Iran: a Revolutionary Republic in Transition
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The Iranian Regime and the New Political Challenge
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org June 2011 ~MIDDLE EAST MEDIA MONITOR~ AN ENEMY FROM WITHIN: THE IRANIAN REGIME AND THE NEW POLITICAL CHALLENGE By Raz Zimmt Middle East Media Monitor is an FPRI E-Note series, designed to review once a month a current topic from the perspective of the foreign language press in such countries as Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Israel, and Turkey. These articles will focus on providing FPRI’s readership with an inside view on how some of the most important countries in the Middle East are covering issues of importance to the American foreign policy community. Raz Zimmt is a Ph.D. candidate in the Graduate School of Historical Studies and a research fellow at the Center for Iranian Studies at Tel Aviv University. He is the editor of the weekly “Spotlight on Iran,” published by the Meir Amit Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center, www.terrorism-info.org.il/site/home/default.asp . On May 11, 2011 hardliner cleric, Ayatollah Mohammad-Taqi Mesbah-Yazdi, held a meeting with members of the conservative Islamic Coalition Party. Mesbah-Yazdi warned his audience against the strengthening of deviant religious thought in Iranian society. He claimed that it jeopardizes the concept of “the Guardianship of the Islamic jurist” ( Velayat-e Faqih ), upon which the Iranian regime has been based since the Islamic Revolution (1979). “If this current continues and one day we will see another Seyyed Ali Mohammad Bab 1...we should not be surprised.” 2 A few days later, Ayatollah Seyyed Mohammad Sa’idi, the Friday prayer leader in Qom, warned the “deviant currents” to stop their conspiracies or the people will annihilate them, as they did to [Abolhassan] Banisadr, 3 “the hypocrites” [a reference to Iranian opposition organization, the Mojahedin-e Khalq ] and “the leaders of the sedition” [a reference to the reformist opposition]. -
Robert Asaadi, Department of Political Science, Portland State
“Institutional Power Sharing in the Islamic Republic of Iran” Robert Asaadi, Department of Political Science, Portland State University 2021 Western Political Science Association Panel: Governance, Identities, Religion and Politics *Please do not cite or circulate without the permission of the author Keywords: Iran; Middle East; Comparative Politics; Political Institutions 1 The Constitution of the Islamic Republic establishes a semipresidential system, where executive power is divided between the supreme leader and the president. Prior to the 1989 constitutional amendments, the system also included a third executive—a prime minister; however, this position was abolished by the amendments, and the office of the presidency was strengthened in its wake. According to the language of the Constitution, the supreme leader’s position (referred to in the text of the Constitution as the “Leader”) is considered separate from the executive, legislative, and judicial branches (which the Constitution refers to as the “three Powers”). Although the supreme leader takes on a number of functions that are commonly associated with these branches of government elsewhere in the world, the position of the “Leader or Council of Leadership” is conceptually distinct from the “three Powers,” and, in fact, is tasked with resolving disputes and coordinating relations between the three branches.i Along with this dispute resolution power, article 110 outlines the ten additional express powers of the Leader: determining the general policies of the political system -
IRAN EXECUTIVE SUMMARY the Islamic Republic of Iran
IRAN EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Islamic Republic of Iran is a constitutional, theocratic republic in which Shia Muslim clergy and political leaders vetted by the clergy dominate the key power structures. Government legitimacy is based on the twin pillars of popular sovereignty--albeit restricted--and the rule of the supreme leader of the Islamic Revolution. The current supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, was chosen by a directly elected body of religious leaders, the Assembly of Experts, in 1989. Khamenei’s writ dominates the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government. He directly controls the armed forces and indirectly controls internal security forces, the judiciary, and other key institutions. The legislative branch is the popularly elected 290-seat Islamic Consultative Assembly, or Majlis. The unelected 12-member Guardian Council reviews all legislation the Majlis passes to ensure adherence to Islamic and constitutional principles; it also screens presidential and Majlis candidates for eligibility. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was reelected president in June 2009 in a multiparty election that was generally considered neither free nor fair. There were numerous instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently of civilian control. Demonstrations by opposition groups, university students, and others increased during the first few months of the year, inspired in part by events of the Arab Spring. In February hundreds of protesters throughout the country staged rallies to show solidarity with protesters in Tunisia and Egypt. The government responded harshly to protesters and critics, arresting, torturing, and prosecuting them for their dissent. As part of its crackdown, the government increased its oppression of media and the arts, arresting and imprisoning dozens of journalists, bloggers, poets, actors, filmmakers, and artists throughout the year. -
En En Motion for a Resolution
EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 2009 - 2014 Plenary sitting 15.11.2011 B7-0598/2011 MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION with request for inclusion in the agenda for the debate on cases of breaches of human rights, democracy and the rule of law pursuant to Rule 122 of the Rules of Procedure on Iran - recent cases of human rights violations Véronique De Keyser, María Muñiz De Urquiza, Kathleen Van Brempt, Pino Arlacchi, Corina Creţu, Kristian Vigenin on behalf of the S&D Group RE\P7_B(2011)0598_EN.doc PE472.810v01-00 EN United in diversityEN B7-0598/2011 European Parliament resolution on Iran - recent cases of human rights violations The European Parliament, - having regard to its previous resolutions on Iran, notably those concerning human rights and, in particular, those of February 2010 and January 2011, - having regard to the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, to all of which Iran is a party, - having regard to Rule 122(5) of its Rules of Procedure, A. whereas the multi-faceted human rights crisis is gripping Iran, including the persecution and prosecution of civil society actors, political activists, journalists, students, artists, lawyers, and environmental activists; as well as the routine denial of freedom of assembly, women’s rights, the rights of religious and ethnic minorities, and the skyrocketing rates of executions; B. whereas recent deaths of two human rights defenders, Haleh Sahabi and Hoda Saber, for which the officials were responsible, illustrate the existential threats to jailed human rights defenders and dissidents in Iran; C. -
Iran's New Assembly Chair Shows Who Really Won the Elections by Mehdi Khalaji
MENU Policy Analysis / Policy Alert Iran's New Assembly Chair Shows Who Really Won the Elections by Mehdi Khalaji May 24, 2016 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Mehdi Khalaji Mehdi Khalaji, a Qom-trained Shiite theologian, is the Libitzky Family Fellow at The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis Despite weeks of reformist spin about the spring election results, the decision to name a notorious hardliner as head of the Experts Assembly shows that Khamenei is intent on making life even more difficult for President Rouhani's camp. hen members of Iran's fifth Assembly of Experts gathered on May 24 to choose a new chairman, they W confirmed what many already knew: that the recent election did not change the body's hardline fabric or the Supreme Leader's ability to exert his will over supposedly democratic processes. Since February, reformists and other supporters of President Hassan Rouhani have been claiming victory in both the assembly and parliamentary elections. The regime had taken pains to disqualify their favorite candidates before the race, so they produced an unorthodox list of "reformist" contenders that included many hardliners and conservatives. Yet today's inaugural assembly meeting indicates that this strategy will fail to influence decisionmaking in a body that could eventually be tasked with naming the next Supreme Leader. Veteran hardliner Ahmad Jannati won fifty-one of eighty-six votes at the meeting to become chair for the next two years. Rouhani's camp had hoped that former president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, one of their most popular allies, would compete for the position, but he declared a few days ago that he would not be running. -
Guardian Politics in Iran: a Comparative Inquiry Into the Dynamics of Regime Survival
GUARDIAN POLITICS IN IRAN: A COMPARATIVE INQUIRY INTO THE DYNAMICS OF REGIME SURVIVAL A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government By Payam Mohseni, M.A. Washington, DC June 22, 2012 Copyright 2012 by Payam Mohseni All Rights Reserved ii GUARDIAN POLITICS IN IRAN: A COMPARATIVE INQUIRY INTO THE DYNAMICS OF REGIME SURVIVAL Payam Mohseni, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Daniel Brumberg, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The Iranian regime has repeatedly demonstrated a singular institutional resiliency that has been absent in other countries where “colored revolutions” have succeeded in overturning incumbents, such as Ukraine, Georgia, Serbia, Kyrgyzstan and Moldova, or where popular uprisings like the current Arab Spring have brought down despots or upended authoritarian political landscapes, including Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen, Libya and even Syria. Moreover, it has accomplished this feat without a ruling political party, considered by most scholars to be the key to stable authoritarianism. Why has the Iranian political system proven so durable? Moreover, can the explanation for such durability advance a more deductive science of authoritarian rule? My dissertation places Iran within the context of guardian regimes—or hybrid regimes with ideological military, clerical or monarchical institutions steeped in the politics of the state, such as Turkey and Thailand—to explain the durability of unstable polities that should be theoretically prone to collapse. “Hybrid” regimes that combine competitive elections with nondemocratic forms of rule have proven to be highly volatile and their average longevity is significantly shorter than that of other regime types. -
VI. Iranian Foreign Policy Since the Iranian Islamic Revolution: 1979–2006
Iranian Foreign Policy since the Iranian Islamic Revolution • 147 VI. Iranian Foreign Policy since the Iranian Islamic Revolution: 1979–2006 Eva Patricia Rakel Abstract This chapter analyzes Iranian foreign policy since the Iranian Islamic revolution of 1979. The main questions to be dealt with are: what in uences has the Iranian Islamic revolution had on foreign policy orientation and formulation of the Islamic Republic of Iran? What in uences has Shi’ism had on foreign policy for- mulation in Iran? What impact have Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, and the three presidents Hojjatoleslam Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, Hojjatoleslam Mohammad Khatami, and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had on foreign policy orientation? Have there been major shifts in foreign policy orientation during their tenures or has the overall foreign policy approach that was introduced by Khomeini after the revolution in 1979 remained the same? The chapter will rst discuss the history of Shi’ism in Iran and its impact on politics since the introduction of Islam as state religion in the beginning of the sixteenth century by the Safavid Empire. It will then give an introduction to power relations in Iran since the Iranian Islamic revolution and ana- lyze foreign policy orientation in Iran in four phases: (1) from 1979 to 1989, when Khomeini was the Supreme Leader; (2) from 1989–1997, during the presidency of Rafsanjani; (3) from 1997–2005, during the presidency of Khatami; and (4) since Ahmadinejad’s presidency began in 2005. INTRODUCTION This chapter analyzes the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) since the Iranian Islamic revolution of 1979. -
PATTERNS of DISCONTENT: WILL HISTORY REPEAT in IRAN? by Michael Rubin and Patrick Clawson *
PATTERNS OF DISCONTENT: WILL HISTORY REPEAT IN IRAN? By Michael Rubin and Patrick Clawson * While international attention is focused on Iran’s nuclear program and President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s bombast, Iranian society itself is facing turbulent times. Increasingly, patterns are re-emerging that mirror events in the years before the Islamic revolution. These include political disillusionment, domestic protest, government failure to match public expectations of economic success, and labor unrest. Nevertheless, the Islamic regime has learned the lessons of the past and is determined not to repeat them, even as political discord crescendos. This essay is derived from the authors’ recent book, Eternal Iran: Continuity and Chaos (Palgrave-Macmillan, 2005). Mahmud Ahmadinejad’s victory in Iran’s Ahmadinejad’s 2003 election as mayor of 2005 Presidential elections shocked both Tehran. Iranians and the West. “Winner in Iran calls The election of Ahmadinejad was only the for Unity; Reformists Reel,” headlined The latest in a series of surprises that Iran has New York Times.1 Most Western produced in recent decades. Indeed, a review governments assumed that former President of Iran's history over the last thirty years and Expediency Council chairman Ali Akbar suggests that Iran excels at surprising its own Hashemi Rafsanjani would win. 2 Many people and the world. This does not mean academics also were surprised. Few paid any that history will be repeated. But it is worth heed to the former blacksmith’s son who rose bearing in mind that nearly three decades to become mayor of Tehran. Brown after the shah's grip on power began to falter, University anthropologist William O. -
Part Two: Administrative Organization, Balance Sheet and Profit and Loss
Part Two Administrative Organization, Balance Sheet and Profit and Loss Account of Central Bank of the Islamic Republic of Iran As at the end of 1390 (March 19, 2012) EXECUTIVE BOARD Mahmoud Bahmani (as of 02.07.1387) Governor Seyyed Hamid Pour Mohammadi (as of 18.07.1388) Deputy Governor Seyyed Mahmoud Ahmadi (as of 09.10.1388) Secretary General Seyyed Kamal Seyyed Ali (as of 21.04.1390 Vice-Governor for Foreign until 28.08.1390) Exchange Affairs Minoo Kianirad (as of 28.08.1390) Vice-Governor for Foreign Exchange Affairs Hossein Ghazavi (as of 29.07.1388 Vice-Governor for Economic Affairs until 23.08.1390) Bahman Mesgarha (as of 09.10.1388) Vice-Governor for Administrative and Training Affairs Hossein Habibi (as of 19.03.1388) Vice-Governor for Legal and Parliamentary Affairs Ebrahim Darvishi (as of 10.09.1390 Vice-Governor for Banking Supervision Affairs Hamid Borhani (until 21.04.1390) Vice-Governor for Foreign Exchange Affairs Seyyed Kamal Seyyed Ali (until 21.04.1390) Vice-Governor for International Affairs 138 MONEY AND CREDIT COUNCIL Mahmoud Bahmani (as of 02.07.1387) Governor of the Central Bank Seyyed Shamseddin Hosseini (as of 23.04.1388) Minister of Economic Affairs and Finance Ebrahim Azizi (as of 07.07.1388) President Deputy for Strategic Planning and Control Abdolreza Sheikholeslami (as of 12.05.1390) Minister of Cooperatives, Labor, and Social Welfare Mehdi Ghazanfari (as of 12.05.1390) Minister of Industry, Mine, and Trade Sadeq Khalilian (as of 11.08.1390) Minister of Jihad-e Agriculture Kurosh Parvizian (as of 08.05.1390) -
Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: the Rise of the Revolutionary Guards
Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: The Rise of the Revolutionary Guards Ali Alfoneh Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: The Rise of the Revolutionary Guards Ali Alfoneh February 5, 2018 Issue Paper #1 2019 The Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington (AGSIW), launched in 2015, is an independent, nonprofit institution dedicated to providing expert research and analysis of the social, economic, and political dimensions of the Gulf Arab states and how they impact domestic and foreign policy. AGSIW focuses on issues ranging from politics and security to economics, trade, and business; from social dynamics to civil society and culture. Through programs, publications, and scholarly exchanges the institute seeks to encourage thoughtful debate and inform the U.S. policy community regarding this critical geostrategic region. © 2019 Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. All rights reserved. AGSIW does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the views of AGSIW, its staff, or its board of directors. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from AGSIW. Please direct inquiries to: [email protected] This publication can be downloaded at no cost at www.agsiw.org. Cover Photo Credits: Khamenei.ir/Wikimedia Commons About the Author Ali Alfoneh is a senior fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. He is the author of Iran Unveiled: How the Revolutionary Guards are Transforming Iran from Theocracy into Military Dictatorship, published by AEI Press in April 2013. -
Tightening the Reins How Khamenei Makes Decisions
MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS POLICY FOCUS 126 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 126 | March 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including pho- tocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei holds a weapon as he speaks at the University of Tehran. (Reuters/Raheb Homavandi). Design: 1000 Colors CONTENTS Executive Summary | V 1. Introduction | 1 2. Life and Thought of the Leader | 7 3. Khamenei’s Values | 15 4. Khamenei’s Advisors | 20 5. Khamenei vs the Clergy | 27 6. Khamenei vs the President | 34 7. Khamenei vs Political Institutions | 44 8. Khamenei’s Relationship with the IRGC | 52 9. Conclusion | 61 Appendix: Profile of Hassan Rouhani | 65 About the Author | 72 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EVEN UNDER ITS MOST DESPOTIC REGIMES , modern Iran has long been governed with some degree of consensus among elite factions. Leaders have conceded to or co-opted rivals when necessary to maintain their grip on power, and the current regime is no excep- tion. -
Iran, Country Information
Iran, Country Information COUNTRY ASSESSMENT - IRAN April 2003 Country Information and Policy Unit I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT II GEOGRAPHY III HISTORY IV STATE STRUCTURES VA HUMAN RIGHTS - OVERVIEW VB HUMAN RIGHTS - SPECIFIC GROUPS VC HUMAN RIGHTS - OTHER ISSUES ANNEX A - CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B - POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C - PROMINENT PEOPLE ANNEX D - REFERENCES TO SOURCE MATERIAL 1. SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1. This assessment has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a wide variety of recognised sources. The document does not contain any Home Office opinion or policy. 1.2. The assessment has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum/human rights determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum/human rights claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3. The assessment is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4. It is intended to revise the assessment on a six-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum-seeker producing countries in the United Kingdom. 2. GEOGRAPHY 2.1. The Islamic Republic of Iran Persia until 1935 lies in western Asia, and is bounded on the north by the file:///V|/vll/country/uk_cntry_assess/apr2003/0403_Iran.htm[10/21/2014 9:57:59 AM] Iran, Country Information Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan, by Turkey and Iraq to the west, by the Persian Arabian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman to the south, and by Pakistan and Afghanistan to the east.