PIERS PLOvlMAN

AND THE LOLLARDS

A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Department of English Villanova University

In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts

by

Sister Mary Kilian Dunn, R. S. M.

March, 1961 Approved by ~w(]3~~~ Major Professor

APpro~/ ~.~ ~~

7 FOi'8:duate Council TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE

I. INTRODUCTION ...... • 1

II. LOLLARDRY. ••••••••••• •• 6

III. PIERS PLOWMAN .,. •••••••••• .22

IV. THE TRANSCENDENCY •.•••••••••4,

BIBLIOGRAPHY •••••••••••••••• 52 I INTRODUCTION

Since 1906 when Professor John Manly of Chicago aroused a renewed interest in Piers Plowman by opening the controversy of

authorship of the three texts, much has been studied and written

about this medieval allegory. Lined up on the side of single

authorship are such renowned scholars as Skeat, Jusserand, Cham- bers, Grattan, and Coulton; and an opposing team defending Manly's

theory of multiple authorship includes Bradley, Furnivall, and

Wright. These and many others have engaged themselves in apparent-

ly much intense study of textual content, form, style, and histori-

cal background events in order to defend their positions. Because

the B-text contains not only nine more passus than the A-text, but

also includes a revision of many parts, and the C-Text expands and

omits in the rewriting, the exponents of multiple authorship use

as one of their planks the claim that the same person could not have done the later manuscripts. The opposing assumption is that

as the man matured, he saw different needs which he included in his poem. H. W. Wells in a critical artiole also olaims that the

apparent incoherence of tales is not necessarily because of sepa-

rate authorship but rather one of the main characteristics of a

dream poem. I

lH. W. Wells, "The Construction of Piers Plol~an,n ~ XLIV(March, 1929), pp. 12;-140.

1 2

In the npresent State of Piers Plowman Studies' written in 1939, the author gives a complete reviel'l of the work done on this much discussed question during a period of about thirty-three years.

His claim to have sifted and arranged the research carried on re- cently is justly manifested in an examination of the thorough de­ tail of the article. In conclusion he admits there is still much to be done.2 And so, until some literary ferret finds an authenti- cally signed manuscript, the matter seems to remain suspended in controver sy•

For the purpose of this thesis, it will be sufficient to rest on the long, but possibly shakily established, presumpuon that William Langland, a cleric with minor orders, from Malvern hills is the author of Piers Plowman. This traditional presump- tion held from the time of the texts of Professor Skeat to some of our modern medieval scholars such as Henry Wells, is based a great deal on internal evidence. These internal evidences were not destroyed in any of the revisions. And since we are primarily concerned with the content of the poem, we feel justified in ad- hering to this traditional stand.

The main point of issue will not be authorship, form, or style, but the ,religious ideas conveyed in the work to the people for whom and about whom it was written. It is an allegory and has been subjected to a variety of interpretations. Some have called it the cry of Lollards, others the outcome of the heresy.

~~. W. Bloomfield, "Present State of PIers Plowman Studies,u Speculum, XIV(April, 1939), PP. 215-232. Contrariwise, two more modern writers depict it as a prophecy of the liturgical and lay apostalate movements of modern times,' and a harbinger of the papal encyclicals on labor.4 By studying the

religious ideas in the content of the work with interpretations of them by various medieval scholars, one may hope to be able to

comprehend more fully the true value of the work as an outstand- ing piece of medieval literature. And by comparing and contrast-

ing these ideas with the prevailing Lollard notions, one may also hope to understand the claim that it is a part of our Catholic heritage rather than an expression of Lollardry. Christopher

Da,,,son makes this claim. and further laments:

••• for some reason William Langland has never received the attention he deserves••••Here is the Catholic English­ man par excellence, at once the most English Qf Catholic poets and the most Catholic of English poets;'

Spurred by the enthusiasm of this modern scholar, the mod-

ern reader welcomes the renewal of interest in Piers Plowman and the translations and interpretations recently completed and still in the process of being published. This list includes William Lang­ land a version by Donald Attwater, the ultra-modern Visions from

Piers Plowman translation by Nevill Coghill who has also given us the interesting modern version of the Canterbury Tales, Piers Plow- man: An Interpretation of the A-Text, a unique "lork by Father T. P. Dunning, and older prose for.m by Kate Warren entitled The

'Dom Denys Rutledge, O. S. B., "Langland dnd the Liturgical Tradition", Dublin Review, COXXVIII(Winter, 1954), pp. 405-416.

4s. B. James, "A Re-reading of Piers Plowman," Clergy Review, XVI(March, 19,9), pp. 21,-221. 5Christopher Dawson, "Vision of Piers Plowman," Medieval Religion and Other Essays(New York: Sheed and Ward, 19,4), pp. "1S'.J58 4

Vision of Piers Plowman, and the probably most comprehensive in modern English, ~ Vision of Piers Plowman by Henry W. Wells.

Because this thesis involves more a question of inter- pretation of thoughts and ideas expressed in the poem rather than structure or style, the USe of a translation of the original manuscripts seans justifiable. And because the late work of

Henry Wells is so inclusive as to contain the three texts and has been favorably approved by modern critics, it is used through- out this paper as the basic text for quotations from Langland.

Substantiating the choice of this particular text are four re- views from some outstanding periodicals: The most Catholic of all Christian poems in the English tongue is reprinted•••The translatign preserves the alli­ terative effects of the original•••

Prof. Wells has chosen what he considers the finest parts of three texts of Piers Plowman and woven them into a splendid contemporary work of rhythm and verve.7 Prof. Wells has rendered an immense service to modern readers by giving us this familiar yet goble and scholarly translation of the long-neglected work. Although the reviewer in American Ecclesiastical Review condemns

6Aloysius J. Miller, S. J., Review of The Vision of Piers Plowman, by Henry W. Wells, Catholic Library World, XVI (May, 1945), p. )01. 7Review of The Vision of Piers Plowman, by Henry W. Wells, America, LIV(December 21, 19;5}; p. 260. 8Review of The Vision of Piers Plowman, by Henry W. vmlls, The Catholic World, CXLI(March--,19;6), p. 759. 5

Langland for contributing as he states it:

•••even more than the men he castigated towards that division within the Church of God which resulted in national apostacy. he does admit that

•••the literary value of this highly influential medieval poem obviously makes its publication a favor to the world of Catholic scholarship.9

One of the most complimentary and probably most extensive reviews is that which appeared in the New York Times Book Review almost immediately after the publication of the translation. The reviewer comments upon the "poetic ll and lIaccurately scholarly translation" and finally concludes:

Mr. Wellst although his work will be helpful to teachers of literature, has sought to put before the general public a poetic work which is all but great, one that touches the present and is so richly cadenced as to be effective purely as poetry and apart from the didactic purpose of its origination. We trust that this rendering of The Vision of Piers Plowmra will have something of the reception it so richly deserves.

9Review of The Vision of Piers Plowman, by Henry W. Wells, American EcclesiastICal Review;-CXIII(November, 1945), p. 400. 10Review of The Vision of Piers Plowman, by Henry W. Wells, -----New York Times ---Book ReView, (December 1, 19,5), p. ,2. II LOLLARDRY

At the time when Langland's pilgrimage to Truth occurred, the European stage featured a setting most adaptable for the

heresy which grew from the Lollards' activities. Financially

and economically wrecked by the Hundred Years' War, socially and

physically depopulated by the Black Death, and spiritually shaken

by the Avignon reign of Popes with the subsequent instability,

no country passed through the early Middle Ages without feeling these events in a weakening interior.

On the continent, the countries suffered from these

events earlier than England. France was already weakened from

years of defense and offense with the then great political power,

the Church. Added to this the impotent condition resulting from

lack of strength and stability in its monarchs and other leaders made it an especially vulnerable target for the bitter struggle with England that lasted intermittently for over one hundred years. The effect on the Church over this struggle between two

Catholic countries is described by Father Philip Hughes as follows:

••••The losses to Catholicism that ensued from this Catholic power's (England) plundering of a neighbor­ ing Catholic country were such that, in the end, Providence intervened directly and, to rid the country of the scourge sent the inspired generalship of the Lorraine peasant girl,

6 7

St. Joan of Arc.l

The physical aspects of the Black Death are usually summarized in population statistics. However, a brief descrip- tion given by Winston S. Ohurchill gives an insight as to the why of the tremendous social, economic, and even religious devasta- tion it brought. In his historical work on Britain he explains this as follows:

The character of the pestilence was appalling. The dis­ ease itself, with its frightful symptoms, the swift onset, the blotches, the hardening of the glands under the armpit or in the groin, these swellings which no poultice could resolve, these tumors Which, when lanced, gave no relief, the horde of virulent carbuncles which followed the dread harbingers of death, the delirium, the insanity Which at­ tended its triumph, the blank spaces which opened on all sides in human society, stunned and for a time destroyed the life and faith of the world.2 Beginning near Italy, this bubonic plague spread rapidly

through the continent and then unto England. The mortality rate

is almost unbelievable; the economic destruction a natural out-

come; the spiritual decay from lack of leadership so heavily

depleted, ironieally because of fidelity to duties in the emer­

gency, also appalling; but the resultant frustrated spirit de­

scribed by Father Hughes waS probably the worst effect of this

fourteenth century horror.

lphilip Hughes, ! Popular History of ~ Catli:olic Church (Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday and Co., Inc., 1954), p. 141. 2Winston S. Churchill, The Birth of Britain(New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1956), I, p. ,52. 8

The temptation to despair of the spiritual and to live only for What the day brings took hold, very generally of the survivors. Henceforth, a new spirit of carelessness and or reckless defiance of divine truth and divine sanctions alike is very eVident.~

The fourteenth century is considered a century of re- ligious rumble and tremor. Although many reasons are postulated for this, possibly the basic disturbance was the change in residence of the papacy and papal court from Rome to Avignon. From 1,05 to

1~78 the Ohurch was ruled by French Popes Who for personal or political reasons chose to reside in Avignon rather than Rome.

While some were strong and holy leaders, they were nearly all beset with financial problems and subsequent taxation, political intrigue, wars with European princes, trials from without and from within the Roman Ouria. This instability was without doubt largely responsible for the feeble Ohurch interior upon which a heresy such as Lollardry and eventually the whole Protestant

Revolt thrived. Bit it is to be noted that the Church interior was steadied through all of this period by some of the most potent souls in its history. It was through the influence of St. Brigid of Sweden and more directly St. Oatherine of Siena that the papacy was reestablished in Rome.

Two other great saints of the era stand out in contra- diction to the impression of the times. One is St. Vincent

Ferrer who converted thousands by his preaching in an age when priests were widely accused of deficiency in this work. The

~ughes, p. 141. 9

other is st. Andrew Corsini, Car.melite friar, reno~med for his great love of the poor in an age when the friars were just as widely accused of forsaking the poor.

The disturbances on the continent qUickly spanned the

channel, and before long England was feeling acutely all of

them. Politically, Edward III, the Black Prince, John of Gaunt,

and at the end of the century, Richard II ruled as warrior

leaders. They spent much of their lives fighting, plundering,

gaining and losing in their attempts to spread the realm of

England. The political and economic situation during and after

the 1ears of ceaseless struggle for supremacy with France ne-

cessitated an exceedingly heavy, and at times, dishonest taxa-

tion system. Many monetary demands from state and Church led

to the horrible consequence of poor becoming poorer and rich

becoming richer in Church ~s well as state. The struggle for

recognition of supremacy in these two powers was rampant here,

too. The physical decay brought about by the Great Pestilence

paved the way for a dangerous popularity of the servile classes.

Again Churchill describes most succinctly the effect of this

frightful occurrence. The records in England tell more by their silence than by the shocking figures ~mich confront us wherever records were kept. • .A w~le generation is slashed through by a hideous severance.

4Churchill, I, p. 352. 10

Spiritually, the insecurity resulting from political strife between French and Italian Church leaders putting forth

Pope and anti-popes made a smooth pathway for the undercurrent of discontent which ultimately broke forth in the full Protes­ tant revolt.

Admittedly, the European international religious set-up with reverberations felt in England's national religious leader- ship was one determining factor of the Lollard movement. And, it was by no means the only one. There were sins and scandals within the Church crying for reform. Church and state powers at times were so overlapping that there was little appearance of justice. Priests and religious in many instances had wandered far from the mode of life originally planned for them. The tempo of living was set for Langland and the Lollards.

James Gairdner, the historian, and Winston Churchill have presented different views regarding the sentiment of the people toward the Church at this time. The contemporary claims •• .against Papal agents feeling was strong. The inter­ ventions of Rome in the days of John, •••the exactions of the Papal tax-oollectors, the weight of clerical influence •••a11 contributed to the growing criticism and dislike of the Church of England•••The war with France had stimu­ lated and embittered national sentiment.5 In spite of all the internal evils existing in the Church,

Gairdner claims the Englishman in general was not looking for a

5Churchill, I, p. ,58. 11 break with Rome.

That Rome exercised her spiritual power by the willing obedience of Englishmen in general, and that they regarded it as a really wholesome power, even for the control it exercised over secular tyranny is a fact which it requires no intimate knowledge of early English literature to bring home to us.6

This spirit of willing obedience is evinced in the very fact

that even the servile classes to whom Langland speaks and, in

a sense, represents, apparently retained a strong living faith

in spite of the low standards ~lhich they recognized in those

who should have been their exemplars.

To understand the spirit and inf'luence of the Lollards t movement, a summary of their early history in England is necessary.

Though he probably never intended the devasting outcome which

resulted from the formation and dissemination of his philosophy,

historians in general give John Wyclif credit for the origin of

Lollardry. He turned the switch which started a swift moving

current that carried shocks, sometimes strong, at other times

weak in intensity, for many years. Lollard doctrine was imbedded

so deeply in some sections of England that some claimed the Eng­

lish Protestant Revolt was more easily kindled by sparks still

smoldering of it. A further statement from the Birth of Britain introduces

the Lollard movement.

6James Gairdner, Lollardy ~ the Reformation in England (London: Macmillan Co., 1908), I, p. 5· 12

In the University of OXford, the national center of theo­ logical study and learning, criticism of Papal pretensions and power raised its voice. The arguments for reform set forth by a distinguished Oxford scholar named Wyclif attracted attention••• He declared that dominion of men's souls had never been delegated to mortals.7

Opinions on Wyclif are as divergent as his biographers.

Mr. Churchill claims he won the people ",lith his poor priests and

tracts and revived the fresh spirit of early Christianity with

the English translation of the Bible. He seems to lament his apparent failure in England.

In the charged, sullen atmosphere of the England of the 1380's, Wyclif's doctrines gathered wide momentum, But, faced by social revolution, England society was in no mood for Church reform. All subversive doctrines fell under cen­ sure••••The landed classes gave silent assent to the ul­ timate suppression of the preacher by the Church. This descended swiftly and effectively••••The doctrines of the refor.mer were officially condemned ••••Th~ chief Lollards were sharply summoned to recant. •

He sees the success of his work some years later in Prague under

Hus: Wyclifl appealed to the conscience of his age. Baffled though not silenced, in England, his inspiration stirred a distant and little-kno\~ land, and thence disturbed Europe.9

A late nineteenth century writer William H. S. ~brey claims

in his preface to The Rise and Growth of the English Nation to be

non-partisan or sectarian, not advocating any particular theories.

At the same time he eulogizes and canonizes \1yc lif for his

7Churchill, I, p. 360.

8Ibid. , I, p. 375· 9Ibid. , I, p. 376. intellectual achievements and labors for Lollardism with his

POOl' Priests.

Father Hughes calls him the "days' one real heretic."

He also summarizes his. word and its effect:

The English scholar priest would rebuild Ohristianity on the sole basis of pious meditation on the Scriptures. The papacy, hierarchy, priesthood, and sacraments are all so much human invention. The one certitude is Holy Scrip­ ture••••Indulgences, confession, the Mass should be renounced••••This revolutionary doctrine preached in England by the Lollards for some forty years continued to linger in corners of the country for the next century. It was also carried into Bohemia and in Johri HUB t'ound not only a most able apostle but its chief martyr. lO

When Wyclif began, he probably was sincere in his ef- forts to reform; at first he seemed concerned mostly with externals.

In later years, encouraged, probably, by the support of an increase in following, he attacked doctrinal matter and once begun he seemed carried away by his own radicalism. The theory of the dominion of grace, i. e., there is no

real dominion, authority, or ownership without the grace of God,

was the basic original theme of his philosophy. According to this

belief a man in mortal sin has no right to anything; a man in

state of grace possessed all things. He held high regard for

real Franciscan poverty and therefore condemned the "abuse ll of

clergy having property of their own and urged withdra\'/al of

titles to p~ish erring clergy.

lOHughes, P. 15;. 14

Wyclif's liking for the friars and their fundamental doctrine of poverty has already been mentioned. But he had also sympathy with their popular work; even if he thought it sometimes neglected or badl done. This feeling led him to instruct his poor priests.l1

For sometime he remained in the favor of political rulers.

But this favoritism wavered when he began to fall into ill re- pute with the Church on the subject of predestination and the main Wyc1if heresy of rational approach to transubstantiation.

The attempts of the Church to check these attacks eventually led to his complete rejection of ecclessiastical authority.

Whether he wished it or not, his views were expanded by men like John Ball, one of the most earnest agitators. In the expansion the original ideal of poverty for a Church resembling that of Christ brought about a discontent among the laboring class; the denunciation of Church authority resulted in a type of hatred of the whole Church; and from the appeal for a strict-

er adherence to Scripture-law ensued an almost complete disregard

for everything but the Bible. And what was probably the worst blow, through disbelief in transubstantiation resulted a con- tempt for the Sacrament itself. In his Histo~ of England,

Hilaire Belloc explains Wyclif's stand on the question of tran- substantiation in these words:

llWard and Waller, Cambridge HistorY of English Litera­ ture, Vol. II: The End of the Middle ~(Cambridge: 19;2), p. 57. 15

His confused speculation upon the Eucharist, which he seems to haft taken up as an after-thought and of which no man can make head or tai1(he himself !~uld not put it plain-. ly), troubled our society not at all.

The history of his views on Transubstantiation reads like a history of a mind and henrt moving farther and farther from the heaEt of Christ and the grasp of,His 6reator. At first he ac- cepted the current doctrine of transubstantiation; he is a priest.

In later writings he seemed to be wavering, as to what the changed substance is. Still later about 1;80, he had reached a positive opinion and maintained that the substance of bread re- mainedj he is now a heretic. vfuen he finally arrived at this de- cision, he used great energy to preach this doctrine. Yet it was this very issue and the consequent furtherance by later

Lollards that became the most controversial point of his doctrine and cost him the loss of much of his popular follo,dng.

One of the most tragic results from the rumblings of discontent fostered by the Lollards was the Peasant's Revolt in

1;81 to which Wyclif, claimed, and was upheld in his claim, no part. The horrors of this affair were considered unique in

English history.

Wyclif's "poor priesta ll and other itinerants found ready listeners in the oppressed servile classes. They gave to this

'group, first in southern England and qUickly allover the country,

l2Hilaire Belloc, A History of England(New York and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1925), II, 19. 16

the impetus and leadership it needed to make itself heard.

Headed by Wat Tyler and John Ball, they marched on London rob-

bing, burning, and murdering as they went. Here the bold courage

and promises of the youthful King Richard won their confidence

and many returned to their homes somewhat appeased. The gentry united now to save themselves from further insurrections; Parlia- ment cancelled all promises; and Richard made apparently no

opposition. The harshness of their lives continued but possibly

an anarchical state had been averted.

The designs of the Lollards seemed to be to strip the

Church of all possessions, material and political. To What an

extent the disciples carried on the activities of their master

can be readily seen in the translated surmnary of the twelve

conclusions urged upon Parliament in January, 1395, ten years after Wyclif's death.

1. That the Church was corrupted by temporal wealth and power to such an extent that the life was taken out of it. 2. That the priesthood derived from Rome "las quite different from that ordained by Christ to His apos­ tles. The rites and signs used were not to be found in Scriptures. 3· Priests' vows of chastity eended to gross vice. Pri­ vate religious orders ought to be abolished. 4. The pretended miracle of the sacrament led all men to idolatry. Against transubstantiation: every man and woman could make the figurative sacrament. 5· Exorcisms and blessings pronounced on various things were jugglery. 6. It was against good order if an ecclessiastic had any worldly power. 7. Special prayers for the dead for one person more than another were a false glround of almsgiving. 17

Therefore, all religious houses(almhouses) were founded in iniquity. 8. Pilgrimages are not far removed from idolatry. 9. Confession gave rise for pride in the priests and opportunity for secret sin. 10. Manslaughter by battle or pretended law of justice without a special revelation was expressly contrary to the New Testament. 11. Vows of chastity by women, who are by nature frail and imperfect, lead to many horrible sins. 12. The multitude of unnecessary crafts used in our Church encourages sin in waste, curiosity and dis- gu~sJ.ng... 1;

Six years later John Purvey, collaborator with Wyclif in the translation of the Bible, abjured the following seven heresies under pressure of Church authorities:

1. That the bread and wine must remain in their own natures after the consecration. 2. He had objected to the confessional as really en­ tangling the human conscience in sin. Predestined layman was a true priest able to admin­ ister the sacraments without ordination, and every holy priest was a bishop and prelate. 4. That prelates and clergy, even the Pope, whose lives were opposed to the doctrine and example of Christ had no power over the people and could not excommuni­ cate. 5. That whoever received the office of a priest ought to preach the gospel before the people freely, otherwise he was excommunicated. 6. That a vow of perpetual chastity, or any other vow, which may not be accepted by God giving him grace to perfor.m it, is unreasonable and indiscreet; ••• 7. That Innocent III and the divines of the General Council of Lyons(of the Lateran was meant) were all fools, heretics, and blasphemers in what they decided about the sacrament of the altar and the necessity of receiving at Easter. 14 .

As a final list of Lo~lard teaching, the following,

l;Gairdner, I, 4;-46 14Ibid., p. 52. 18

issued to Archbishop Arundel by one of the fonner members who felt that they were going too far, depicts the progress of the heresy. These were taught in the secret conventicles of another sect which flourished and threatened the security of the Church under the reign of Henry IV.

1. That the seven sacraments were but dead signs of no value as the Church used them. 2. That virgnity and the priesthood were not states approved by God, but the state of wedlock was best, and all virgins and priests, if they desired to be saved, should at least have the will to get married; 3. That agreement between a man and a woman was suffi­ cient to constitute wedlock without their making further obedience to the Church. ••• 4. That the Church was nothing but the synagogue of Satan, and they would not go to it to honor God, or take a:n.y sacrament. ••• 5. That if they had a boy new born, he should not be baptized by the hands of priests at church; for that boy was a second Trinity, not contaminated and would be worse if he came into their hands. 6. That they did not hold any day as hallowed or holy, not even Sunday. 7. That there was no purgatory after this life, nor did it behove them to do greater penance for any sin than for the lightest, ••••whatever fS stands in faith as Christ said to Mary Magdalen. 5 There are recorded in English histories of this period

several attempts by civil and Church authorities to check and

punish heretics. Most of the civil authority was handed over

to the Church officials. ~fuen in 1401 persecution of Lo11ards

became legalized, most of them abjurated. Probably the most

serious and influential measures were taken by Archbishop Arundel

~men the following provisions were drawn up at a council of his

15Ibid., p. 48. 19

clergy at Oxford in 1409:

1. Th at no one should take upon himself to preach without being examined by the ordinary of the place and giving formal evidence that he was authorized. 2. That all who did preach should limit their discourses to the subjects contained in a constitution of his predecessor beginning Ignorantia Sacerdotum. ;. That anyone preaching before the clergy should address himself to their special vices, and anyone preaching before the laity to theirs. 4. That concerning the sacraments or articles of faith, none should preach otherwise than according to what the Church m. d determined, and if anyone did so will­ ingly he incurred excommunication, ipso facto. 5. That schoolmasters should beware of teaching children anything contrary to the determinations of the Church, or of expounding Holy Scriptures, except from textual exposition as had prevailed from old t~es. 6. They must not let their scholars dispute about the faith in public or in private. 7. As new doctrines led men astray more than old ones, no writings of Wyclif must be read in schools or elsewhere, unless examined by the University of Oxforf6of Cambridge, or by a committee appointed by them. This WaS the type of counteraction used by the Church to try to stem the Wyclif and Lollard philosophy and methods summarized in the three previous listings. It appeared to be a move in the direction of internal reform. The more the reform turned within the Church and particularly upon the interior of individuals belonging to the Church, that much more did the ideas seem in agreement with the faith of Langland rather than the heresy of Lollardry. It would be difficult to conclude this brief history of

Lollardry without bringing into the picture the chief reformer

16Ibid., pp. 61-62. of Lollarda, Bishop Reginald Pecock at the time Lord Bishop of

Chichester. Though the author of several tracts or sermons, his most pretentious work entitled The Repressor of Ovennuch Blaming of the Clergy was a detailed attempt to refute some of the major errors of Lollard philosophy based on the extravagances brought about by the widespread popularity of the Bible translation.

His defensive position so cleverly drawn up in this work against over emphasis of Holy Scripture and private interpreta­ tion was almost immediately questioned by some English leaders in the Church he was defending. The assertion that he bent too far backwards in favor of the importance of reason cost him great humiliation in public recantations and burning of his writings as heretical. As punishment he was deprived of his bishopric and practically exiled.

This rapid turn about from defender to condemned seems typical of the spirit of petty animosity prevalent in that era to such an extent that one historian sees it to be shocking to us even in this age. This spirit already noted in the struggle between servile classes and landowners, between Church and civil leaders, among members of royalty,between countries, is more graphically pictured in Chaucer's keen characterizations. With

few exceptions the pilgrims are made to appear ever ready to

strike at one another in ridicule or derision. "Piers" found

it, too, in the rivalry among the different rel~gious orders 21

and the contentions between the religious priests and regular clergy. One of the greatest vindications of "Piers' " faith is that he continued to look for Christ, His Church, or Truth in spite of this spirit. III PIERS PLOVAAN

In full agreement with Wyclif and his followers on the need of reform are the sentiments expressed in the Vision of

Piers Plowman. The poet uses personal experience and a fund of acquired knowledge in his art of expression with homilies, scriptural quotes, and pertinent personifications to preach his story-sermon. At a time when many priests seemed to lack the minimum education necessary to avoid the pitfalls of inno- cently teaching heresy, it is interesting to note the ready access of this mind to Church teachings. This evidence is scattered throughout the poem, as one critic notes:

The words of David, of the New Testament, and of the Homilies of the Fathers formed part of the furniture of his mind, so that quotations from these sources flow from him and litter every page. l

His appeal for reform is insistent and sincere but expressed in a much different tone than that of Wyclif and his followers. Elbridge Colby summarizes this idea well:

The tone of the whole poem is distinctly religious, tending toward refol~ and not revolt. Where Wyclif took sides and criticized from the outside, Langland

lConrad Pepler, O. P., "The Spirituality of William Langland," Blackfriars, XX(December, 1939), p. 848.

22. 23

p:oduc~d.intetnal criticism••.•He has a catholicity in h~s sp~r~t. He would re~orm the revolutionary re~ormers as well as the corrupted conservatives.2

The scholar, J. Manly develops ~rther this idea in ~avor of Langland's type of reform:

The author is in no sense an innovator; he is a reformer only in the sense of wishing all men to see and feel the iuties of the station ih life to which they belong, and to do them as God has commanded.3

Probably the greatest proo~ o~ the author's re~orming intention can be tween from his O.in words according to the Wells' transla- tion. In th~ very beginning he denounces dif~erent groups of religious ~or lack of stability and deviation ~rom the true purpose of their calling. The bidders and beggars who go about the country-side begging from the poor are accused o~ having bags and bellies full. He finds them gorging in the ale-houses and going gluttonous to their beds at night. The unfaith~l and even adulterous hermits are condemned for their sloth~l purpose in making pilgrimages. Early in the poem, too, the friars o~ all four orders are denounced for preaching for their own profit.4

And finally, the priests ~rom smaller towns and country localities leave their parishes for the advantage of monetary gains in the city.

2Elbridge Colby, English Catho}ic Poets(Milwaukee: Bruce Publishing Company, 1936), p.30 •.

;3J . M. Manly, "Piers the Plowman and Its Sequence. II The Cambridge Histoty of English Literature, ed. Ward and Waller (Cambridge: University Press, 1932), II, p. 17. 4Henry W. Wells, William Langland-The Vision of Piers Plo,nnan(Ne"l York: Sheed & Ward, Inc., 193~p. 4. . 24

After pointing out some of the evils existing within the

Church, he finishes the first part, nVision of the Field of Folk, a with a denunciation of all kinds of laborers who do not do an honest day's work. Further on in the avision of the Deadly Sins,. he calls some individuals by name. Waster, proud Pernel, at, Bet, and Betar have their sins of wastefulness, prid , worldliness, and sloth publicized with directive warning. The poet follow this with a warning to prelates, priests, king and the pope to govern themselves rightly before attempting to govern others.

Because of the dominant reform pleas in much of this ork, it has been misconstrued and categorized with Lollard tracts of the same period. Helen C. White in her Social Criticism in

Popular Literature of the Sixteenth CentuFY decries this error and claims its use to voice the aspirations of those who wished to change teachings and practice of the Church a use beyond the intentions of the original author.5 Some of the most extensive proofs of orthodoxy are pre- sented in the scholarly works of Father Thomas Patrick Dunning.

Another writer who considers the Catholicity of the autilor conclusive also enlarges the general aspect of the entire work in this manner: I shall not try to maintain that Piers Plowman is an easy poem to read and to understand. It is as difficult as The Divine Oomedy, chiefly because some knowledge of medieval Catholic doctrine, allegory, and philosophy is necessary for its full understanding. It will repay every hour given to it, for it is the greatest Catholic, as it is the greatest

5Helen C. White, Social Criticism in Popular Literature of the Sixteenth Century(New York: The Macmillan Co., 1944). 25

religious poem in the language. 6

At least two reviewers of the book Piers Plowman: An

Interpretation of the A-Text by Father T. P. Dunning, C. M. lament the fact that Father Dunnin~'s work deals mainly \on th the authorship controversy. One in Catholic World compliments his thorough grasp of medieval thought and belief and choice of selections from the writings of the early Fathers of the Church to prove William Langland was in accord with teachings of Medieval

Catholicism. The other in the Ecclesiastical Review credits his discovery of the spirit of universality, unchangeableness, or oneness of medieval Catholic dogma and moral teachings down to present days.

In outlining the "Visio" in his study, Father Dunning claims Passus I and V are a sure defense of Langland's orthodoxy•

•The contents of Passus I and V, the teaching of Holy Church and Pier's description of the Way of Salvation show an adherence to traditional Catholic doctrine.7

Lines substantiating this statement from the chosen translation of Passus I might be-- I am Holy Church, she said, and you should know me. I first found you. My faith I taught you. You brought me pledges to be at my bidding. By·the·c~~o~ ~ift·of Natu~e·h~a~t~ ~ckn~wiedge

6Edward Hutton, Catholicism and English Literature (London: Frederick Mullet, LTD., 1942-1948), p. 34.

7T. P. Dunning, Piers Plowman: An Interpretation of the A-Text(Dub1in: The Talbot Press, 1937), p. 8•. 26

The love of the Lord above the love of self, And.. dread... to...do evil though death may follow. Here may we mark·the·m~i~ ~X~~l~ •••••• Of the meekness of the Almighty, whose mercy was granted To...those...who ..hung. him. ..on.high. . and....pierced. . his. ..heart.. That faith without works is vain and idle, And as dead as a door-sill unless deeds follow.8

In Passus V, Piers directs the pilgrims seeking Truth on the path in a beautiful description of virtues and unique personi- fication of the Commandments. He concludes by naming the seven sisters of Truth who aid those who wish to enter the Tower where

Truth dwells. Abstinence, Humility, Charity, Chastity, Patience,

Peace and Largess are the seven sisters .,ithout whose aid it is impossible to enter even through the gate to the Tower.

As another proof of orthodoxy, Father Dunning uses the general acceptance of critics such as Wells, Coghill, and Dr. Owst.

Beyond these two points for justification, a third might be men- tioned here. The deeply rooted spirituality and keen perception of good and evil in all walks of life should seem to indicate an inherent faith not to be entangled in emotional, economical, political or pseudo-spiritual trends of the day. Langland 1 s extraordinary knowledge of the spiritual life is becoming more evident with modern research. Concentrated stuty on the Vita section of the poem has resulted in unearthing an unusually clever outline of the spiritual life rather than an incongruous

8Wells, pp. 13-l~ 27

mixture of unrelated parts as ~ormerly thought.

Most interpretations of DoWel, DoBet, and DoBest were formerly concluded to represent layman, priest or religious, and prelate respectively. In an over-all view of the Vision and the

Vita, Wells summarized the religious themes of these tenns quite differently.

DoWell thus appears as the first or lower stage of the active life \therein a man by moral and intellectual discipline and simple faith learns to rule himself \risely and to live honestly and humbly in his vocation••.•The life of DoBet becomes the contemplative life or life of devotion. • •• Finally the life of DoBest presumes previous discipline in both the preceding lives, and consists ~n authority••.• It was sometimes termed the lixed Life.

Even Mr. Wells at first did not put this construction on these

terms. In an even more recent work by Father Dunning on his

study of the B-Text, he finds that a knowledge of spirituality

was available to a wide public in the fourteenth century, as re-

cent research has found. This knowledge must be understood in the

connotation then known, that of st. Gregory: progression in the

life of the soul was in the order Active, Contemplative, and Mixed

states or even Purgative, Illuminative and Unitive. Some of the

answers to the pilgrim's queries do indicate this, but the tenn

Contemplative or Contemplation though it should embracj all re­

ligious, does include others than religious-sa-called. It is

possible even in the midst of much activity as borne out in the

lives of some of Langland's contemporaries, St. Catherine of

9H. W. 'lells, liThe Philosophy of Piers plowman, "PMLA LIII(June, 1958), p. 341. 28

Siena and St. Bridget of Sweden for example. 10 This interpreta­ tion demands a more than ordinary knowledge of the life of grace in the mind of the author.

The traditional classification of men in the Church, i.e. active life, contemplative and prelatical is held as basic inter- pretation of "Vitali by the modern scholarly team of Durant Waite

~ Robertson and Bernard Huppe. However, they add many interesting comparisons. It is interesting to note this background for cleric and religious antipathy gleaned from their medieval studies.

At the time Piers Plowman was written, as we have seen, the three states, and especially the character of the highest state, had become a central issue in the controversy over perfection between the regulars and seculars precipitated in the thirteenth century by William of St.-Amour. It \'Tas agreed that whereas there are no limits to the degree of perfection attainable in any given state, the contemplative life requires a greater degree of perfection than the active life; and the seculars maintained that the life of the bim op requires a still greater degree of perfection, if not earthly perfection itself. Moreover, the followers of William of st. -Amour held that the status of the parish priest is higher than that of the regular. The Friars maintained their own claim to the apostolic tradition, and delighted in pointing out the imperfections of the priests and bishops.ll

In the "Vita", \1i11 gets many false or rather incomplete definitions of DoWel, DoBet, ro1d DoBest, in his search for Truth and in the end for Piers. Some are included in part in the above interpretations. Robertson and Huppt further claim a basic structure of contrasts underlies the poem expressing the medieval

lQ."1'. P. Dun'n~ng,..C M , "The Structure of the B-Text of Piers Plowman," Revie\'l of Engli sh Studies, VII(July, 1956), pp. 225-2;7. lID. W. Robertson, Jr. and Bernard F. Huppe, "Piers Plowman" And Scriptural Tradition(Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1951), p. 21. 29 ideal and its corruption.

The clarity of these contrasts is largely dependent upon an understanding of the application of the traditional levels of meaning. Each level has a symbolism context appro­ priate to it. The allegorical level, for example, is concerned with the church, and the basic classification of persons in the church as active, contemplative, and prelatical. ore exactly, DoWel, DoBet, and DoBest represent the ideals which persons in these states should follow. Actual persons either exemplify these ideals or their corruption••••The table below presents some of the more striking representatives on the allegorical level of the various classes, active, contem­ plative, prelatical, taken from the poem as a whole.

Seed of Abel Seed of Cain Dowel The Knight \'Tho helps The Extortionate Lord Piers (VI) (XIX) Dobet True Religious (XX) The Friars Do&st The Lewd Vicar The Priest (VII) A general scheme of the tropoloeical level may be re­ presented in terms of the three parts of the image of God in man; •

The Image of God The Corrupted Image Memory Raith Oblivion Intellect Hope Ignorance \'1i11 Charity Cupid.ity The historical level is represented also:

Piers Ploi'iIllan Se Ipsos Amantes Patriarchs Cain Prophets Pharisees Christ and the Apostles Antichrist and the Friars

On the analogical level the forces of good are symbolized by Holy

Church, and evil by Lad~ Meed. Lady eed Holy Church The World The Father The Flesh The Son The Devil12 The Holy Spirit

l2Ibid., pp. 256- 2l.jD. These interptetations even more than the former demand from

Langland a deep insight into the life of grace in man. In fact the general theme of the whole poem, ••arch for Truth or salvatioD and ensuing definition of Truth with insistence on love of God and neighbor is' probably the most conclusive proof of orthodoxy.

Even more than proof of the fundamental faith of the poet does it prove the transcendence in thought over and beyond that of his heretical contemporaries. Hutton claims to prove this would be simple.

It would be easy to demonstrate by quotation apropos of Holy Church, who is the author's guide, of the Pope who is proclaimed as the successor of St. Peter with the power of the keys, of the Blessed Virgin Whose assistance is invoked as the Mother of God, and of the Holy Eucharist which is accepted as the Body of Our Lord••••The admirable ortho­ doxy of the poem, which is in no way connected with Wyclif, his Lollards, or his heresy.l~

Neither Wyclif or any other heretic, reformer, or ordinary man of medieval England could have been more aware of the need of reform within the Church. However, in direct opposition to

Lollard teachings and tenets as outlined in the preceding chapter, we glimpse the author's realization of the value of Catholic es­ sentials contemned by them. Scattered throughout the epic are scathing remarks about friars, religious, priests, and prelates not doing their duty to the people, particularly to the poor.

In Passus X he is found lamenting the fact that friars, priests, rich people and poor people are so full of pride and o~er vice

l~E. Hutton, p. ~7. that their "prayers have no power to prevent the pestilence. n In

this it is also noted he recognizes the sins of the poor and

little sinners as well as leaders and wealthy groups.

The friars were the object of much of Langland's scorn

and ridicule. They never were able to help him in his quest and he does not hesitate to argue with them. In one instance they are

displeased because he does not desire to be buried in their house

but rather in his own parish. The exorbitant charges and dona-

tions for forgiveness share in his criticimn. Frank Sheed calls

it nwit without mirth" when he studies lines such as these:

In a friar's frock he was found once, But that was afar back in Saint Francis's lifetime; In that sect since he has been too seldom witnessed.14

In the Passus depicting Repentance's call to the personi-

fied sins to ask for forgiveness, Wrath gives a horrifying picture

of convent life. Repeatedly he issues vindictives against the

wealth and greed of religious as well as their roving out of

the cloisters. Langland knew all these conditions; he admitted and

deplored them; yet he constantly maintained they were not as

Christ and His Church taught. His ideals of good laymen, friars,

priests, and prelates are never far from mind while condemning.

After a scorching condemnation of the convent previously mentioned,

he gives an indirect compliment to the monastery, again in the

14Frank J. Sheed, Sidelifhts en the Catholic Revival (New York: Shead and Ward, 1940 , p. 39. 32 words of Wrath. This is a picture of the unhappiness of WrAth because he is in an exemplar,y religious house. He apparently had a better-than-average understanding of what religious life should be. In one of several instances in which he extols St. Gregory, he describes the ideal as follows:

For if heaven be on the earth or ease in any spirit, I see by many signs that it is in school or cloister, For all chaffing and chiding are shunned in the cloister, All there is books and obedience, reading and learning. There is no scorning in a school, unless a clerk will not study, And there is great love there and liking, for each loves the other.15

For the religious as for all mankind he holds high the ideal of love and loyalty, Charity, even above all vows and other virtues. Another instance of opposing ideas of the two reformers is Langland's understanding and recognition of the necessity for the religious way of life in contemplative and religious orders. While he explains the ideals and acknowledges the wrongs against these ideals, he admits there have been and are some faithful to them. He expresses admiration for the early hermits,

Antony and Paul, true love and respect for St. Francis, St.

Augustine and other founders of the orders. Even in the field of folk he sees those who continue in lives of prayer and penance in order to have heavenly riches. It is in this section that he compliments hermits and anchorites who hold fast to their dwellings.

15We118, p. 122. 33

The particular sin waich he lays to priests and prelates is covetousness or greed and consequent neglect of the poor under them. After the plague many priests found it rather difficult to get along on their parishes and went to London for better living.

For this the pilgrim has no sympathy; he insists they should have enough living in their work at home. To the priests he says:

Thus patient poverty is the most perfect living, And all priests who seek perfection should draw towards ...... poverty...... But if they toil tIlt1y and trust in God Almighty They shall lack no livelihood, nor woolen nor linen. 16

Yet a regard for prelates' offices and an ability to distinguish between the man and his office are two more examples of diver- genoe in the views of the two preaching systems in question.

He demonstrates a keen perception of their duties and high reward. Bishops who are blessed and who become their calling, As legislators of both laws for the laity's profit, Who in as much as they may minister to all sinful, Are peers with the Apostles, as Piers' pardon s~ws them, To be at the Day of Doom on the dais of heaven.

From the introduction of Holy Church in the first Passus,

Langland always speaks of her with respect and recognition of her

purpose. After acknowledging her identity, he reverently answers,

"Then I kissed the ground, and cried her mercy." This is a far

cry from the sometimes arrogant contempt dealt by the Lollard movement.

l6.!lli., p. 144.

l7~., p. 89. Since the central act of Catholic worship is the Mass which includes externals, the original Wyclif target, it is in- teresting to note the poet's respectful references to the Mass and its efficacy. He states that those who are not good to the poor should have no share in the merits of the Masses. He con- demns those bishops as very blameworthy who ordain those who cannot say the daily Masses. It resembles Wyclif's complaint of unprepared and uneducated clergy but with different over- tones, possibly because differently motivated.

One of the first and strongest Wyclif teachings was the theory of the dominion of grace and the consequent idea that the predestined layman was a true priest, able to administer the

sacraments. This involved eventually a complete rejection of

the Church's authority over the Sacraments. From the very begin- ning of his work, we learn that Langland followed none of this

philosophy. In the Induction he recognizes Church authority in

these matters, "I pondered on the power which Peter was given•• n

Further recognition of the priests' powers in the Sacraments of

Penance and Holy Eucharist are given in Passus XII. With regard

to the Blessed Sacrament he explains: UGod's body may not be made from bread without Clergy, His body is both a bliss to the righteous 18 And death and damnation to him who does evilly.

Whereas Wyclif suffered doubts with regard to Transub­

stantiation, there seems to be no doubt in the mind of this 35 poet. One of the most beautiful sections of the poem depicts an even deeper faith in 1he Blessed Sacrament.

"Come," said Conscience, "come dine, all Christians Who have laboured loyally all this Lenten season. Here is the blessed bread where Christ's body is figured. By God's word Grace gave Piers the power And the might to make it and men to eat it, As help for their heal once monthly, Or as often as they have need••19

That touch of faith in truly artistic expression ih its beauty, goodness, and truth, though it come s from the heart of a medieval vagabond could serve as excellent meditation or sermon material for all in modern times.

Later Piers personifying Christ is acknowledged as giving

DoBest power to trw1sfer power of forgiveness. To the Lollards confession gave cause for pride in the priests and entangled the people's consciences. To Langland's medieval man it was a recog- ni~d necessity. In encouraging repentance he advises the sinner to "Say, 'I am sorry for my sins,' say it and believe it." In contrast to other propositions of the Wyclifites, he recognizes a need for personal penance over and above that which is a part of the sacrament. Again, the Vision of the Deadly

Sins gives us the appropriate examples as Pride, Envy, and

Gluttony particularly admit their guilt, and attempt pennanent reform begging for penances to eradicate their sins. In matters of the world he clamors for more justice. His idea of kingship follows the medieval idea of moral func­

tion of the state. The King's authority comes from God and he

and his knights must use their powers to reward good and punish

evil. In words which the ninternal-evidence R scholars claim

Langland uses for himself, he shows his obeisance.

Then a fool came forth, a long lean fellow, And knelt to the king and spoke like a cleric: "Christ keep you, my king, and all your kingdom also, So live in your land that loyalty mat love~you, And righteous rule be rewarded in heaven! "20

Though the authority comes f'rom God, it is invested in him in-

directly by the people and he must rule with the help of advisers

representing them. Love and mercy tempered by Reason are char-

acteristics by means of which a good King rules. Under these

conditions it will be easy for subjects to fulfill their duty of obedience.

As we noted, one of the foremost tenets of Lollardry had to do with property. It is interesting to see an unbiased poor man's views on this subject in medieval times through the words of' our poet. First he questions Holy Ohureh as to whom the world's wealth really belongs. Christ's oun answer in the Gospel regarding the tribute is used as the answer of' Church in this episode. Church also counsels moderation and common sense in the use of the necessities, food, drink, and clothing. Reason regu- lates the desire for these and in this way conquers Meed. In

2OIbid., p. 7. 37 several passages Piers warns and encourages the rich to help the poor.

In final analysis Wyclif's basic teaching resorts to strict and private interpretation of Holy Scripture. From the ease with which Scriptural quotes flow so abundantly from him, we must admit a high regard for this foundation of religion in

Langland. He does not stop at Holy Scripture, however. Charity and adherence to the commandments are the way to Truth and true

Christian living. He explains Christianity thus:

That Whoever wills and wishes to arise with mim, Should love and believe and fulfill the law, Which is: love thy lord God liefest of all things, And then all Christian creatures in common, each the other. 21

Another passage ri~s like a paean of love.

You must go through meekness, you men and women, Till you come to Conscience and till Christ knows surely That you love Gur Lord Liefest of all things, And your neighbour next, and in no way hurt h~ Otherwise than you would he should do to you. As a concluding quotation in refutation, the poet himself appears to have anticipated the lollard accusation and speaks in

self defense. Then I awoke God know, on Comhill in my dwelling, When Kit and'! were in a cottage, and I clothed like a loller. But I was little loved, believe me truly,

2lIbid., p. 124.

22Ibid., p. 73. By lollers of London and lewd hermits, For I wrote of those wretches as Reason taught me.2~

By a comparison of tenets of the revolting Lollards and the sermonizing Langland, one might see a oonstant uplift- ing hope deeply seated in the faith and charity of the repre- sentative of the poor. In his unsatisfied search for Truth or Perfect Love, he condemns all types of corruption and insists that each man in every walk of life do his duty to the best of his ability.

2~Ibid., p. 50. IV THE TRANSCENDENCY

The refutation of Lollard tenets with use of the actual words from Piers Plowman has been presented as the major step in proving the thesis of transcendency of religious ideas as expressed in Piers Plowman over those expressed by the heretical movement.

Even the passages isolated from context rebut the more important opinions of Wyclif followers. But the spirit of the poem in its entirety, gleaned from more intensive study of its parts, in ad­ dition to various explanations - at times contradictory - made by students of medieval history and literature, establishes the rewarding assurance of the thesis. The spirit carries more positive ideas and ideals allied to Catholic beliefs and teaching. Some of them are expressed so vividly in this allegory that it is most expedient to employ them in proving the point of transcendency. Though vice is personified and exploited to a great ex­ tent, the eloquence of the personification end explanation of virtues is as vividly, if not more elaborately, developed. One scene stands out in each section as particularly exemplifying this.

The Meed-trial in the "Vision" is particularly well wrought for forming distinct and striking mental images not only of all the forms of Meed's insidious achievements, but virtues associated 44 with Conscience, Patience, and Reason. Though we have to wade with Conscience through a great deal of controversy and contest, we find the victory of Oonscience at the end of the scene worth the effort. Greed, covetousness, and sham of all types in every walk of life are presented in this story within the story.

In the "Vita" the most graphic and most greatly discussed pageant is the jousting of Christ in the Harrowing of Hell. Here again, the beautiful virtues, this time Mercy, Truth, Peace, and

Righteousness connect and enliven the scene. One can see con- sternation, distrust, self-conquest, hatred, vengeance throughout this dramatic passage. After the depiction of Christ opening hell (limbo) there is a beautiful, swift summary of action:

With that breath hell broke! All the bars of Belial, For all their warriors and wardens, stood wide open. Patriarchs and prophets, "Populus in tenebris", Sang Saint John's song, ~ Agnus Dei. Lucifer might not look up, the light so blinded him, And those whom our Lord loved he lifted into that glory.l

This trip into the inferno embraces definitive conversation and

remarks concerning many of our beliefs regarding death, suffering,

purgatory, hell, the fall of the angels, and the Redemptive nature of Christ's life. In PaSSUS XIX with considerably less drama and elabora­

tion, but with the simplicity of deep love is recorded in a few

pages only, the life of Christ. Matching the Gospels in direct­ ness and the liturgy of the Ohurch in its reverence, our poet

posits his O\fl1 allegorical twists to the visit of the Magi, his own spiritual progression of DoWel, DoBet, and DoBest to the

character of Christ, and his own fund of scriptural knowledge

as he records a short series of Gospel stories including the

death of Christ and the coming of the Holy Spirit. This brief

biographical sketch will never rank among the great 'Lives of

Ohrist' , but it proves once more the proximity of the mind of

the working class of medieval times to the Church teachings,

Scripture, and Christ. An enlightening paragraph in an article

by Father Conrad Pepler, O. P. defends What §t first might sean,

a cold or awkward brevity of the poet in parts of his narrative.

This particular part of Pas~s XIX is adaptable to Father Pepler's explanation:

It might be argued that the lack of tenderness and realistic devotion is due to the character of the poem, the purpose of Which is to turn men from the path of vice. The awe-inspiring figure of the Lord of Life is well cal­ culated to remind the sinner of the danger to himself of unrepented sin. But this cannot be the complete explana­ tion, for there is that other elevated and almost mystical aspect of the poem Which insists on the bond of Love and the Unity of the Church •••Perhaps a life spent in constant contact with the liturgy gave Langland a dominating idea of the majesty of the High Priest of our sacrifice.2

One of the most difficult doctrines to tease religious writers is the Blessed Trinity. The stories of St. Augustine's meditations on the seashore and St. Patrick's explanation with a shamrock-are known to, and have been used b~most teachers in attempted exposition. For over sixty lines in exquisite si­ militude Langland compares the human hand, fist, palm and fingers

20. Pepler, p. 854. 46

to this magnificent mystery. Six of these lines ~rize suc­ cinctly the beautiful idea.

After it has felt what the fist and the fingers give it, So God the Holy Ghost is neither greater nor lesser Than the Sire or the Son, but has the same power: And all but one God, as my hand and fingers, Folded or unfolded, fist or palmwise.-- All is but one hand, however I turn it.3

Upon finishing this analogy, he qUickly adds in fewer lines the more familiar one of the burning taper.

"So the Trinity is like a torch or a taper burning; As though the wax and the wick were wound together, And then a fire flamed forth from either.3

Passages such as these bear competent evidence te the statement made by R. W. Ohambers after considering Ohrist's words to St.

Thomas: "Langland seems able to do what Milton scarcely can-­ able to expand the words of Ohrist."

One marvel of the expansion of the words of Ohrist is that it

is done in such a way that all can understand. There is none

of the ambiguity or masked terminology of the philosophers. All

is simply stated by Ohrist in the Gospel and Piers in Piers

Plowman. In his various passages concerning the Mystical Body of

Ohrist this same talent for elucidating for all is quite evident.

This particular Oatholic teaching is imbedded deeply in Piers Plowman. One of the several essays on Piers Plowman by Samuel

James 1s devoted almost entirely to the Langland treatment of

'Ibid., p. 233· 4R. w. Ohambers, Man's Unconquerable ~(Philadelphia: Albert Saifer, 195,), p. 160. 47

this doctrine. He claims the aut.l),or of our religious epic adheres more closely to St. Paul's well known teaching than most contem­

poraries of the period. The Pauline teaching he summarizes

briefly:

That the Church is not simply an organisation which He formed and endowed; it is His Own Body, the liVing organism of which He is animating principle. the indwelling life.5

This concept appears to have been held and apparently

taken for granted from the time of St. Paul to the medieval

period. Not much was written or taught in this vein during the

few centuries immediately following. However, the last few

centuries have found a resurgence of the idea gaining momentum

through encyclicals, sermons, and many religious treatises. The

many allusions sprinkled through the poem act as a long connecting

link, holding the constant theme of charity bound by this beauti-

fUl doctrine. Here and there, we find couched expressions such

as, "They are mine and of mell. A more cQmplete expression of

the conception is found in Passus XI: For we are all Christ's creatures, and by his coffer are we wealthy, And brothers of one blood, beggars and nobles. Christ's blood on Calvary is the spring of Christendom, 6 And we became blood brethren there, recovered by one body.

In these lines of poetry, the epic seems to lose its

reform aspect. This is not reform, revolt, nor defense; it is

a soaring to sp1r1. °tua1 he1g . hts• Further, it is a soaring, not only for the prelate, the religiouS, the cleric, or the monk,

55. B. James "A Re-Reading of Piers plowman," Clergy Review, l6(March, 1939), p. 215· 6Wells, p. 135. but a soaring which can be attempted and achieved by the king, knight, lawyer, butcher, housewife, farmer, baker, merchant, brewers, all Langland's world of people, all mankind, if each allows himself to be guided by Conscience and Reason in love and truth.

The history of the use of this poem by the poorer classes as well as later scholars proves the fact of universal compre- hension which S. B. James claims is questioned:

It is sometimes que tioned whether a doctrine so recon­ dite as that of the Mystical Body can be presented in a fash­ ion sufficiently po~ular to make it comprehensible by the faithful generally.7

Generations apparently have understood St. Paul, and Langland's exposition seems to have enjoyed the same acceptance partieular- ly in his own day. This explanation is in agreement 'trith the twentieth century thinking on the subject of this doctrine ac- cording to most spiritual writers.

Another of the religious ideals stressed very much in our century is the 'iDignity of the worker". A juxtaposition of his mind into the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to read the papal encyclicals on labor would undoubtedly have given cour­ age to our poet. He would rejoice at the sincerely wise and in­

sistent Christ-like papal leadership on this subject and agree heartily with the teachings of the Church on labor problems, theories, and solutions. Langland constantly cries for earnestness

7s. B. James, p. 220. 49 and sincerity in daily work. In the "plowing scene" some work faithfully and help to picture the ideal employee-employer sit­ uation. In Langland's words:

Now Perkin and his pilgrims were plowing together, With all who helped to harrow the half acre. Dykers and delvers dug up the ridges. Perkin was pleased with them and praised them often. Other. worlanan there were who worked eagerly, Each 1n his own way worked honestly, And some to please Perkin picked up the weeds.8

These modern views coming from a medieval pen probably are no where more brillantly brought to light than in the lectures or essays of Christopher Dawson. He speaks of Lang- land:

He is a voice from the underworld of the common people, speaking t~ir laqguage, using their imagery and sharing their ideals. And his poem seems to prove that the funda­ mental principles of the creative period of medieval reli­ gion had been more completely assimilated and incorporated by the new vernacular culture of the common people than it had been by the higher and more literary culture of the ruling elements in Church and State.9 And still Langland soars. He explains doctrines, tells stories, exposes wrong-doers, confesses his own guilt, cries for repentance, thunders for reform. In all of these actions he brings into the flood lights the everlasting theme of charity.

"Deus Caritas est." He decries personal animosities, class dis- sensions, political and religious strifes. In almost every

Passus he pleads for the poor in such terms: One merit is to love all who are hateful to us And to please poor people, and their prayers may help us. IO

8~/ells, p. 80. 10Wel ls, p. 135.

9Christopher Dawson, ~edieval Religion and Popular Culture", Religion and the Rise of Western Culture(N. Y.: Sheed and WArd, 1950) p. 219. That whoever wills and ~d8hes to arise with him, Should love and believe and fUlfill the law Which is: love ~hy.lord God liefest of all"things, And then all Chr~st~an creatures in common, each the other. 11 The n~edy are. our neighbors if we note rightly, As pr~soners ~n cells, or poor folk in hovels Charged with children and overcharged by landiords.12

And the poetry is most exquisite when the pilgrim queries,

"What is the meaning of Oharity?"

Then to tell you truly, it is a fair tree, he answered. Mercy is the main root of it and the mid-stock is pity, The leaves are loyal words and the law of Holy Church, The blossoms are obedient speech and a benign bearing, The true is plainly called patience and simplicity of living; And so through God and through good men groweth the fruit, charity. It grows, said he, in a garden of God's making. The shoot is from that stock and shelters if man's body, And the heart is the home wherein it rises. 3

Thus the two great commandments of love comprise the background

for this epic, for all true poetry, for all living. Again,

Ohristopher Dawson summarizes and explains Langland's spirit:

Christianity is the labor of love to which every man is called according to his personal gifts and his social voca­ tion, and the Ohurch is the community of love-the hoy~e of unity into "lhich the harbes t. of humanity is brought.

Thus patience, pity, and active charity are essential

to the pilgrim seeking Truth, Piers, Salvation. The seeking

never ceases--not even at the end of the epic. On this Langland

is in agreement with poets of all ages. They are always seeking;

llIbid., p. 124. 13Ibid., p. 215. 14Dawson, p. 223. 12Ibid., p. 92. 51 the goal is usually in the offing; the prize is almost attain­ able. Chambers explains:

And ~n thi~, Piers Plowman resembles other great English poems With whJ.ch we might compare it. They end, not with the victory of the cause, but 1:t.h the individual human soul refusing to accept defeat. 5

Two different interpretations of the almost despairing final scene tend to prove further that fourteenth century spirit is a part of the ageless thirst for fulfillment.

Thus the great poem ends: virtue and truth exist--but only with God. The search for truth on earth leads in­ evitably to the Tower, and the Tower is not Earth but. Heaven. There Truth will be found by the searcher when he lays aside his earthly clothing.16

And the poem ends with the poet going out into the world to seek, apparently, a true pope who will effect a refor.m. l 7

This final scene seems to have been a stumbling block to many

studies made on this work. Evidently, the original Langland

scholar was questioned on the same issue. His answer is a tri-

bute to the poet: What other ending can there be? We are all still pil­ grims upon earth. That is the truth which the author's l 8 mighty genius would impress upon us in his parting words.

l5Chambers, p. 164.

16B. P. Huppb, "The Authorship of A and B Texts in Piers Plowman ft , Speculum, XXII(October, 1947), p. 578.

17T. P. Dwming, C••M "The Structure of the B-Text of Piers Plowman,ft ~, VII, no. 27(July, 1956), p. 2,7.

18Rev • Skeat, Piers The ploughman and Richard ~ Redeless,(Oxford: Olarendon Press) II, lvi. 52.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BOOKS

Attwater, Donald. Vision of William concerning Pi rs the Plowman. London: Cassell and Co., 1930.

Aubrey, William H. S. The!2:!! and Growth of the English Nation. Vol. I. New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1896.

Belloc, Hilaire. ! History of England Vol. II. New York: and London: G. P. Putman's Sons, 1925.

Burrell, Arthur. Piers Plo'lllnan: The Vislo». of .! Peoples' Christ by William Langland. New York: E. P. Dutton &, Co., 1912. Chambers, R. W. Man's Unconquerable Mind. Philadelphia: Albert Saifer Publisher, 1953. Churchill, Winston S. The Birth of Britain Vol. I. New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., 1850:- Coghill, Nevill. Visions from Piers Plowman translated into modern English. London: Phoenix House, 1949.

Oolby, Elbridge. English Oatholic Poets. Milwaukee: Bruce Publishing Co., 1936• Dawson, Christopher, Medieval Religion and Other Essays. New York: Sheed and Ward., 19~ ____.Religion and ~ Rise of Western Culture. New York: Sheed and Ward, 1950.

Dunning, T. P., C. M. Piers Plowman: An Interpretation of .!:h! A-Teat. Dublin: The Talbot Press, 1937. Gairdner, J. Lollardy and the Reformation in England Vol. I. London: Macmillan and Co., Limited 1908. Hughes, Philip. History 2f the Church. London: Sheed and ard, 1934. .A popular History of the Catholic Church. Garden City, ----New York: Doubleday and Co., Inc., 1954.

Hutton, Edward, Catholicism ~ English Literature. London: Frederick Mullet. LTD., 1942-1948. Manly, J. Cambridge Historl 2f English Literature, "Piers the Plowman and Its Sequence". Vol. II. London: Cambridge University Press, 19;2.

Pecock, Reg mald. The Repressor. London: Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, 1860.

Robertson, D. W., Jr. and Hupp&, Bernard F. ·Piers Plowman ft and Scriptural Tradition. Princeton, N. J.,: Princeton--­ University Press, 1951.

Sheed, Frank J. Sidelights on the Catholic Revival. New York: Sheed and Ward, 1940.---

Skeat, Rev. Piers the Ploughman and Richard the Redeless. 2 Vols. Oxford: Clarendon Pres;:-1886. -

Ward, Maisie. (ed.) The English Way. London & New York: Sheed and Ward, 193;.

Wells, Henry W. ~ Vision of' Piers Plowman. New York: Sheed and Ward., Inc., 19;5. White, Helen C. Social Criticism in Popular Literature of the Sixteenth Century. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1944. Wright, Thomas. Vision and Creed of' Piers Ploughman. Edited from a contemporary manuscript. 2nd and rev. ed. London: J. R. Smith, 1856.

PERIODICALS: Bloomfield, M. W. "Present State of' Piers Plowman Studies," Speculum, XIV(19;9), 215-;2. Bright, A. "Langland and the Seven Deadly Sins," Modern Language Review. XXV( 19;0), 1;;. Dunning, T. P., C. M. "The Itructure of' the B-Text of Piers Plowman,. Review of' English Studies, VII(1956),225-2;7.

Durkin, J. T. "Kingship in the Vision of Piers Plowman," Thought, XIV(Sept. 19;9), 41;-21. HUpP~, B. F. "The Authorship of A and B Texts in Piers Plowman,' Speculum, XXII(1947), 578• James, Stanley, B. "A Re-reading of Piers Plowman," Clergy Review, XVI(Mr. 19;9), 21;-21.

Pepler, Conra,d 0••P "The Spirituality of wm. Langland,· Blackfriars, XX(Dec., 19;9), 846-54. 54.

Rutledge, Dom Denys, O. S. B. "Langland and the Liturgical Tradition," Dublin Review, CCXXVIII(Winter, 1954), ·405-16.

Wells, H. W. liThe Construction of Piers Plowman, II Publication of Modern Language Association, XLIV(1929), 12;-140. _____"The Philosophy of Piers Plowman," Publication ot Modern Language Association, LIII(19;8), ;41. --

REVIEWS: Review of "The Vision of Piers Plo'\'Dlan" by Henry W. Wells, Oatho1ic Library World, XVI (May, 1945), ;01. Review of ItThe Vision of Piers Plowman," by Henry W. Wells, The Catholic World, OXLI(March, 19;6), 759.

Review of "The Vision of Piers Plowman, II by Henry W. Wells, American Ecclesiastical Review, CXIII(Nov., 1945), 400. Review of "The Vision of Piers Plowman," by Henry W. Wells, New York Times Book Review, (Dec. 1, 19;5), ;2.

Review of "The Vision of Piers Plowman," by Henry W. Wells, America, LIV(December 21, 1935), p. 260.