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CHART 31, Continued from Chart 30 *Julia(Caesar)
~Jf CHART 31, continued from chart 30 *Julia(Caesar) da~. of, md, Marcus Antonius Creticus, Praetor Theron S. Hail Lucius Julius Caesar, Consul 815 East 400 North i Lucius Julius Caesar \, ~prjngville, Utab 8466 3~ Sextus Julius Caesar r Roman Ambassador & Consul Sextus Julius Caesar, Military Tribune in Liguria Lucius Julius Caesar ( Numerius Julius Caesar, 1st of t he Caesars Lucius Julius Libo, Consul Licius Julius Libo Lucius Julius Julus, Hilitary Tribune Lucius Julius Jull1s," " Caius Julius Julus, Consul Caius Julius Julus, Consul Cains Julius Julus, Consul Lucius Julius Julus Numerius Julius Julus (Note::pedigree line of this family in unknown for abt , 560 years, during the period of the Latin & Roman Kings Julus(Julii Juli) High Priest Ascanius, the Trojan, King of Latium, d•.inl170BC, md. Roma, dau. of Italus & Lucretia Aeneas, King of Latium in 1177BC(Father of the Roman Nation) md. Creusa. Aeneas was the brother-in-law of Paris & Helen of Troy.Atter the destruction of Troy, Aeneas came into Italy and md. 2nd, Lacinia, dau. of Latinus, King of LatiQ~. He succeeded as king of Lattum •. Prince Anchyses md. Venus Prince Capys md , Themis, dau , of Ilus, King of Troy Assaracus , King at Dardanum Tros, King of Troy in 13148c. He md. Callirhoe, dau. of Scamander. Tros built the City of Troy.(chart 32) Eriothonius, K. of Troy in 1374BC, md. Astyoche / Dardanus , King of Troy in 1449BC (chart 32) md. Basia Asia, dau. of Jupiter or Corytus md. Electra, dau. of Atlas Teucer, King of Troy in 1480BC, sen of the river Scamander, K. -
THE KINGS and QUEENS of BRITAIN, PART I (From Geoffrey of Monmouth’S Historia Regum Britanniae, Tr
THE KINGS AND QUEENS OF BRITAIN, PART I (from Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Historia Regum Britanniae, tr. Lewis Thorpe) See also Bill Cooper’s extended version (incorporating details given by Nennius’s history and old Welsh texts, and adding hypothesised dates for each monarch, as explained here). See also the various parallel versions of the Arthurian section. Aeneas │ Ascanius │ Silvius = Lavinia’s niece │ Corineus (in Cornwall) Brutus = Ignoge, dtr of Pandrasus │ ┌─────────────┴─┬───────────────┐ Gwendolen = Locrinus Kamber (in Wales) Albanactus (in Scotland) │ └Habren, by Estrildis Maddan ┌──┴──┐ Mempricius Malin │ Ebraucus │ 30 dtrs and 20 sons incl. Brutus Greenshield └Leil └Rud Hud Hudibras └Bladud │ Leir ┌────────────────┴┬──────────────┐ Goneril Regan Cordelia = Maglaurus of Albany = Henwinus of Cornwall = Aganippus of the Franks │ │ Marganus Cunedagius │ Rivallo ┌──┴──┐ Gurgustius (anon) │ │ Sisillius Jago │ Kimarcus │ Gorboduc = Judon ┌──┴──┐ Ferrex Porrex Cloten of Cornwall┐ Dunvallo Molmutius = Tonuuenna ┌──┴──┐ Belinus Brennius = dtr of Elsingius of Norway Gurguit Barbtruc┘ = dtr of Segnius of the Allobroges └Guithelin = Marcia Sisillius┘ ┌┴────┐ Kinarius Danius = Tanguesteaia Morvidus┘ ┌──────┬────┴─┬──────┬──────┐ Gorbonianus Archgallo Elidurus Ingenius Peredurus │ ┌──┴──┐ │ │ │ (anon) Marganus Enniaunus │ Idvallo Runo Gerennus Catellus┘ Millus┘ Porrex┘ Cherin┘ ┌─────┴─┬───────┐ Fulgenius Edadus Andragius Eliud┘ Cledaucus┘ Clotenus┘ Gurgintius┘ Merianus┘ Bledudo┘ Cap┘ Oenus┘ Sisillius┘ ┌──┴──┐ Bledgabred Archmail └Redon └Redechius -
11Ffi ELOGIA of the AUGUSTAN FORUM
THEELOGIA OF THE AUGUSTAN FORUM 11ffi ELOGIA OF THE AUGUSTAN FORUM By BRAD JOHNSON, BA A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts McMaster University © Copyright by Brad Johnson, August 2001 MASTER OF ARTS (2001) McMaster University (Classics) Hamilton, Ontario TITLE: The Elogia of the Augustan Forum AUTHOR: Brad Johnson, B.A. (McMaster University), B.A. Honours (McMaster University) SUPERVISOR: Dr. Claude Eilers NUMBER OF PAGES: v, 122 II ABSTRACT The Augustan Forum contained the statues offamous leaders from Rome's past. Beneath each statue an inscription was appended. Many of these inscriptions, known also as elogia, have survived. They record the name, magistracies held, and a brief account of the achievements of the individual. The reasons why these inscriptions were included in the Forum is the focus of this thesis. This thesis argues, through a detailed analysis of the elogia, that Augustus employed the inscriptions to propagate an image of himself as the most distinguished, and successful, leader in the history of Rome. III ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr. Claude Eilers, for not only suggesting this topic, but also for his patience, constructive criticism, sense of humour, and infinite knowledge of all things Roman. Many thanks to the members of my committee, Dr. Evan Haley and Dr. Peter Kingston, who made time in their busy schedules to be part of this process. To my parents, lowe a debt that is beyond payment. Their support, love, and encouragement throughout the years is beyond description. -
1 Jupiter the Antiquarian : the Name of Iulus (Virgil, Aeneid 1.267–8)
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-11627-6 - Latin Literature and its Transmission: Papers in Honour of Michael Reeve Edited by Richard Hunter and S. P. Oakley Excerpt More information 1 JUPITER THE ANTIQUARIAN : THE NAME OF IULUS (VIRGIL, AENEID 1.267–8) ALESSANDRO BARCHIESI In his prophecy to Venus , Jupiter declares: at puer Ascanius, cui nunc cognomen Iulo additur – Ilus erat, dum res stetit Ilia regno – … But the boy Ascanius, to whom now the extra name ‘Iulus’ is given (he was called ‘Ilus’ while the Ilian state stood fi rm with its kingdom) (Virg. Aen . 1.267–8) This is a very intense moment in the poem and in its recon- struction of the Roman past. The name ‘Iulus’ provides the transition – brilliantly analysed in terms of prosody and politics by Cowan 2009 – between Trojan Ilus and Roman Iulius. The survival and metonomasia of Ilus are also cru- cial to the diffi cult negotiation between Augustan dynastic ideology and the Latin tradition of Silvius and the kings of Alba Longa. 1 The sentence is usually considered as a statement of fact – at this point in the story Iulus is acquiring his future name, and it appears to be obvious that Jupiter’s prophecy is complemen- tary to the narrator’s voice. Taken together, the two voices con- spire to give nunc a particular emphasis: a loaded moment in the plot, in the story itself, and in the tradition of the Aeneas legend, a legend so fertile in dynastic manipulations. Yet, if we consider whose voice it is, this will be seen to be more than I thank Cesare Letta and T. -
Genre and Identity in British and Irish National Histories, 1541-1691
“NO ROOM IN HISTORY”: GENRE AND IDENTIY IN BRITISH AND IRISH NATIONAL HISTORIES, 1541-1691 A dissertation presented by Sarah Elizabeth Connell to The Department of English In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the field of English Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts April 2014 1 “NO ROOM IN HISTORY”: GENRE AND IDENTIY IN BRITISH AND IRISH NATIONAL HISTORIES, 1541-1691 by Sarah Elizabeth Connell ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in English in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities of Northeastern University April 2014 2 ABSTRACT In this project, I build on the scholarship that has challenged the historiographic revolution model to question the valorization of the early modern humanist narrative history’s sophistication and historiographic advancement in direct relation to its concerted efforts to shed the purportedly pious, credulous, and naïve materials and methods of medieval history. As I demonstrate, the methodologies available to early modern historians, many of which were developed by medieval chroniclers, were extraordinary flexible, able to meet a large number of scholarly and political needs. I argue that many early modern historians worked with medieval texts and genres not because they had yet to learn more sophisticated models for representing the past, but rather because one of the most effective ways that these writers dealt with the political and religious exigencies of their times was by adapting the practices, genres, and materials of medieval history. I demonstrate that the early modern national history was capable of supporting multiple genres and reading modes; in fact, many of these histories reflect their authors’ conviction that authentic past narratives required genres with varying levels of facticity. -
Theban Walls in Homeric Epic Corinne Ondine Pache Trinity University, [email protected]
Trinity University Digital Commons @ Trinity Classical Studies Faculty Research Classical Studies Department 10-2014 Theban Walls in Homeric Epic Corinne Ondine Pache Trinity University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/class_faculty Part of the Classics Commons Repository Citation Pache, C. (2014). Theban walls in Homeric epic. Trends in Classics, 6(2), 278-296. doi:10.1515/tc-2014-0015 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Classical Studies Department at Digital Commons @ Trinity. It has been accepted for inclusion in Classical Studies Faculty Research by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Trinity. For more information, please contact [email protected]. TC 2014; 6(2): 278–296 Corinne Pache Theban Walls in Homeric Epic DOI 10.1515/tc-2014-0015 Throughout the Iliad, the Greeks at Troy often refer to the wars at Thebes in their speeches, and several important warriors fighting on the Greek side at Troy also fought at Thebes and are related to Theban heroes who besieged the Boeotian city a generation earlier. The Theban wars thus stand in the shadow of the story of war at Troy, another city surrounded by walls supposed to be impregnable. In the Odyssey, the Theban connections are less central, but nevertheless significant as one of our few sources concerning the building of the Theban walls. In this essay, I analyze Theban traces in Homeric epic as they relate to city walls. Since nothing explicitly concerning walls remains in the extant fragments of the Theban Cycle, we must look to Homeric poetry for formulaic and thematic elements that can be connected with Theban epic. -
A Welsh Classical Dictionary
A WELSH CLASSICAL DICTIONARY DACHUN, saint of Bodmin. See s.n. Credan. He has been wrongly identified with an Irish saint Dagan in LBS II.281, 285. G.H.Doble seems to have been misled in the same way (The Saints of Cornwall, IV. 156). DAGAN or DANOG, abbot of Llancarfan. He appears as Danoc in one of the ‘Llancarfan Charters’ appended to the Life of St.Cadog (§62 in VSB p.130). Here he is a clerical witness with Sulien (presumably abbot) and king Morgan [ab Athrwys]. He appears as abbot of Llancarfan in five charters in the Book of Llandaf, where he is called Danoc abbas Carbani Uallis (BLD 179c), and Dagan(us) abbas Carbani Uallis (BLD 158, 175, 186b, 195). In these five charters he is contemporary with bishop Berthwyn and Ithel ap Morgan, king of Glywysing. He succeeded Sulien as abbot and was succeeded by Paul. See Trans.Cym., 1948 pp.291-2, (but ignore the dates), and compare Wendy Davies, LlCh p.55 where Danog and Dagan are distinguished. Wendy Davies dates the BLD charters c.A.D.722 to 740 (ibid., pp.102 - 114). DALLDAF ail CUNIN COF. (Legendary). He is included in the tale of ‘Culhwch and Olwen’ as one of the warriors of Arthur's Court: Dalldaf eil Kimin Cof (WM 460, RM 106). In a triad (TYP no.73) he is called Dalldaf eil Cunyn Cof, one of the ‘Three Peers’ of Arthur's Court. In another triad (TYP no.41) we are told that Fferlas (Grey Fetlock), the horse of Dalldaf eil Cunin Cof, was one of the ‘Three Lovers' Horses’ (or perhaps ‘Beloved Horses’). -
The Scottish Reception of Geoffrey of Monmouth
Chapter 26 The Scottish Reception of Geoffrey of Monmouth Victoria Shirley Medieval Scottish historians had a complex relationship with Geoffrey of Monmouth and his De gestis Britonum. Geoffrey was a source of authority on British history who was worthy of respect; however, his idea of Insular union could not always be reconciled with Scottish national history, which advo- cated Scotland’s independence from England. Geoffrey’s narrative of British history was contested in official letters, legal documents, and Latin historiog- raphy produced in Scotland between the 14th and 15th centuries. Such nation- al rewritings of the DGB are exemplified by the Instructiones (1301) and the Processus (1301) by Baldred Bisset – a lawyer who was also a canon of Caithness and rector of Kinghorn in the St Andrews diocese – and the Chronicle of the Scottish People by John of Fordun (1384 × 1387), which was continued by the Augustinian canon and abbot of Inchcolm, Walter Bower, in his Scotichronicon (1440 × 1447). These texts reimagine the political geography of Britain in the DGB to articulate Scottish resistance to English imperial conquest. In the DGB, Geoffrey of Monmouth uses the story of Locrinus, Albanactus, and Kamber to explain the tripartite division of Britain into England, Scotland, and Wales. After the death of their father, Brutus of Troy, Geoffrey writes that Locrinus, the first-born, received the central part of the island, afterwards called Loegria after him; Kamber received the region across the river Severn, now known as Wales, which -
Downloaded from Brill.Com09/24/2021 05:15:28PM Via Free Access 318 Faletra Empire
Chapter 11 Colonial Preoccupations in Geoffrey of Monmouth’s De gestis Britonum Michael Faletra Nearly three quarters of the way through the sweep of legendary history that constitutes Geoffrey of Monmouth’s De gestis Britonum, the narrative grinds almost to a halt. Whereas parts of the history had glossed over dozens of kings and hundreds of years, sometimes in a page or two, the pace of events lead- ing up to the reign of King Arthur had steadily slowed, only to arrive at a near standstill in Geoffrey’s description of Arthur’s Plenary Court. It is a moment of great political importance, the celebration of the king’s victory both over the Saxons who had plagued the realm for a generation and over much of what is now France: like several of his more successful predecessors on the British throne, Arthur returns to Britain a conqueror. The Plenary Court held to stage Arthur’s coronation and to celebrate his glorious new order takes place on Pentecost in the Welsh city of Caerleon: “Located in Glamorgan on the River Usk at a lovely site not far from where the Severn empties into the sea, it had an abundance of riches greater than that of any other city and was thus an excellent place to hold a high feast.”1 No expense is spared, Geoffrey reminds his Anglo-Norman readers, and he treats them to lavish descriptions of the coronation processions, the splendid regalia, the celebratory games, and the feasting for many hundreds of guests – all of which seem calculated to drive home the fact that ancient Britain had attained a cultural pinnacle: -
In England, Scotland, and Wales: Texts, Purpose, Context, 1138-1530
Victoria Shirley The Galfridian Tradition(s) in England, Scotland, and Wales: Texts, Purpose, Context, 1138-1530 A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in English Literature Cardiff University 2017 i Abstract This thesis examines the responses to and rewritings of the Historia regum Britanniae in England, Scotland, and Wales between 1138 and 1530, and argues that the continued production of the text was directly related to the erasure of its author, Geoffrey of Monmouth. In contrast to earlier studies, which focus on single national or linguistic traditions, this thesis analyses different translations and adaptations of the Historia in a comparative methodology that demonstrates the connections, contrasts and continuities between the various national traditions. Chapter One assesses Geoffrey’s reputation and the critical reception of the Historia between the twelfth and sixteenth centuries, arguing that the text came to be regarded as an authoritative account of British history at the same time as its author’s credibility was challenged. Chapter Two analyses how Geoffrey’s genealogical model of British history came to be rewritten as it was resituated within different narratives of English, Scottish, and Welsh history. Chapter Three demonstrates how the Historia’s description of the island Britain was adapted by later writers to construct geographical landscapes that emphasised the disunity of the island and subverted Geoffrey’s vision of insular unity. Chapter Four identifies how the letters between Britain and Rome in the Historia use argumentative rhetoric, myths of descent, and the discourse of freedom to establish the importance of political, national, or geographical independence. Chapter Five analyses how the relationships between the Arthur and his immediate kin group were used to challenge Geoffrey’s narrative of British history and emphasise problems of legitimacy, inheritance, and succession. -
Classical Mythology in the Victorian Popular Theatre Edith Hall
Pre-print of Hall, E. in International Journal of the Classical Tradition, (1998). Classical Mythology in the Victorian Popular Theatre Edith Hall Introduction: Classics and Class Several important books published over the last few decades have illuminated the diversity of ways in which educated nineteenth-century Britons used ancient Greece and Rome in their art, architecture, philosophy, political theory, poetry, and fiction. The picture has been augmented by Christopher Stray’s study of the history of classical education in Britain, in which he systematically demonstrates that however diverse the elite’s responses to the Greeks and Romans during this period, knowledge of the classical languages served to create and maintain class divisions and effectively to exclude women and working-class men from access to the professions and the upper levels of the civil service. This opens up the question of the extent to which people with little or no education in the classical languages knew about the cultures of ancient Greece and Rome. One of the most important aspects of the burlesques of Greek drama to which the argument turned towards the end of the previous chapter is their evidential value in terms of the access to classical culture available in the mid-nineteenth century to working- and lower- middle-class people, of both sexes, who had little or no formal training in Latin or Greek. For the burlesque theatre offered an exciting medium through which Londoners—and the large proportion of the audiences at London theatres who travelled in from the provinces—could appreciate classical material. Burlesque was a distinctive theatrical genre which provided entertaining semi-musical travesties of well-known texts and stories, from Greek tragedy and Ovid to Shakespeare and the Arabian Nights, between approximately the 1830s and the 1870s. -
Geoffrey of Monmouth and Medieval Welsh Historical Writing
Chapter 9 The Most Excellent Princes: Geoffrey of Monmouth and Medieval Welsh Historical Writing Owain Wyn Jones A late 14th-century manuscript of Brut y Brenhinedd (“History of the Kings”), the Welsh translation of Geoffrey of Monmouth’s De gestis Britonum, closes with a colophon by the scribe, Hywel Fychan, Hywel Fychan ap Hywel Goch of Buellt wrote this entire manuscript lest word or letter be forgotten, on the request and command of his master, none other than Hopcyn son of Tomos son of Einion … And in their opinion, the least praiseworthy of those princes who ruled above are Gwrtheyrn and Medrawd [Vortigern and Mordred]. Since because of their treachery and deceit and counsel the most excellent princes were ruined, men whose descendants have lamented after them from that day until this. Those who suffer pain and subjection and exile in their native land.1 These words indicate the central role Geoffrey’s narrative had by this point as- sumed not only in vernacular historical writing, but also in the way the Welsh conceived of their past and explained their present. Hywel was writing around the time of the outbreak of Owain Glyn Dŵr’s revolt, and the ethnic and co- lonial grievances which led to that war are here articulated with reference to the coming of the Saxons and the fall of Arthur.2 During the revolt itself, Glyn Dŵr’s supporters justified his cause with reference to the Galfridian past, for 1 Philadelphia, Library Company of Philadelphia, 8680.O, at fol. 68v: “Y llyuyr h6nn a yscri- uenn6ys Howel Vychan uab Howel Goch o Uuellt yn ll6yr onys g6naeth agkof a da6 geir neu lythyren, o arch a gorchymun y vaester, nyt amgen Hopkyn uab Thomas uab Eina6n … Ac o’e barn 6ynt, anuolyannussaf o’r ty6yssogyon uchot y llywyassant, G6rtheyrn a Medra6t.