVIET AMBASSADOR. down. The rest gaze stonily at Che. He lights a 266 INT. BEDROOM FEATURING FIDEL. He things stand now you’re doomed. Cuba’s A buffet table is laden with cold cuts, cigar, ignoring them and waits for Fidel to sits slumped on the edge of his bed, wearing growth is stunted by the Yankees quarantine, canapes, and caviar. The Soviet Ambassador re-enter the room. pyjama bottoms and nothing else. His eyes are You’ll be forced to choose between the plague raises a tumbler. Fidel re-enters the room. Che rises at once, glazed, his skin sallow. At the moment of Che’s and cholera. I can only help you if the SOVIET AMBASSADOR: To world peace. CHE: Fidel — don’t capitulate. The Yankees are entry he is pouring brandy into a glass. He revolution is rekindled elsewhere. I’ve got to Their quarrels have always been private. But bluffing. quickly sets down the glass like a guilty start more fires than the Yankee firemen can this time, despite Fidel’s attempt to placate him FIDEL: They’re not bluffing. They’re enough youngster. Che comes over to him. put out — Che abandons his usual self-control. nuclear-armed bombers in the air right now to CHE: You don’t look well. Fidel has risen impatiently from the bed. CHE: Why wasn’t I told of this meeting? I was reduce this island to cinders. FIDEL: I can’t sleep. The air conditioner broke Affection wells up in Fidel. He grasps Che’s deliberately excluded, wasn’t I? CHE: We’ve got two hundred thousand militia down again. shoulders with trembling hands. FIDEL: Let’s discuss it when we’re alone. to take the missiles away from the Russians. Che picks up a bottle of pills from the FIDEL: You’re more to me than a brother, CHE: So you backed down and agreed to let This is our one chance to achieve parity with bedstand, glances at the label and puts it down. More than anyone. I beg you. . . stay beside them take back their missiles? the imperialists. CHE: Still on a diet of brandy and benzedrine? me. If I should die, I want you to take my FIDEL: Relax. Pour yourself a drink. We’ll talk FIDEL: A decision has been made. The debate Fidel makes no reply. Che tilts Fidel’s head place. later. is over. by lifting his chin. CHE: (evenly) I’m sorry, my mind’s made up. Fidel crosses to the buffet table, to the CHE: Have you all become Russian puppets? CHE: Face the light. Let me see your eyes. Fidel’s emotions spin with the sting of his Soviet Ambassador’s side and spoons a large DORTICOS: It isn’t bad enough that you drain FIDEL: (brushing him aside) I didn’t call you rejection. His hands fall to his sides. gob of caviar on a piece of toast and begins to our economy supporting guerrilla activities in here for a medical checkup. FIDEL: The Soviet Ambassador called you a eat. countries that broke off diplomatic relations CHE: Then bring in your own doctor. Right provocateur. I’m beginning to think he was CHE: Why the caviar? What’s there to with us — away. You look jaundiced. right on target. celebrate? (to Soviet Ambassador) Why aren’t Che walks away towards the buffet table. FIDEL: Later. CHE: (stiffening) It’s pointless to go on like our Russian comrades eating crow? Doesn’t it Dorticos follows him talking at his back. He lies back on the pillows, gazing evenly at this — sicken you that your cowardly leader - that DORTICOS: - now you threaten the only Che, trying to remain calm. Che crosses to door and opens it. Fidel stalks cravenly bastard Krushchev fell to his knees and source of income we have — the Soviet Union. FIDEL: They tell me you’re leaving Cuba. For him. rolled over at Kennedy’s bluff? We are in a state of financial crisis! And that’s good. 268 INT’ PENTHOUSE BAR-GROUP SHOT. FIDEL: That’s enough, Che! your contribution to Cuba, Major Guevara, CHE: Who are they? Your secret agents? Celia and Ramon are standing at the bar in f.g. CHE: (unheeding) You think the world can Che has picked up a sandwich. He whirls on FIDEL: You no longer confide in me. So as Che appears, followed by Fidel. ever forget that you Soviet shits sold your him, dropping the sandwich. you’re no longer above scrutiny. FIDEL: (shouting) I see it all now. You want it honour along with Cuba? Do you think your CHE: And what the hell is your contribution, CHE: (after a pause) Well, it’s true. I am to be your own show. All the way. You don’t million-dollar-a-day-handout to Fidel can ever Dorticos? To fly into Havana after we’ve spilled leaving. My departure is overdue. want my help or counsel because you can’t bear erase your shame? our blood. . . and organise the anti-Che clique. FIDEL: (fights back the anger) Don’t you owe being second to anyone. You glory seeker. 257 ANOTHER ANGLE - FAVOURING THE Well you can stop plotting. If you’re the best me an explanation? SOVIET AMBASSADOR. Tense and President Cuba has to offer — Cuba is in a hell CHE: I was going to write you a letter. Che gazes at him thoughtfully, as placid as tight-lipped, he downs his Vodka. of a crisis! I didn’t fight for Cuba to turn it into 267 ANOTHER ANGLE - THE BEDROOM. Fidel is turbulent. Then he turns and kisses SOVIET AMBASSADOR (addressing Fidel): If a hog trough for a bunch of sleazy politicians! As Celia enters with a cold meal on a tray and Celia’s cheek. the Soviet Government are down on their I’ve had enough of Cuba! approaches Fidel. CHE: Good night. Remember to call the knees, eating crow, if indeed we fear anybody, Dorticos, enraged, pulls out a revolver. CELIA: Here. . . you haven’t eaten since doctor. it is your careless Doctor Guevara - who DORTICOS: You swine! yesterday. He turns to Ramon, embracing him. doesn’t mind setting off a holocaust, that CHE: (taunting him) Go on, shoot! Shoot you FIDEL: (turns away) It makes me sick to look CHE: Serve him well. I’ll drop you a line — neither the United States or my Government bastard! You’ll never get a better chance — at it. from somewhere. seeks - a full scale nuclear war. (a pause) I Fidel moves swiftly between the two men, CHE: Don’t force him to eat. Just call his He walks a few paces across the room, then must inform you, on behalf of my Government, but not before Che has wrested the pistol away doctor. turns pointing at Fidel. that our aid to Cuba will be discontinued at from Dorticos and spat full in his face. Raul Celia nods and exits. When she is gone: CHE: And you, comrade — be of good once - (moving towards exit) - unless you find and Juan Almeida drag the enraged Dorticos FIDEL: You won’t tel! me because you think faith. . . and good health. a way to silence this provocateur. from the room. I’ll stop you. He exits. Ramon and Celia exchange a DORTICOS: Mr. Ambassador! As President of The other guests leave quietly. CHE. I told you so often, Fidel, Cuba was just troubled glance. Cuba, please accept our apologies. And I must A-257 FIDEL AND CHE. Che tosses the gun on the first step. When we lost the missiles Cuba 269 CLOSEUP-FIDEL He is desolate. . . his state emphatically that Dr. Guevara does not the couch and crosses to the window, his back lost its promise and excitement for me. eyes moisten. The Black Dwarf October 1st 1969 Page 12

South-East Asia. It knows what it SATURDAY OCTOBER 11: RANK AND BADGES MADE TO YOUR SPECIFICATION wants... Consolidation within the country has FILE DAY SCHOOL. From 10am at Conway Colours: Red, Black, White, Green, Yellow, Blue, permitted foreign economic aid to flow in: Hall. First session: Democracy in Education - Saxe, Purple, Orange. 1” Diameter 1/- each 10/- doz. 11/4” diam. 1/6. each 15/- doz. 13/4” diam. 2/- each. £1 significant investment in new productive forces, How do we start? Second session: Changing the doz. Lettering: Black, white, red, blue. DWARF in the infrastructure, in reconstruction and Union — Strategy and Tactics. There will be a HAF, c/o 138, Pennymead, Harlow, Essex. modernisation... ” The entire article is full of social in the evening. Fee is 5/- for London shit like this which even the New York Times Supporters and 2/6 for outside-London Suppor­ ANGRY ARTS FILM SOCIETY For all revolutionary would have thought twice before printing. We films. Very reasonable terms for the movement. 10 ters. Credentials from Mrs C. Rosenberg, c/o Downside Crescent, London NW3. Tel. 01-794 3228. hope that the Yugoslav students and workers RANK AND FILE, 87 Brooke Road, London DIARY will remind their government that the hands of N16. Overnight accomodation will be arranged Enormous posters (30” x 40”) of Trotsky, for sale. the fascist government in Indonesia are stained for visitors from outside the London area. Only 6/-. Send 6/- to: - 71 Osborne Road, Manchester HO MEETING red with the blood of nearly 2 million 19. The Ho Chi Minh memorial meeting communists and socialists. WEDNESDAY OCTOBER 15: CHINESE SOCIAL WORK SERVICE organised by VSC was distinguished FUZZ LEARN TO KILL FILMS ON SINO-SOVIET BORDER Adventure Playground Leader required for October, mainly by the decision of International DISPUTE; followed by discussion. Holborn for one year in the first instance. Starting salary A Dwarf spy has unearthed the existence of £1, 000 p. a. Wide scope for individual initiative. Details Socialism to ask its representative (Chris a much-used rifle-range at Holborn police Central Library. Theobalds Road, WC1. from Bob Holman, c/o Social Administration Depart­ Harman) to make a deliberately station. His attention was attracted by the fact 7. 30pm. Organised by SACU, 24 Warren Street, ment, Birmingham University, Birmingham, 15. that lorry-loads o f fuzz turn up at the station London W1P 5DG. Tel: 387 0074. provocative speech attacking Ho and “The Peterloo Massacre” Joyce Marlow. Published regularly and are met by an R. A. F. -type belittling his contribution to the OCTOBER 15: ‘The university, society, and the August 14th. Rapp & Whiting, 72 New Oxford St,, instructor who is often carrying a box of WC1. Vietnamese Revolution. This Harman state’ - Tony Lamb, Lecturer in Modern did successfully though not effectively. ammunition. “Funny, ” said the Dwarf spy to himself. So Languages, University of Manchester Institute Schools Comrades contact Schools Action Union, 2 He attacked Ho throughout his speech Kidderpore Gardens, NW3. he managed to gain access to the station and of Science and Technology. Address for details and argued that the Vietnamese workers is with October 8 meeting above. have a look round. VIETNAM - monthly magazine of the VSC, available would have to overthrow his successors, First surprise: Holborn police station looks from J. Suddaby, Room 1, 13 White Row, London which means that if by some freak small. It isn’t. Although there are only two OCTOBER 19 or 26 (date to be confirmed): To El. Price 1/6. commemorate the October 5th march of last chance I. S. had a representative in floors above ground, there are at least four ABOUT ANARCHISM - new pamphlet by Nicholas Saigon he would spend an equal amount more below ground level. year, the Irish Civil Rights Solidarity Campaign Walter. 2/4 post free. Freedom Press, 84b Whitechapel of time attacking the North Vietnamese Surprise number two: room L 607, on the are planning a major national demo on VSC High Street, London El. first floor below ground level, is a rifle-range. lines; March from Charing Cross Embankment and NLF leaderships and US SECHABA, English Language Publication of ANC. On the door there is a notice saying: to the Ulster Office, Berkeley Street, Wl, and Imperialism. This was symbolised further on to Hyde Park. Contact Pat Denny, 01-GUL Annual subscription 15/- to Sechaba, 49 Rathbone St., “CAUTION! Danger. Firing when the red light London W1A-4NL. when Roger Protz and Martin Shaw (the 0476. editor of IS’s paper and organiser of is on. ” It is used by cops from all over London. Grass Eye. Manchester Local Paper. 52 Corporation their student section) refused to stand in OCTOBER 20: Ernest Mandel speaks on THE St., Manchester 4. Annual subscription 15/-. Single They come from other police stations in bus copies 1/-. Bulk orders at 9d per copy. memory of Ho when the NLF and N. loads to receive instruction and get shooting NEW RISE OF WORLD REVOLUTION, Vietnamese anthems were being played. practice. You can actually hear them at it - if Trades Union Social Centre, 81 Carlton Place, INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD (IWW) is A photograph exists of this memorable you stand by the ventilator on Theobalds Road GLASGOW C5. 7. 30pm. forming British section. Details write Box B52, Black Dwarf. occasion. in front o f the station. OCTOBER 23: Dr. Joshua Horn will give the Some questions arise: Why did I. S. The British police, o f course, have no first of a series of 20th anniversary lectures. Dr. ‘ARC/DO’ - Centre of Political Information, Docu­ who have been working inside VSC for intention o f ever arming themselves. Well. Not Horn returned to Britain in the summer of ment, Action: wants to receive all material on the extra-parliamentary opposition, on the students and the last year and a half not speak up on just yet, anyway. 1969, having spent 14 years in China working workers fights, on Third World struggles, “in order to these issues in the past. If N. Vietnam is N. B. By one o f those little coincidences, as a surgeon in Peking and elsewhere. 7 . 15pm at divulge it in Italy and abroad, helping anyone who a ‘state-capitalist’ country like China, Holborn police station also contains the Holborn Central Library, Theobalds Road, needs to denounce fascism, imperialism and Registry o f Aliens office. The rifle-range and WC1. Organised by SACU. colonialism in the world. ” Write to them at Via Piolti Cuba and of course, North Korea why de Biancha 29, 20129 Milano, Italy with information. participate in a solidarity movement the Undesirable Aliens Dept, are in no way connected. OCTOBER 26: This is the provisional date for a A group of Mexican Political Prisoners wish to corres­ with workers and peasants under a mass Vietnam mobilisation organised by pond with English socialists. Those interested should leadership which you believe is Tricontinental Committee, 15 Lawn, Road, write in the first instance to Mexican Political qualitatively little different from Prisoners, c/o The Black Dwarf, 7 Carlisle Street, NW3. Slogans include ‘Victory for the Pro­ London W1A 4PZ. American capitalism. And why choose visional Revolutionary Government’, ‘Recog­ this particular meeting to attack Ho nition of the 10-point peace solution proposed FOR SALE. 1926. BOUND EDITION OF LABOUR EVENTS by the NLF’, US out of Vietnam NOW. All MONTHLY, including spirited defence of Leon when IS speakers have been speaking at Trotsky by Palme Dutt. Write Box JS69, Black Dwarf. Vietnam meetings for a long time. If IS THURSDAY OCTOBER 2: The Hollywood organisations prepared to take part, get in is opposed to demonstrations on version of ‘Che’ is opening at the Carlton contact with the Committee at above address. LEEDS SQUATTERS: Douglas Jordan, 28 Grantham Cinema, Haymarket, London SW1. Current Road, Bradford 7 is willing to start a squatters group Vietnam why participate in them. Dwarf should be on sale in large numbers out­ in the Leeds-Bradford area, or co-ordinate with As a result of Harman’s speech Mrs. side the cinema — see film script on page 11 of existing groups there. Leeds comrades please contact him. Linh Qui a Vietnamese representative in this issue. London refused to share the same Anyone interested in starting a BLACK DWARF platform as the I. S. representative. She SATURDAY OCTOBER 4: The Society for ACTION GROUP in Edinburgh, to create interest and Anglo-Chinese Understanding invites all mem­ promote sales, contact Ian Miller, 35 Castle Terrace, later told us that she was prepared to Edinburgh. bers and friends to a Grand Social Evening to argue with anyone but that this meeting NEW TRANSLATION OF KROPOTKIN’S ‘The State was not the place for it. We agree. celebrate the 20th anniversary of the Chinese - Its Historic Role’. 4/5 post paid, and ANARCHY Having said that we must add that we People’s Republic. Music - songs and dramatic 102 is on squatting. 2/4 post paid. Both from entertainment by Critics Group members and Freedom Bookshop, 84b Whitechapel High Street, have no sympathy at all with the London El. Stalinist Jack Woodis who also left the others, and Dr. Joseph Needham will speak. platform. Woodis should have stayed and Buffet. Tickets 8/6 at the door. 7. 30pm, GLASGOW BLACK DWARF CIRCLE is now Conway Hall, Red Lion Square, London WC1. meeting regularly to organise sales, reports, political argued instead of leaving so that this discussions. Contact Phyllis Duniface, 53 Diana Ave., incident could be used to attack ‘ultras’ SATURDAY OCTOBER 4 - SUNDAY 5: Glasgow W.3 (Tel: 041-954 8172). at YCL conferences. Porton, Chemical Biological Warfare Action HOW CAN THE JEWS SURVIVE? A socialist answer It would be perfectly in order to Group weekend demonstration. Contact David to Zionism by George Novack, 2/6 post paid. discuss the class nature of Vietnam and Lewe, 77 High Street, Penge SE20. the role of the Vietnamese party in the THE LAST YEAR OF MALCOLM X (The evolution heyday of the Stalinist Comintern, but WEDNESDAY OCTOBER 8: ‘THEY LIVE of a revolutionary) by George Breitman, 17/6 post ON’; to mark the day of the heroic guerrilla and paid. Both from Pioneer Book Service, 8 Toynbee to attack the Vietnamese and insult their Street, London El. leaders at a time when they are on the to honour the memory of Ho Chi Minh, Tricon­ tinental Committee are organising a meeting at verge of inflicting a defeat on US Malcolm X poster. 4s 6d including postage from Peter Conway Hall (7. 30pm). Speakers include Marin, 19 Fairmount Road, London SW2. Imperialism and the world capitalist Madam Lin Qui; there will also be revolutionary system is not a question of ‘principles’ films from Cuba and Vietnam. More details What’s Black and White and Red All Over? Poster 2s but of objectively aiding the enemies of from Tricontinental Committee, 15 Lawn including postage from The Black Dwarf. the Vietnamese people. Road, London NW3. OCTOBER 8: ‘The non-neutrality of science’. We would be pleased to publish a Smash Capital Now. Christopher Logue Poster. 5 s. reply from the IS leadership explaining Harry Rotham — Lecturer in Liberal Studies in post free from The Black Dwarf (Poster in two their behaviour at this meeting. Science, Manchester University. 2pm Renold colours, black and red). Building, UMIST (University of Manchester The depths to which Yugoslav journalism has Institute of Science and Technology), Union, DIRECTORY OF ORGANISATIONS, 300 groups for sunk reflect accurately the counter P.O. Box 88, Sackville St, Manchester M60 left activists, 1/6 post paid. From: 18a New End revolutionary policy o f the Yugoslav IQD. Square, London NW3. government. At a time when Le Monde OCTOBER 10 - 13: COMMUNIST SCHOOL OLD DUPLICATOR WANTED FOR announces that Yugoslavia is publishing the REVOLUTIONARY ORGANISATION. Free or complete works of Comrade Trotsky it is an OF ART AND DESIGN: ART/DESIGN/ cheap. Contact Box BD105. insult to Tro tsk y’s memory that the Yugoslav REVOLUTION/SOCIETY. At Marx Memorial paper BORBA print crap like this on Indonesia: Library, Clerkenwell Green, London EC1. Poems published. SAE Ken Geering. D/Breakthru, “Indonesia is peaceful today. It is conscious of Details from Nick Wright, 16 King Street, Lindfield, Sussex. its possibilities and its strategic importance in London WC2. Che Guevarra’s Bolivian Diaries. 5 s post free from The Black Dwarf. 7 Carlisle St., London W1A 4PZ. INTERCONTINENTAL PRESS - a revolutionary Please send me the BLACK DWARF for the next 6/12 weekly journal that specialises in news from Africa, Europe, the Americas and Asia. Sample copy 2/4d months post paid from Pioneer Book Service, 8 Toynbee St., I enclose po/cheque for £l/£2. London El. Mozambique. 20 minute film shot in liberated areas for hire. 1/6 or 35mm. £2.10. 0d. o.n.o. Pamphlet Name available. 1/4. Write to Committee for Freedom in Mozambique, 531 Caledonian Road, N7. Telephone Address 01-607 2170. NLF Badges and Flags. Also others. SAE for details. McGree, 42 Pendarves St., Beacon, Camborne. Cornwall. The BLACK DWARF, 7 Carlisle Street, London W1A 4PZ Radical theatre needs radical actors, actresses. Call Telephone: 01-734 4827 Bob Mandel any day 5. 30 to 7. 30 p. m. 373 0453. Trade terms on application 1/. INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD IS Foreign subs: Asia/Africa/N. & S. America/Australia: £5 per FORMING A BRITISH SECTOR. FOR DETAILS POSTERS AND IWW LITERATURE WRITE IWW, 3 OSBORNE year (airmail); £3 per year (ordinary) TWO OSPAAL POSTERS FROM CUBA. ST„ LONDON El. W. Europe: £3 per annum. Christ with Gun 4/- post free. Cuban day of solidarity, 4/- post free. 2/. THE IWW “LITTLE RED SONG BOOK” - ALL Rosa Luxemburg - 30” x 24” black and white, 15/- THE LEFT SONGS and JOE HILLS MASTER­ post free. PIECES. 2s 10d post free IWW, 3 Osborne St., London ALL FROM THE BLACK DWARF. El.