THE AMERICAN ANNEXATION of HAWAII and TEXAS COMPARED: 1845 (Texas) and 1898 (Hawaii)
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THE AMERICAN ANNEXATION OF HAWAII AND TEXAS COMPARED: 1845 (Texas) and 1898 (Hawaii) [Prepared by Title Guaranty Company, Honolulu, Hawaii] October, 1998 The steps taken to annex Hawaii in 1893 and 1898 are briefly outlined in the condensed Bicentennial Edition of the Encyclopedia of American History [1976, edited by Richard B. Morris, Henry Steele Commager, and Jeffrey B. Morris, hereinafter cited as Morris et. al.]. There is a larger story, as we well know, but the above-mentioned condensation is used herein as summary of principal facts and events: [1893] “Hawaiian Question. The most vital links between the U.S. and Hawaii were the Hawaiian sugar planters, mostly Americans. The planters, ranged against native dynastic interests, brought off a revolution (1887) that succeeded in securing a liberal constitution and a government under their influence. However they lost power in 1891. Meanwhile, the McKinley Tariff Act of 1890, which put imported sugar on the free list and authorized a bounty of 2 cts. a lb. for home-grown sugar cane, wiped out the reciprocity advantages hitherto enjoyed by Hawaiian sugar planters and broke sugar prices, with an estimated loss of $12 million. “Queen Liliuokalani, exponent of a firm pro-native policy, came to the Hawaiian throne in 1891. She revoked the liberal constitution of 1887 and by royal edict (14 Jan.) promulgated a new constitution giving her autocratic powers. The Americans under the leadership of Sanford B. Dole (p. 1014), had already established a revolutionary committee of safety to overthrow the native government, with the apparent support of the U.S. minister to Hawaii, the proannexationist John L. Stevens (1820-95). He ordered U.S. marines to be landed from the cruiser Boston (16 Jan.), ostensibly to protect American life and property. Aided by marines, the committee of safety occupied the government buildings; and Stevens, without permission from the State Department, recognized the revolutionary regime (17 Jan.). On 1 Feb. Stevens raised the U.S. flag over the government buildings and proclaimed Hawaii a U.S. protectorate. Dole became president of the new government. [1893] “On 15 Feb. a treaty of annexation (signed 14 Feb.) drawn up by diplomatic commissioners of the Hawaiian provisional government was submitted to the U.S. Senate. Chiefly because of Democratic opposition, the Senate failed to act on the treaty by the time Harrison [Benjamin] left office.President Cleveland [Grover] withdrew the treaty (9 Mar.) and appointed ex-Cong. James H. Blount (Ga.) as special commissioner to Hawaii to conduct a thorough investigation. Blount ordered the withdrawal of the marines and the lowering of the American flag. After an inquiry lasting 4 months, he reported that Stevens’ conduct had been improper; that the majority of Hawaiians were opposed to annexation; and that the Hawaiian sugar planters and their U.S. associates had been the chief force behind the revolution, hoping to secure the sugar bounty through annexation... “...Independence of the provisional government was recognized when President Cleveland sent Albert S. Willis as the new minister to Hawaii. Willis was instructed to take steps to restore Q ueen Liliuokalani to power, with the 1 proviso that she assume the obligations of the provisional government, grant amnesty to its leaders, and sustain the constitution of 1887. In return, the provisional government regime was to abdicate. Queen Liliuokalani acceded to Cleveland’s request on 18 Dec. President Dole, however, refused to surrender power, pointing out that the provisional government had received U.S. recognition and that the U.S. had no right to interfere in the internal affairs of Hawaii. Cleveland was unwilling to employ force to carry through his policy. In a special message to Congress (18 Dec.) he condemned the means by which the provisional government had been brought into power and stated he would not again submit the annexation treaty to the Senate. On 4 July 1894 the Republic of Hawaii was proclaimed, and on 7 Aug. 1894 Cleveland formally recognized the new government...” [pp. 339-340]. [1898, 7 July] “ Annexation of Hawaii. While Cleveland remained in the presidency, he checked all attempts to annex Hawaii. His successor, McKinley,favorably disposed to annexation, negotiated a new treaty of annexation (signed 16 June 1897), but Democratic and anti-imperialist Republican opposition in the Senate delayed its ratification... “In order to preclude defeat under the rule requiring a two- thirds vote for ratification by the Senate, the treaty was accepted by a joint resolution of Congress, which required a simple majority vote (pp. 617, 1014) “ [Ibid: 345]. Overlooking what may appear to be judgments or interpretations based upon oft- repeated historical treatment, we may regard the above summary as a competent viewpoint of one hundred years’ worth of public and intellectual opinion coinciding with information processed until the American Bicentennial year (1976) per a fifth reedition of the Encyclopedia of American History [Harper & Row]. For the moment the encyclopedia’s bicentennial summary of U. S. history will suffice to focus our attention on two essential factors in the annexation of Hawaii as a territory of the United States in 1898: (1) Reference to two treaties to annex Hawaii, one after the January overthrow of 1893 attempted by the revolutionist leadership as commissioners of the Provisional Government [Dole, Thurston, etc.] (February, 1893), and another five years later by the Republic of Hawaii (June, 1897); (2) That the second treaty passed by a “joint resolution of Congress, which required a simple majority vote...in order to preclude defeat under the rule requiring a two-thirds vote for ratification by the Senate” ( 7July, 1898) [Ibid: 345]. Several questions may then be asked, as to: 2 (1) Whether the 1898 annexation was a violation of treaties that were earlier agreements (1875, 1887) between the United States and the Kingdom of Hawaii, or; (2) Whether joint resolution as such was effected with (or without) prior existing precedent for congressional procedure, as for treaties of annexation that had been formerly concluded; e.g. Texas [1845], as: (a) Between the United States and foreign governments, or; (b) Between existing colonies or states, or; (c) Between colonies (or states) and American Indian tribes, or also; (3) If joint resolutions of Congress as treaties of annexation should be regarded as violations of either or both: (a) U.S. constitutional law, and; (b) International law (A) U.S. Constitutional law and a Brief History of American Annexations. The United States constitution does not itself spell out procedure for treaties of annexation, assuming that the paramount sovereignty of the federal government is one having the power for making treaties with other sovereignties. Black’s Law Dictionary [Centennial edition, 1981-1991] defines “annexation” as: “The act of attaching, adding, joining, or uniting one thing with another; generally spoken of the connection of a smaller or subordinate thing with a larger or principal thing. Term is usually applied with respect to land or fixtures, as: the acquisition of territory or land by a nation, state or municipality; the legal incorporation of a town or city into another town or city.” “... It implies physical connection or physically joined to, yet physical connection may be dispensed with, and things may be annexed without being in actual contact, when reasonably practicable. Elliott Common School Dist. No. 48 v. County Board of School Trustees, Tex. Civ. App..76 3 S.W. 2d 786, 789...” [p. 88] The rule of the two-thirds majority vote of the Senate to confirm annexation, as by treaty, is in the U.S. constitution expressed under the powers of the presidency, viz: [Article 2 Section 2] “He [President] shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur...” The rule applies to treaties in general, that the president may not make treaties without the “advice and consent of the Senate” and that two-thirds of the Senators “present” must also “concur”. The rule of a two-thirds “vote” required of the Senate seems to be qualified in the U.S. Constitution in sections pertaining to bills which become law, some originating in the House, others in the Senate, when returned to the separate houses if rejected (vetoed) by the President: [Article I Section 7] “...Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on the question of Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; “... and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, “...shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill “ [emphasis added]...” Ratification of treaties appears to be qualified under the section limiting powers of the presidency so that two-thirds of senators “present” and “concurring” are needed to ratify a treaty, if apparently, a treaty originates with the president rather than the congress [Article 2 Section 2]. The U.S. Constitution contains no limitation on treaties for annexation of territory as such, it being self-evident that annexations of territory do not require agreements between nations engaged in border disputes or in war if one side conquers the other. This is annexation of territory by conquest, and treaties aside, whoever wins takes the territory. There is nothing to negotiate except terms of surrender. Treaties of annexation have taken place between nations settling claims in border disputes, or more amicably, as when smaller nations have asked larger ones to annex them as protectorates. 4 The notion that annexation of a territory, foreign or domestic, must under constitutional law be concluded only as a “treaty” originating with the president with two-thirds ratification by the U.S.