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Analyzing the Telecoms Privatization in Greece from a ‘Discursive Institutionalist’ Perspective
Privatization in the Name of ‘Europe’: analyzing the telecoms privatization in Greece from a ‘discursive institutionalist’ perspective Christos Dimas GreeSE Paper No 41 Hellenic Observatory Papers on Greece and Southeast Europe NoveNovembermber 2010 All views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Hellenic Observatory or the LSE © Christos Dimas _ Table of Contents ABSTRACT ______________________________________________________ iii 1. Introduction______________________________________________________ 1 2. Theoretical Background ____________________________________________ 4 2.1. Discursive institutionalism _______________________________________ 4 2.2. Europe as a legitimating factor ___________________________________ 6 3. The case-study ___________________________________________________ 10 3.1. The pro and anti European politics in Greece during the 1970s and 1980s 10 3.2. The Greek disjointed corporatist system ____________________________ 15 3.3. OTE as a case study ___________________________________________ 17 4. Empirical Analysis _______________________________________________ 19 4.1. The Mitsotakis government 1990-1993 ____________________________ 19 4.2. Papandreou governments 1993-1996 ______________________________ 24 4.3. The Simitis governments 1996-2004 ______________________________ 32 4.4. The Karamanlis governments 2004-2009 __________________________ 37 5. Conclusion______________________________________________________ 41 References ________________________________________________________ -
West European Politics the Transformation of the Greek Party
This article was downloaded by: [Harvard University] On: 11 July 2010 Access details: Access Details: [subscription number 915668586] Publisher Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37- 41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK West European Politics Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t713395181 The transformation of the Greek party system since 1951 Takis S. Pappasa a Politics at the Aristotle University, Thessaloniki, Greece To cite this Article Pappas, Takis S.(2003) 'The transformation of the Greek party system since 1951', West European Politics, 26: 2, 90 — 114 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/01402380512331341121 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380512331341121 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. -
An Analysis of the Greek Economic and Military Mobilization of the 1909-1923 Period.1
Journal of Military and Strategic VOLUME 20, ISSUE 1 Studies The Economic forces of victory versus those of defeat: An analysis of the Greek Economic and Military Mobilization of the 1 1909-1923 period. Dr. Ioannis-Dionysios Salavrakos (*) Introduction. The intellectual aspiration of the paper is to highlight the economic forces, which played an immense role in the wars in which Greece participated during the 1909-1923 period. These were four major conflicts: The two Balkan wars of 1912-1913 against the Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria; the First World War (1914-1918) and the Greek-Turkish war of 1919-1922. The tragic period started with Greek victories and ended with the greatest defeat of the modern Greek state. Although these conflicts were different, there is a clear nexus between them. In the Greek as well as the international bibliography, the majority of studies highlight the strategic, tactical, operational, diplomatic, psychological dimensions of the conflicts of the period, as well as, the personal motives of political and military leaders. Under this intellectual framework, the economic forces of the conflict are marginalized by most academics. The final conflict of the period is primarily known as the ‘Campaign of Asia-Minor’ in the Greek bibliography, whereas in the Turkish bibliography it is considered as ‘the Great Patriotic War.’ Thus in this article we aim to demonstrate that the conflicts of the period are connected and also that the Greek defeat 1 This article is dedicated to the memory of my beloved grandmother Stavroula Poulea Koutsikou (1921- 2019) who passed away. She had lived the Second World War and had told me many stories from that era. -
George C. Bitros
WORKING PAPER SERIES 06-2017 Germany and Greece: A mapping of their great divide and its EU implications George C. Bitros Πατησίων 76, 104 34 Αθήνα. Tηλ.: 210 8203303‐5 / Fax: 210 8238249 76, Patission Street, Athens 104 34 Greece. Tel.: (+30) 210 8203303‐5 / Fax: (+30) 210 8238249 E‐mail: [email protected] / www.aueb.gr 1 Germany and Greece: A mapping of their great divide and its EU implications By George C. Bitros Emeritus Professor of Political Economy Athens University of Economics and Business Abstract The economic constitutions of Germany and Greece have resulted in the postwar period in two economies that are based on two vastly different philosophies. Germany has built a highly competitive, outward looking economy based essentially on the principles of the so-called “Social Market Economy”, whereas Greece has set up a “state-managed econ- omy” by drawing on the principles of central planning and administrative controls. This divide is equally stark, if assessed on the basis of the performance of the two economies. For, as it is known by now, Germany has become once again the powerhouse of Europe while Greece has gone bankrupt. As to the implications of this great divide for the future of the EU, its identification and mapping helps understand why convergence criteria on the basis of economic performance and living standards should be abandoned in favor of criteria based on the widening and deepening of the four European freedoms. A multi- speed Euroland enmeshed in these freedoms is going to be more democratic, more cohe- sive and a much happier union for the European citizens to call homeland. -
Greek Elections 2012: a Political Crisis As an Anti-Marketing Tool for Traditional Parties
American International Journal of Contemporary Research Vol. 3 No. 1; January 2013 Greek Elections 2012: A Political Crisis as an Anti-Marketing Tool for Traditional Parties Dr. Nasios Orinos European University Cyprus Kastorias 6A, Lykavitos, 1055, Nicosia, Cyprus Abstract This article strives to answer the question how a political crisis can be an anti-marketing tool for traditional parties. It presents a road map of the 2012 Greek Parliamentary Elections. It begins with a discussion of the context within which the elections have taken part, explaining how the memorandum and the bailout agreement imposed have impacted the country. It reviews the Greek election law and discusses the campaign strategies and tactics that have been used historically. But foremost the article tries to bridge between the two elections, 6th of May 2012 and 17th of June 2012, presenting the strategies used in those, while discussing and analyzing the campaigns used by the two major parties now in Greece, New Democracy and SYRIZA. It concludes by presenting the results of the two elections noting the huge percentage drop of PASOK and the end of two-party system, synthesizing it with the impact these results will have on the country. Keywords: Pasok , Syriza, New Democracy, Memorandum 1. Introduction Newman (1999) highlighted that marketing strategy lies at the heart of electoral success because it induces a campaign to put together, in a relatively short period of time, a forceful organization that mobilizes support and generates a winning coalition of disparate and sometimes conflicting groups. Garecht (2010) has posed a question. Why on earth would we want to get involved in politics? As he noted, the political lifestyle seems enjoyable. -
Stan Draenos
UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY AND THE LIBERAL AWAKENING IN GREECE, 1958-1967 Stan Draenos ABSTRACT: This paper traces the evolution and outcome of the US opening to the Greek Center triggered by the May 1958 parliamentary elections. It focuses on the role which that opening played in the liberal awakening that took shape under the banner of the Center Union (CU) party, founded in September 1961. After John F. Kennedy assumed the US presidency (January 1961), New Frontier liberals, including Andreas Papandreou, son of CU leader George Papandreou, pushed more aggressively for this opening, which was validated by the Center Union’s rise to power in November 1963, the same month as the Kennedy assassination. During the Johnson Administration, US liberal policies in Greece were tested and found wanting, as Cold War fears trumped the US embrace of reform and change in Greece. The American retreat drove US policies towards bankruptcy, culminating in an uneasy acceptance of the 1967 Greek military dictatorship, wreaking permanent damage on Greek–US relations. The US enunciation of the Truman Doctrine on March 12, 1947 was a defining moment for the two countries most directly involved: the United States and Greece. For the US, intervention to defeat the Greek Left in the Civil War (1946-1949) marked the advent of its Cold War rivalry with the Soviet Union. For Greece, it marked the beginning of a deep and complicated dependency relationship with the global super power that had replaced Great Britain as the protector of Western interests in the Eastern Mediterranean.1 As President Dwight D. -
The Development of Varied & Holistic Models in The
ISSN: 2186-845X ISSN: 2186-8441 Print アシエン ヅロナル オフ メネゲメント サイネセゾ アナド エグケサン Vol. 1. No. 2. July 2012 THE DEVELOPMENT OF VARIED & HOLISTIC MODELS IN THE GREEK ECONOMY FROM POST WWII TO THE PRESENT AND BEYOND Dimitrios Nikolaou Koumparoulis1, Kit Chee Wong2, Nik Chong Teck Siong3, Naganathan Venkatesh4 1Professor of Economics, UGSM-Monarch Business School SWITZERLAND, 2 Adjunct (Visiting) Professor of Management, UGSM-Monarch Business School, Zug SWITZERLAND, 2Adjunct Faculty University of Wales UK, 3Adjunct Faculty, Anglia Ruskin University UK 3University of Glamorgan UK, 3Staffordshire University UK, 4NITTTR, INDIA. [email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] ABSTRACT Over the past 50 years Greece has grown much faster than most of the countries that had comparable per capita GDP’s in 1950, reaching a per capita GDP of $30,603 today. In 1950, Greece was ranked 28th in the world for per capita GDP, while in 1970 it was ranked 20th. During the 80s, despite membership in the EC, Greece suffered from poor macroeconomic performance due to expansionary fiscal policies that led to a tripling of the debt-to-GDP ratio, which went from the modest figure of 34.5% in 1981 to the triple digits by the 90s. The second oil shock after the Iranian Revolution hurt Greece, and the 80s were racked by high inflation as politicians pursued populist policies. The average rate of inflation in Greece during the 80s was 19%, which was three times the EU average. The Greek budget deficit also rose very substantially during the 80s, peaking at 9% in 1985. -
Foreword 1 Introduction
Notes Foreword 1. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/jeffrey-rubin/what-will-a-greek-default_b _1521461.html. 2. Graciela Laura Kaminsky and Pablo Vega-García, ‘Varieties of Sovereign Crises: Latin America, 1820–1931’ Department of Economics, George Washington University and NBER, June 2012, www.crei.cat/conferences/ief-workshop/ Vega.pdf. 3. Eurostat’s figures of Richest & Poorest NUTS-2 Regions at GDP PPP 2009. NUTS stands for Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics. 1 Introduction 1. Lack of a ‘global fault-lines’ perspective in the early 1990s had led one of us to see the collapse of the Greek political system as imminent, because the elements factored into the analysis were mainly economic and of domes- tic political origin, overlooking global security and geo-political implications brought to bear upon Greece following the end of the Cold War, a fact which gave a lease of life to Greece’s political system for another 15 years; see, Vassilis K. Fouskas (1995) Populism and Modernisation: The Exhaustion of the Third Hellenic Republic, 1974–94 (Athens: Ideokinissi). 2. Ibid., pp. 57 ff. in which an analysis of Leninism as a continuation of Russian populist tradition towards power is made, followed by Lenin’s social demo- cratic turn after the Bolsheviks assumed power in 1917 (the ‘tax in kind’, electrification, etc.). This approach to Leninism, that is, Lenin’s own trans- formation from a radical semi-populist Marxist to a social democrat has been conveniently ignored by all ‘Communist’ or ‘Radical’ parties across the world to date. 3. Norberto Bobbio (1978) Compromesso e alternanza nel sistema politico italiano (Roma: Mondo Operaio/Edizioni Avanti!) p. -
Day 1 | Monday, May 10, 2021
DAY 1 | MONDAY, MAY 10, 2021 11.00 OPENING SESSION *Language: Greek KEYNOTE REMARKS H.E. Katerina Sakellaropoulou, President of the Hellenic Republic KEYNOTE REMARKS H.E. Kersti Kaljulaid, President of the Republic of Estonia KEYNOTE REMARKS H.E. Zuzana Čaputová, President of the Slovak Republic (video message) OPENING REMARKS Margaritis Schinas, Vice President, Promoting our European Way of Life, European Commission, Belgium OPENING REMARKS His Beatitude Hieronymos II, Archbishop of Athens and All Greece OPENING REMARKS Gianna Angelopoulos-Daskalaki, President, Greece 2021 Committee, Greece Chair: Symeon G. Tsomokos, Delphi Economic Forum HOW HISTORY CAN HELP US MEET CHALLENGES Language: English* Margaret MacMillan, Professor of History, University of Toronto, Canada Chair: Nik Gowing, Co-Director, Thinking the Unthinkable, UK CULTURE & THE PANDEMIC Language: Greek with English subtitles Rector Hélène Ahrweiler, President, Administration Council, European Cultural Centre of Delphi, Greece Marianna V. Vardinoyannis, Goodwill Ambassador, UNESCO, United Nations “Nelson Mandela Prize 2020”, Greece Chair: Antonis Sroiter, Anchorman, Alpha TV, Greece *=English/Greek Translation provided for online audience 1 DAY 1 | MONDAY, MAY 10, 2021 STREAM APOLLON 12.25 ΒREAK 12.30 1821-2021: AN ACCOUNT OF TWO CENTURIES OF EXISTENCE Language: Greek* Under the Auspices of “Greece 2021” Committee Content Partner: Alpha Bank Historical Archives Kostas Kostis, Prof. of Economic and Social History, University of Athens; Advisor to the Mngmt, Alpha Bank Nikiforos Diamandouros, Professor Emeritus, Political Science, University of Athens, Greece Efi Gazi, Professor of Modern History, University of the Peloponnese, Greece Tassos Giannitsis, Alternate Minister of Foreign Affairs 2001-2004, Prof. Emeritus, University of Athens, Greece Stathis Kalyvas, Gladstone Professor of Government, Department Politics & Int. -
Max Van Der Stoel — a Tireless Defender of Greek Democracy
Max van der Stoel — a tireless defender of Greek democracy Peter Leuprecht 1 Many have paid tribute to Max van der Stoel’s personality, life and achievements, and rightly so. One facet was not, or not sufficiently, referred to in the numerous obituaries: his leading role in Europe’s fight against the military dictatorship in Greece. It is in this context that I had the privilege of getting to know him and working with him. Back in the 1960s, Max van der Stoel was a member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. He was appointed Rapporteur for what was to become the ‘Greek case’ of which I was in charge in the Secretariat of the Assembly. When a military junta overthrew the democratic regime in Greece in April 1967, Europe was shocked and stunned. For the first time since the foundation of the Council of Europe in 1949, the solidity of the ‘collective guarantee’ of pluralistic democracy, the rule of law and human rights for which it had been set up was to be put to the test. Max van der Stoel was fully aware of the profound significance of the ‘Greek case’ for Europe and the Council of Europe, often referred to as its ‘democratic conscience’. He took his task of Rapporteur very seriously. We worked closely together and I accompanied him on all his missions, mostly to Greece until the regime declared both of us persona non grata. The new military rulers of Greece claimed that they had seized power to prevent a communist takeover, an assertion that was never supported by evidence. -
The Reception of Adam Smith in Greece: a Most Peculiar Metakenosis
The reception of Adam Smith in Greece: a most peculiar metakenosis Nicholas J. Theocarakis* [email protected] Department of Economics National and Kapodistrian University of Athens There is considerable scholarship on the dissemination of the economic ideas of Adam Smith to other countries (Mizuta and Sugiyama, 1993, Lai 2000, Tribe and Mizuta 2002). However, the spread of Smith’s ideas in Greece differs from that in other European countries largely owing to the fact that Greece became an independent country only in 1830, more than half a century after the publication of the Wealth of Nations (WN, Smith 1976). Indeed, before Greek independence there were already translations of the Wealth of Nations in German, French, Danish, Italian, Dutch, Spanish, Swedish, Russian, Portuguese and Polish (Tribe and Mizuta 2002). At the time of independence the pressing needs to educate the few literate citizens destined to run the fledgling state with some modicum of knowledge in political economy, made the translators of economic works look for the most recent and useful books, rather than books that were considered already surpassed and of theoretical interest only. These ‘modern’ books were found in the writings of the French liberal school with Jean-Baptiste Say being considered as the best author in the new science, intellectually equal but practically better than Smith. The translators of Say or of economists of his school make that clear in their writings. In fact, the diffusion of all economic ideas in Greece came late. There could simply not be any late-eighteenth century economic thought in Greece, as there could for example in Portugal (Cardoso 1990). -
Political Culture: a Case Study of Modern Greece TITLE of THESIS/Tftre DE LA TH.&
Nat~onsr~lbrary Blblmthkwe natmale CANADIAY THESES W$SES CANlOlEWNES of Caneda C Canaoa ON MICROFICHE SUR YICROFICM -* CostOuros - - NAME OF AUTHORNVTM DE L.AU*U.Q Political Culture: A Case Study of Modern Greece TITLE OF THESIS/TfTRE DE LA TH.& UNIVER~IN/~NIVERS~T~ Simon Fraser University DEGREE FO1 WHICH THESIS WAS F8ESEMEDl . GR#n€POuR UOUEL CEPE THESE FOT PR~SENT.!F M' *' YEAR THIS DEGREE CONFERRED/ANN~EO'OBTENTIWJ DE C€ GRADE I q 9 Warwick NAME OF SUPWVISOR/NOMDUDfRECT€UR DE TH~SE ". Perpsston 8s hereby granted to the NATIONAL LIBRARY OF L'autorrsattm est, brla prCsente, accordCe d la B/.QLIOTH~- CANADA- to mwofilm this thesis and to lend or sell copies OUE NA7IONALE OU CANADA de m$rofilmcr cette thdre et of the film. de pr€tsr ou de venh des sxsmplaires du film. The aumw reserves other publication rights. and neither the ' L'auteur se ,&ewe les autres droits de publicetion: ni-la msis nu enmive extracts from it maq be printed or &her- Wl6seni de 10";s extraits de cellezi ne doivent &re imprimls wise reproduced without the author's mitten permission. w amemant reproduitc sans I'autorisetim &rite de I'auteur. 1 NOTICE I AVlS . The quslsy of tks rn~cfofdwe heawly-dapendent La qualbt& de ceue lmcrof~chedepend grandemwade upon the quallty of the or~g~nalthests submitted for la qualtt? de la th&e soumlre au mlcrofllmage Nous micraf~lm~ngEvery effort has been made to ensure avons tout fa~tpour assurer une qual~tCsupheure the h~ghenqual~ty of reprodualon pon~ble de repmduct~on If pages are mluing, contact the untvemlty whlch S'll manque_des -pages, _veutllez cammun&utr gznted36e+ree-- avec I'unlvenltC qu~a confCre le grade Some pages may have ~ndlshnct prlnt espec~ally La qualit6 d'impression de certaines pages put ~f the or~gmalpages were typed wtth a poor typewriter lainer a dhsirer, surtout si les pages originales ont r~bbonor tf the unfvenlty sent us a poor photocopy.