DOCSLIB.ORG

It Is Well Documented That Many Dakota People Migrated Northward

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
It Is Well Documented That Many Dakota People Migrated Northward It is well documented that many Dakota people migrated northward into Canada immediately following the Minnesota Massacres of 1862.14 Many of these people settled in Manitoba and possibly further west. As a plains people they were tied to the buffalo harvest and implicated in the geopolitical struggles of not only the Minnesota Massacre, but also the Cypress Hills Massacre; the War of the Little Big Horn and the aftermath; as well as the Métis Rebellions. These events either included White Bear members or had direct effects upon the White Bear First Nations. The traditional land use, livelihood, and culture of the White Bear First Nations were dramatically changed by the pressures introduced by the European colonization of both Canada and the USA. As a Plains people, the importance of the land to the survival of the White Bear First Nations, and ultimately, to their language and culture cannot be underestimated. The next part of this book briefly outlines the traditional culture and language of these people and how their entire livelihood was intertwined with their use of the land and their harvesting practices. 14 The Minnesota Massacre of 1862 is also known as the Dakota War of 1862; the Sioux Uprising; the Dakota Uprising; the Sioux Outbreak; and Little Crow's War (Dollman, Darla S., 2012). 55 Chapter 4 – PLAINS CULTURE Although the White Bear First Nations camped in the Moose Mountains, the Assiniboine, Cree and Dakota peoples had originally come from or adopted what would be considered a plains cultural livelihood. A plains culture was based primarily on harvesting buffalo or bison and other animals which roamed throughout the prairies until the early 1880s. The buffalo herds provided most of the food, shelter and clothing to the plains cultures. A typical plains hunting party was made up of small family groups, with the men hunting and the women caring for their camps; preparing the meat; and tanning the hides. Although Chief White Bear’s family was Saulteaux they participated in the bison harvests as well as continuing their woodland cultural livelihood. The Canadian courts have defined Elders as those First Nation people who are acknowledged within their community as being the community’s traditional knowledge keepers. Elders are an intricate part of White Bear families and community. Elders are respected for their wisdom, knowledge, and experience. Respect is earned by the individual through their behavior and experience. To have respect for Elders has been a tradition maintained throughout the generations. Harmony was always the most striking feature of their lives. This harmony was not only evident within family life, but also through the level of cooperation found within the community. Traditional Governance In plains communities, social organization, families, clans and tribes were founded upon a system of kinship and intermarriage. Political decisions within a plains culture tended to be based upon the reaching of consensus among families and the Chief and his headmen. Also, Elder’s councils were consulted. The Anishinaabe traditions also involved consensus decision-making typical of egalitarian societies. Women held an important role in the decision making processes as they were important members of the communities and often played leadership roles. The organization of massive war parties against the Iroquois during the seventeenth century and Pontiac’s revolt in the eighteenth demonstrated that Great Lakes Village leaders when pressed, could act in very powerful ways. Indeed such events demonstrate that even if Indigenous governance was somewhat inscrutable to Western military, administrative and fur trade personnel, it was strong, decisive and effective to Anishinaabeg eyes (Miller, C. 2010). Some earlier literature has characterized such indigenous governance as too decentralized and weak. However, there is an emerging amount of study praising the indigenous governance structures and extoling their positive influences on western democracies15. It is apparent that attacks on the Anishinaabeg governance structure served the purposes of those who wished to transform and assimilate the Anishinaabe People into the European 15 Such as Benjamin Franklin’s use of the Iroquois federalism and the emergence of consensus democracy in decision making. 56 Christian model. This is particularly true of the approach taken towards the White Bear First Nations and the attempt at deposing him from leadership of the White Bear First Nations. Wahpeemakwa (White Bear) pursued a strategy of maintaining his people’s ability to survive by choosing a Reserve filled with lakes and bush in the Moose Mountains. Also, throughout the 1880s he pursued a policy of rebuffing the attempts of Christian missionaries and Euro-Canadian Schools, especially residential schools to assimilate the community. This strategy enabled the White Bear community to survive better than neighbouring bands but brought him in direct conflict with the Department of Indian Affairs (DIA). In 1889, the Indian Act contained within it provisions that violated the common law rights of the Indigenous people to self-governance and order –in-council was passed deposing Wahpeemakwa as Chief. The traditional governance structure was so strong however that for the next 8 years the DIA was unable to appoint a cooperative Chief or Headman. The result was that White Bear was restored as Chief and lived until 1900, even though he was then blind. It was in 1901 that the band was forcibly amalgamated with Ocean Man and Pheasant Rump. These two bands did not share the same vision and or same governance system and the resulting chaos of the merger and the loss of their Chief the year before undermined the continuation of their traditional governance systems.16 Chief Bill Standingready. First elected Chief of the White Bear First Nation. Photo courtesy of White Bear First Nations. 16 Ray, Arthur, J., Jim Millar and Frank Tough, Bounty and Benevolence, A history of Saskatchewan Treaties, McGill-Queens University Press, 2000. 57 Spirituality Plains peoples are spiritually connected to and in harmony with the environment. Many of their ceremonies and cultural ways reflect this spiritualism as a way of life. White Bear traditional culture is based upon ideologies in which humans formed a part of, but were not necessarily central to, creation. Humans existed within a web of life in which all entities, be they inanimate, plant, animal or natural, possessed a spiritual dimension of their own. Life is a process of developing relationships and striving for well-being within this ‘Circle of Life’: Indians believe God knows our hearts and loved the world, just as Christian beliefs, but long before Christians came to tell us” (Elder Fred Standingready, Living Archives, 2012). Traditional spiritualism revolves around the Great Spirit or Creator who provides for all his people. The Great Spirit is the creator of all, giving a spirit to all things – wind, water, land, plants, animals, and people. Sweetgrass17, fungus, sage and tobacco are often part of prayers and a ways of giving thanks to the Great Spirit. They are used as purifiers of the mind and body, and also to give prayers additional strength. When gifts such as herbs, medicinal plants and animals are taken from Mother Earth, tobacco is offered in place of the spirit taken, and thanks are given. Tobacco is also offered to Elders, healers, and spiritual leaders when someone is seeking their knowledge, advice, prayers or medicines. Plains ceremonies reflect this worldview: for example, the burning of sweetgrass represents communication with the spirit world; the vision quest is a connection with protector spirits; the sweat lodge is a spiritual cleansing; and the thirst (or rain) dance symbolizes the process of renewal of life. Closeness to the land and natural environment is central to such a belief system “They do have sweats here. A couple of people have their sweat lodges (Nadine Shepherd, 2013): They have a sweat here once a week. And they have sweats on other Reserves that I go to, like Oceanman. There are three active sweats on White Bear, so you could take one in once a week (Michael Lonechild, 2013). White Bear culture embodies a variety of ceremonies, all held for different reasons, many of which are still actively practiced today. Some were held to request gifts that the Great Spirit could give to the people such as family health, inner strength, and successful hunts. Others give thanks for all things the Great Spirit has already honoured them with. While others still, offer remembrance for ones who have left them, to join the spirit world: Just look at them as a way of a good life - this has been their intention, because of the spiritual aspect and the balance they bring into our lives … Our ceremonies are part of who we are, handed down from past generations, and they will 17 Sweetgrass, also known as Holy Grass, Buffalo Grass, Vanilla Grass, and Zebrovka, is one of the four sacred plants to the Cree: Sweetgrass; Cedar; Sage; and Tobacco. (Edwin Paul, AFN Member). 58 continue to mold us as they were intended to do (Elder Francis Lonechild, Living Archives, 2012). The Smudge, for example, is a cleansing ceremony that is another very important spiritual aspect of Plains life. Smudging was always performed with care, love, and reverence that depicted respect to the plants that were given for healing. The Plains peopled honour these plants, as they then return the favour by keeping them well and free from disease and negative energy. In plains culture, the Sweat Lodge is a holy place for the offering of prayers to the Creator, resulting in both physical and spiritual healing. Although this ceremony provides a cure for illness and physical revitalization, the purpose of this sacred healing ceremony goes far beyond cleaning the body. For the White Bear, this ceremony heals the mind, emotions, and soul, allowing participants to connect and communicate with the Creator, spirit helpers, and all the generations and ancestors who came before them (Laframboise, 2008).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Symbolic Role of Animals in the Plains Indian Sun Dance Elizabeth
    17 The Symbolic Role of Animals in the Plains Indian Sun Dance 1 Elizabeth Atwood Lawrence TUFTS UNIVERSITY For many tribes of Plains Indians whose bison-hunting culture flourished during the 18th and 19th centuries, the sun dance was the major communal religious ceremony. Generally held in late spring or early summer, the rite celebrates renewal-the spiritual rebirth of participants and their relatives as well as the regeneration of the living earth with all its components. The sun dance reflects relationships with nature that are characteristic of the Plains ethos, and includes symbolic representations of various animal species, particularly the eagle and the buffalo, that once played vital roles in the lives of the people and are still endowed with sacredness and special powers. The ritual, involving sacrifice and supplication to insure harmony between all living beings, continues to be practiced by many contemporary native Americans. For many tribes of Plains Indians whose buffalo-hunting culture flowered during the 18th and 19th centuries, the sun dance was the major communal religious ceremony. Although details of the event differed in various groups, certain elements were common to most tribal traditions. Generally, the annual ceremony was held in late spring or early summer when people from different bands gathered together again following the dispersal that customarily took place in winter. The sun dance, a ritual of sacrifice performed by virtually all of the High Plains peoples, has been described among the Arapaho, Arikara, Assiniboin, Bannock, Blackfeet, Blood, Cheyenne, Plains Cree, Crow, Gros Ventre, Hidatsa, Kiowa, Mandans, Ojibway, Omaha, Ponca, Sarsi, Shoshone, Sioux (Dakota), and Ute (Spier, 1921, p.
    [Show full text]
  • HANSARD) Published Under the Authority of the Honourable P
    FIRST SESSION - TWENTY-FIFTH LEGISLATURE of the Legislative Assembly of Saskatchewan ____________ DEBATES and PROCEEDINGS ____________ (HANSARD) Published under the authority of The Honourable P. Myron Kowalsky Speaker N.S. VOL. XLVII NO. 54A THURSDAY, JUNE 10, 2004, 1:30 p.m. MEMBERS OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY OF SASKATCHEWAN Speaker — Hon. P. Myron Kowalsky Premier — Hon. Lorne Calvert Leader of the Opposition — Brad Wall Name of Member Political Affiliation Constituency Addley, Graham NDP Saskatoon Sutherland Allchurch, Denis SP Rosthern-Shellbrook Atkinson, Hon. Pat NDP Saskatoon Nutana Bakken, Brenda SP Weyburn-Big Muddy Beatty, Hon. Joan NDP Cumberland Belanger, Hon. Buckley NDP Athabasca Bjornerud, Bob SP Melville-Saltcoats Borgerson, Lon NDP Saskatchewan Rivers Brkich, Greg SP Arm River-Watrous Calvert, Hon. Lorne NDP Saskatoon Riversdale Cheveldayoff, Ken SP Saskatoon Silver Springs Chisholm, Michael SP Cut Knife-Turtleford Cline, Hon. Eric NDP Saskatoon Massey Place Crofford, Hon. Joanne NDP Regina Rosemont D’Autremont, Dan SP Cannington Dearborn, Jason SP Kindersley Draude, June SP Kelvington-Wadena Eagles, Doreen SP Estevan Elhard, Wayne SP Cypress Hills Forbes, Hon. David NDP Saskatoon Centre Gantefoer, Rod SP Melfort Hagel, Glenn NDP Moose Jaw North Hamilton, Doreen NDP Regina Wascana Plains Harpauer, Donna SP Humboldt Harper, Ron NDP Regina Northeast Hart, Glen SP Last Mountain-Touchwood Heppner, Ben SP Martensville Hermanson, Elwin SP Rosetown-Elrose Higgins, Hon. Deb NDP Moose Jaw Wakamow Huyghebaert, Yogi SP Wood River Iwanchuk, Andy NDP Saskatoon Fairview Junor, Judy NDP Saskatoon Eastview Kerpan, Allan SP Carrot River Valley Kirsch, Delbert SP Batoche Kowalsky, Hon. P. Myron NDP Prince Albert Carlton Krawetz, Ken SP Canora-Pelly Lautermilch, Eldon NDP Prince Albert Northcote McCall, Warren NDP Regina Elphinstone-Centre McMorris, Don SP Indian Head-Milestone Merriman, Ted SP Saskatoon Northwest Morgan, Don SP Saskatoon Southeast Morin, Sandra NDP Regina Walsh Acres Nilson, Hon.
    [Show full text]
  • White Bear First Nations Chief and Council V. Canada
    Federal Court Cour fédérale Date: 20110323 Docket: T-2128-09 Citation: 2011 FC 361 Ottawa, Ontario, March 23, 2011 PRESENT: The Honourable Mr. Justice Phelan 2011 FC 361 (CanLII) BETWEEN: WHITE BEAR FIRST NATIONS CHIEF AND COUNCIL, on their own behalf and on behalf of all the members of the WHITE BEAR FIRST NATIONS Applicant and THE MINISTER OF INDIAN AFFAIRS AND NORTHERN DEVELOPMENT, on behalf of Her Majesty the Queen in Right of Canada Respondent and OCEAN MAN BAND CHIEF AND COUNCILLORS, on their own behalf and on behalf of the members of the OCEAN MAN BAND OF INDIANS Respondent REASONS FOR JUDGMENT AND JUDGMENT Page: 2 I. INTRODUCTION [1] The matter under judicial review is the Minister of Indian and Northern Affairs Canada’s (Minister) decision to withhold two-thirds of monies under dispute in protracted litigation before this Court involving some of the parties to this judicial review. The monies were transferred to a suspense account pending the outcome of that litigation (the McArthur litigation). II. BACKGROUND 2011 FC 361 (CanLII) [2] The McArthur litigation in the Federal Court involves the White Bear First Nation (White Bear), the Ocean Man Band of Indians (Ocean Band), the Pheasant’s Rump Nakota Band of Indians (Pheasant Rump) and the Minister. The claim relates to the allegedly wrongful amalgamation of these three Bands, the beneficial ownership of oil-rich lands and an accounting for and payment of past and future profits and royalties from these lands. [3] The McArthur litigation involves, amongst other matters, entitlement to some $8 million of royalties held in White Bear’s account maintained by and with the Minister.
    [Show full text]
  • The Lakota Sun Dance: a Composite View and Analysis
    Copyright © 1976 by the South Dakota State Historical Society. All Rights Reserved. The Lakota Sun Dance: A Composite View and Analysis MICHAEL E.N4EL0DY The Lakota Sun Dance is the archetypal expression of western Sioux religious belief. In a sense, the dance is the public, ritualized manifestation of an understanding of reality that was shared among the group as a whole. In the context of a cosmological society, the dance represents the people's participation in the life of the cosmos itself. In this, the Sun Dance is similar to the rituals of other cosmological societies such as the Mesopotamian New Year's Festival.' The literature on the old form of the Sun Dance varies greatly in quality. Surprisingly, there are only four major accounts of the ritual. Anthropologists seem to have been preoccupied by questions regarding diffusion. There are, however, a plethora of short articles that typically record eyewitness experiences. Besides these works there are only derivative narratives, usually based upon the work of only one of the major commentators.^ 1. This article is based upon my dissertation, "The Sacred Hoop: The Way of the Chiiicahua Apache and Teton Lakota" (Ph.D. diss.. University of Notre Dame, 1976). Much of the information in this article was acquired on a research grant provided by the dean of the College of Aits and Letters, Professor Frederick Crosson, and the chairman of the Department of Government, George Brinkley. The cosmos is a whole in that the gods are included within its bounds, there is no concept of transcendence; see Henri Frankfort, et al.
    [Show full text]
  • White Bear First Nations' Participation in World Wars
    boundaries eh; just a territory which was Sioux or Cree and you couldn’t go west because the Blackfoot were controlling the foothills and mountain areas. That’s my understanding (WBFNs Elder George Sparvier, 2012). That was the Riel Rebellion. The paranoia of the soldiers and the people; they sent them down here. Grandfather was registered in Turtle Mountain. (During the Riel Rebellion) They didn’t want them to get involved in the Riel Rebellion (WBFNs Elder Almer Standingready, 2012). Especially the young men. So a number of them went down (to Turtle Mountain) (WBFNs Elder Phyllis Gibson, 2012) Upon the end of this rebellion, the Government of Canada convicted 19 Métis and 33 natives of offenses related to the uprising. Ironically, only a few Métis were hanged but Canadians witnessed a mass hanging of non-Métis native people who participated in the rebellion. Cree Chiefs Big Bear, Poundmaker, and One Arrow were each found guilty of treason-felony, and sentenced to three years in Stoney Mountain Penitentiary. A fourth Chief, the Dakota leader White Cap, was acquitted of charges despite being a member of Riel’s Exovedate9 Council (Canadian Encyclopedia, 2012). After the Northwest/ Riel Rebellion the Government instituted a series of repressive policies against the indigenous peoples. These measures, which went against the spirit of the treaties, included forcible confinement to Reserves, the dismantling of aboriginal culture and the removal of children to residential schools for assimilation (Stonechild, 2007). These measures were in stark contrast to the results of the first resistance in Manitoba and had deep and lasting effects upon indigenous peoples in Canada including the White Bear First Nations, despite the fact that White Bear did not participate in the Rebellion.
    [Show full text]
  • Nation Builder Report 2014
    Nation Builder Report 2014 - 2015 The Board of Directors is pleased to present the 2014-2015 Nation Builder Report. The information contained in this report provides data that guides program staff in monitoring student success and developing programming to best serve students, teachers, and staff in 11 First Nations. Built on the wisdom of our ancestors, our vision to Honour, Embrace, and Implement Treaty Rights to Education maintains our focus to ensure that all participating schools benefit from rich and meaningful learning programs. The Board is committed to setting high standards of excellence. With an eye on future Nation Builders, efforts are made to balance local autonomy with the corporate structure of the T4EA organization. 2014-15 Nation Builder Report Certificate of Incorporation 2014-15 Nation Builder Report Audit and Financial Reporting 2014-15 Budget Allocation School Success Planning Performance Measurement Other Early Years Initiative New Paths Administration Director of Education Contracts Student Learning Assessment Structural Readiness Summer Student Program based on $3,916,584.07 2014-15 Nation Builder Report Board of Directors Chief Norman Whitehawk • Cote First Nation Chief Terry Lavallee • Cowessess First Nation Councillor Sheryl Kayseas • Fishing Lake First Nation Councillor Michael Bob • Kahkewistahaw First Nation Councillor Delvern Poorman • Kawacatoose First Nation Chief Lyndon Musqua • Keeseekoose First Nation Chief Reginald Bellerose* • Muskowewkwan First Nation Chief Connie Big Eagle • Ocean Man First Nation
    [Show full text]
  • Figure 8: Treaty 4 Adhesion-Original Moose Mountain Reserves
    the year before gave their adhesion to the Treaty. Those signing included: Wah-pee- makwa; The White Bear; Okanes; Payepot; Le Coup de Pheasant (Pheasant Rump); and Kitchi-kah-me-win (Ocean Man). Although the Reserve of the Chief Wahpemakwas (White Bear) descendants was geographically located in the western regions of Treaty 2, White Bear signed the Treaty 4 adhesion in 1875, and accepted a Reserve on the southeast flank of the Moose Mountains in 1877. This Reserve was established for the use and benefit of both the Nuh kaw e and Cree Bands living in the region. While White Bears Cree and Saulteaux members did explore some agricultural activities after the establishment of this Reserve, they preferred and continued to follow their traditional lifestyle of hunting, fishing, trapping and gathering on the Reserve and throughout the area (Thompson, C., 2006) Due to pressures for farmland at the turn of the 20th century, land speculators pressured Canada to force the surrender of the Pheasant Rump #68 and the Ocean Man #69 First Nation Reserves in the nearby Moose Mountains. In 1901, a total of 47,100 acres of land were surrendered to Canada and the members of Pheasant Rump and Ocean Man were moved to the White Bear Reserve. The amalgamation in 1901 intensified the association of the languages and cultures of the different tribal affiliations. Recently Pheasant Rump and Ocean Man have successfully regained independent reserves however White Bear still retains many family association and cultural effects of the forced amalgamation. Figure 8: Treaty 4 Adhesion-Original Moose Mountain Reserves 39 Figure 9: White Bear First Nations Reserve Today 40 Chapter 3 – MIGRATION Migration Legend of the Ojibwe to the New Land The following migration legend is shared by the Passamaquoddy peoples, part of the Wabanaki Ojibwe of Eastern Canada When the seven prophets came to the Ojibwe with instructions about life from the Creator, the People were living in the east on the shores of the Great Salt Water.
    [Show full text]
  • What Sort of Indian Will Show the Way? Colonization, Mediation, and Interpretation in the Sun Dance Contact Zone
    WHAT SORT OF INDIAN WILL SHOW THE WAY? COLONIZATION, MEDIATION, AND INTERPRETATION IN THE SUN DANCE CONTACT ZONE DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Sandra Garner, B.A., M.A. Graduate Program in Comparative Studies The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Lindsay Jones, Advisor Maurice Stevens Richard Shiels Copyright by Sandra Garner 2010 ABSTRACT This research project focuses on the Sun Dance, an Indigenous ritual particularly associated with Siouan people, as a site of cultural expression where multiple, often conflicting concerns, compete for hegemonic dominance. Since European contact the Sun Dance has been variously practiced, suppressed, reclaimed, revitalized, and transformed. It has also evoked strong sentiments both from those that sought to eradicate its practices as well as those who have sought its continuance. In spite of a period of intense colonial repression, during the last three decades the Siouan form of the Sun Dance has become one of the most widely practiced religious rituals from Indigenous North America and the number of Sun Dances held and the numbers of people participating has grown significantly. How has the Sun Dance ritual endured in spite of a lengthy history of repression? What is it about the Sun Dance that evokes such powerful sentiments? And, how do we account for the growth of the Sun Dance. I argue that the current growth and practice of the Sun Dance must be considered within the context of colonialism; a central focus of this dissertation. I identify the complex and messy ways that individuals mediate the inequitable power relations that shape colonialist interactions, as well as the way they interpret these social spaces.
    [Show full text]
  • The Traditional Symbolism of the Sun Dance Lodge Among the Wind River Shoshoni by ÅKE HULTKRANTZ
    The Traditional Symbolism of the Sun Dance Lodge among the Wind River Shoshoni By ÅKE HULTKRANTZ 1. Introductory remarks Of all the North American Indian religious ceremonies no one is as spec- tacular and as well-known as the Sun Dance of the Plains Indians'. The in- formation collected on the subject since the turn of the century is quite extensive2. However, while there is a mass of materials on the outer features of the Dance, on behavioural and ritual aspects, there is very little information on its religious aspects, in particular the meaning of the ritual. As F. Eggan has stated, "despite all the studies of the Sun Dance we still do not have an adequate account giving us the meaning and signifi- cance of the rituals for the participants and for the tribe. One such account would enable us to revalue the whole literature of the Sun Dance"3. Neither is there any thorough study of the religious symbolism of any Sun Dance, although for instance G. Dorsey's monograph on the Arapaho Sun Dance observes meticulously all pertinent details (Dorsey 1903)4. The comparative studies of the Sun Dance dismiss the religious meaning of the Dance as unessential. The following pronouncement by such an authority as Robert Lowie is representative: the Sun Dance "does not re- volve about the worship of a particular deity, the popular English name for it being a misnomer, but is a composite of largely unintegrated elements prominent in the area at large. The remarkable thing about it is the wide distribution of many objective features, while the interpretations and os- tensible motives for holding it vary widely.
    [Show full text]
  • 40000 Missions Across Western Canada
    2018/19 Missions SINCE 1985, STARS HAS FLOWN MORE THAN 40,000 MISSIONS ACROSS WESTERN CANADA. Below are 812 STARS missions carried out during 2018/19 from our bases in Regina and Saskatoon. Saskatchewan Ahtahkakoop Cree Nation 1 Albertville 1 Allan 2 Alvena 2 Arborfield1 Arcola 12 Assiniboia 9 Axford 1 Aylesbury 1 Beechy 1 Belle Plaine 3 Bengough 4 Bethune 4 Big River 1 Big River First Nation 1 Biggar 9 Blaine Lake 1 Broadview 15 Bruno 2 Buffalo Pound Park 1 Bulyea 1 Burstall 1 Calder 1 Candle Lake 1 Canora 4 Caronport 1 Chamberlain 2 Chitek Lake 1 Christopher Lake 1 Climax 1 Colonsay 1 Corinne 1 Coronach 2 Coteau Beach 1 Cowessess First Nation 1 Craik 2 Cudworth 1 Cumberland House 2 Cupar 1 Cutbank 1 D’Arcy 2 Davidson 2 Debden 1 Delisle 1 Denholm 1 Disley 1 Duck Lake 2 Dundurn 4 Eatonia 1 Edenwold 1 Elfros 1 Elrose 3 Elstow 1 Emma Lake 1 Englefeld 1 Esterhazy 11 Estevan 24 Eston 2 Etter’s Beach 1 Fillmore 1 Findlater 1 Fishing Lake First Nation 1 Fort Qu’Appelle 20 George Gordon First Nation 1 Grandview Beach 1 Gravelbourg 6 Hafford 1 Hanley 1 Harris 2 Herbert 2 Hodgeville 1 Humboldt 9 Indian Head 8 Ituna 1 James Smith Cree Nation 1 Kamsack 9 Katepwa Beach 1 Kelliher 1 Kelvington 10 Kenosee Lake 1 Kerrobert 6 Kincaid 1 Kindersley 12 Kipling 9 Krydor 1 La Ronge 4 Lajord 1 Lampman 2 Langham 1 Lanigan 4 Leader 4 Lemberg 1 Lestock 4 Liberty 1 Lily Plain 1 Little Bear Lake 1 Little Black Bear First Nation 1 Loreburn 1 Lumsden 3 MacNutt 2 Maidstone 3 Manitou Beach 1 Maple Creek 2 Martensville 1 Mayfield1 Meadow Lake 15 Melfort 15 Melville 7
    [Show full text]
  • Vol. Xvi, Part Vii
    ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN. MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY VOL. XVI, PART VII THE SUN DANCE OF THE PLAINS INDIANS: ITS DEVELOP- MENT AND DIFFUSION BY LESLIE SPIER NENV YORK PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE TRUSTEES 1921 THE SUN DANCE OF THE PLAINS INDIANS: ITS DEVELOP- MENT AND DIFFUSION. BY LESLIE SPIER. 451 PREFACE. Most Plains tribes had the sun dance: in fact, it was performed by all the typical tribes except the Comanche. Since the dance has not been held for years by some tribes, viz., Dakota, Gros Ventre, Sutaio, Arikara, Hidatsa, Crow, and Kiowa, the data available for a comparative study vary widely in value. The chief sources of information outside of this volume are the accounts by G. A. Dorsey for the Arapaho, Cheyenne, and Ponca; Kroeber for the Arapaho and Gros Ventre; Curtis for the Arikara; and Lowie and Curtis for the Assiniboin. There is no published informa- tion for the Fort Hall Shoshoni, Bannock, Kutenai, or Sutaio. So far as I am aware there has been no general discussion of the sun dance. Hutton Webster in his "Secret Societies" considers it, without giving proof, an initiation ceremony. It is the aim of the present study to reconstruct the history of the sun dance and to investigate the char- acter of the factors that determined its development. By a discussion of the distribution of traits-regalia, behavior, ideas of organization, and explanatory myths-it will be shown that the ceremony among all the tribes has grown chiefly by intertribal borrowing. It will be demon- strated further that the center of development has been in the central Plains among the Arapaho, Cheyenne, and Oglala, and that the original nucleus of sun dance rites probably received its first specific character at the hands of the Arapaho and Cheyenne, or of this couple and the Village tribes.
    [Show full text]
  • Outstanding a Connection Wanuskewin 100 Km
    JULY 2010 VOLUME 13 - NUMBER 7 FREE Record crowds expected at Batoche Photo by John Lagimodiere By Andréa Ledding amidst all descendants. For Eagle Feather News “Something like this, it opens eyes not only obert Doucette, president of Métis Nation – nationally but internationally, throughout North Saskatchewan (MN-S) has high hopes for this America.” year’s 125thAnniversary Back To Batoche Cele- Doucette has already seen all kinds of brations and Commemorations. amazing artifacts – the rededication of the Red R“I think that once in a person’s lifetime they get the Cross flag that flew for the first time on chance to participate in something that has provided Canadian soil in 1885, tending soldiers from some change. I’m not talking about cosmetic change, both sides, and held Gabriel Dumont’s pipe in I’m talking real change, something lasting and leaving his hands – and heard stories of descendants a legacy. meeting and reconciling. And if there was ever a year and a celebration “I believe this is an event that is going to it’s the 125th celebration of the anniversary of leave lasting positive change for everyone in Batoche,” said Doucette. this country and on this continent. And change He sees the event as bringing families and commu- for the good,” said Doucette. nities back together, with healing and reconciliation • Continued On Page 12 100 KM RUN A CONNECTION Shannon Louttitt is Awomanwithtiesto trainingforalongrun ahistoricchurchis Welcome to our in her moccasins. visitingStanley Back to Batoche - Page 3 Mission. -Page 25 Edition Coming In August: OUTSTANDING TORNADO TERROR WANUSKEWIN Justice Tristan Durocher is a Kawacatooseis ThebelovedHeritage Issue SaskTel Youth Award reelingafteranearly Parkhasofficiallyre- winner.
    [Show full text]