DOCSLIB.ORG

BBC Attitude Survey 2006

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
BBC Attitude Survey 2006 BBC Attitude Survey 2006 BBC Hearts and Minds November 2006 Full Results Who Took Part? Key Statistics Who Took Part? Key Statistics 1,100 persons in total responded to the survey. Interviews took place across all 18 Constituencies and 26 District Council Areas of Northern Ireland (43 sampling points in total). Fully representative results of Northern Ireland adult population in terms of age, gender, religion, geography and social class. Sex breakdown - Male (49%), Female (51%). Age breakdown - 18-24 (19.7%), 25-34 (20.2%), 35-44 (20.1%), 45-59 (20.7%), 60+ (19.1%). Socio-economic groupings - ABC1 (38.8%), C2DE (60.7%), refused (0.5%). Religion breakdown - Protestant (56.2%), Catholic (43.8%). Polling took place during the 27th - 30th October 2006. Margin of Error 2.95 %. The Results Each question is now analysed. Firstly, the total result and all percentages are listed. This is followed by the Unionist and Nationalist split. Note: The Unionist/Nationalist/Other profile is based on the responses provided at ‘Question 9’ - ‘If an election were held tomorrow to elect a new assembly, which of these parties would best represent your views?’ Q1. Do you think that Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness will be installed as shadow first minister and deputy first minister, respectively, by 24th November? % TOTAL UNIONIST NATIONALIST OTHER Base: 1,099 584 439 66 Yes 31.0 33.4 28.2 31.8 No 69.0 66.6 71.8 68.2 Q1. Do you think that Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness will be installed as shadow first minister and deputy first minister, respectively, by 24th November? % UUP SDLP DUP SF Alliance* Other Other Other* Unionist* Nationalist* Base: 195 185 336 221 38 53 33 28 Yes 40.5 35.1 29.5 24.4 23.7 32.1 15.2 42.9 No 59.5 64.9 70.5 75.6 76.3 67.9 84.8 57.1 * Note small bases Please note data excludes ‘not answered’ and ‘refused’ Q2. Do you believe the Northern Ireland Assembly will be fully operational by 26th March 2007? % TOTAL UNIONIST NATIONALIST OTHER Base: 1,099 584 439 66 Yes 37.3 35.4 40.1 39.4 No 62.7 64.6 59.9 60.6 Q2. Do you believe the Northern Ireland Assembly will be fully operational by 26th March 2007? % UUP SDLP DUP SF Alliance* Other Other Other* Unionist* Nationalist* Base: 195 185 336 221 38 53 33 28 Yes 40.0 44.9 33.6 38.0 28.9 30.2 27.3 53.6 No 60.0 55.1 66.4 62.0 71.1 69.8 72.7 46.4 * Note small bases Please note data excludes ‘not answered’ and ‘refused’ Q3. Do you support the St. Andrews Agreement? % TOTAL UNIONIST NATIONALIST OTHER Base: 1,095 582 437 66 Yes 54.3 48.5 61.8 60.6 No 22.8 26.1 19.5 15.2 Don’t know 22.8 25.4 18.8 24.2 Q3. Do you support the St. Andrews Agreement? Don’t knows excluded % TOTAL UNIONIST NATIONALIST OTHER Base: 839 434 355 50 Yes 70.6 65.0 76.1 80.0 No 29.4 35.0 23.9 20.0 Please note data excludes ‘not answered’ and ‘refused’ Q3. Do you support the St. Andrews Agreement? % UUP SDLP DUP SF Alliance* Other Other Other* Unionist* Nationalist* Base: 195 183 335 221 38 52 33 28 Yes 51.8 71.6 46.6 57.9 63.2 48.1 33.3 57.1 No 19.0 9.8 31.9 23.1 13.2 15.4 48.5 17.9 Don’t know 29.2 18.6 21.5 19.0 23.7 36.5 18.2 25.0 * Note small bases Please note data excludes ‘not answered’ and ‘refused’ Q4. Do you think a fresh assembly election is necessary to form a new devolved government? % TOTAL UNIONIST NATIONALIST OTHER Base: 1,081 576 430 65 Yes 48.0 45.5 53.5 32.3 No 52.0 54.5 46.5 67.7 Q4. Do you think a fresh assembly election is necessary to form a new devolved government? % UUP SDLP DUP SF Alliance* Other Other Other* Unionist* Nationalist* Base: 192 184 334 214 37 50 32 28 Yes 51.6 50.5 41.3 54.2 29.7 50.0 65.6 35.7 No 48.4 49.5 58.7 45.8 70.3 50.0 34.4 64.3 * Note small bases Please note data excludes ‘not answered’ and ‘refused’ Q5. The Assembly at Stormont has been suspended for some time. Do you think that Northern Ireland has been better or worse off without Devolution? % TOTAL UNIONIST NATIONALIST OTHER Base: 1,094 582 436 66 Better Off 5.8 6.7 3.2 13.6 Worse Off 56.3 54.3 59.6 53.0 No real change 37.9 39.0 37.2 33.3 Please note data excludes ‘not answered’ and ‘refused’ Q6. If no deal is done by November 24, what do you think should happen next? % TOTAL UNIONIST NATIONALIST OTHER Base: 1,096 583 438 65 Another attempt to start Devolution in 2007 29.4 36.9 18.9 33.8 Continuation of Direct Rule - long-term 18.2 27.6 5.9 15.4 Joint authority over Northern Ireland by London and Dublin 17.1 4.1 35.8 7.7 Increased North/South cooperation 9.6 1.5 19.4 13.8 Deadlines should be extended until Christmas to give politicians more time 25.7 29.8 19.9 29.2 Please note data excludes ‘not answered’ and ‘refused’ Q7. Do you think the St. Andrews Agreement has weakened or strengthened Northern Ireland’s position within the UK? % TOTAL UNIONIST NATIONALIST OTHER Base: 1,097 582 439 66 Strengthened 21.9 27.0 15.3 24.2 Neither strengthened nor weakened 55.1 51.0 59.0 62.1 Weakened 23.1 22.0 25.7 13.6 Please note data excludes ‘not answered’ and ‘refused’ Q8. Do you think Northern Ireland will still be part of the United Kingdom in 2020? % TOTAL UNIONIST NATIONALIST OTHER Base: 1,096 582 438 66 Yes 64.5 82.3 38.1 81.8 No 35.5 17.7 61.9 18.2 Q8. Do you think Northern Ireland will still be part of the United Kingdom in 2020? % UUP SDLP DUP SF Alliance* Other Other Other* Unionist* Nationalist* Base: 195 185 335 220 38 52 33 28 Yes 81.0 59.5 83.9 23.6 81.6 76.9 15.2 82.1 No 19.0 40.5 16.1 76.4 18.4 23.1 84.8 17.9 * Note small bases Please note data excludes ‘not answered’ and ‘refused’ Tracking - Do you think Northern Ireland will still be part of the United Kingdom in 2020? % UNIONIST NATIONALIST February 1998 Yes 69.0 49.8 No 31.0 50.2 March 1999 Yes 61.6 38.4 No 38.4 61.6 May 2000 Yes 61.0 45.1 No 39.0 54.9 September 2001 Yes 66.9 39.8 No 33.1 60.2 October 2002 Yes 65.5 37.6 No 34.5 62.4 November 2006 Yes 82.3 38.1 No 17.7 61.9 Please note data excludes ‘not answered’ and ‘refused’ Tracking Question - Do you think Northern Ireland will still be part of the United Kingdom in 2020? 100 90 80 82.3 70 69 66.9 65.5 60 61.6 61 Nationalist 50 49.8 Unionist 45.1 40 38.4 39.8 37.6 38.1 30 20 % stating yes 10 0 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 February March May September October November Q9. If an election were held tomorrow to elect a new assembly, which of these parties would best represent your views? BASE: 1,100 TOTAL TOTAL % % Ulster Unionist Party 17.7 Northern Ireland Unionist Party 1.4 SDLP 16.8 Republican Sinn Fein 2.4 Democratic Unionist Party 30.6 32 Country Sovereignty Committee 0.6 Sinn Fein 20.1 Conservative 0.5 Alliance 3.5 Green Party 2.1 Progressive Unionist Party 1.6 Don’t know/no party would represent my views 0.9 UK Unionist 1.8 Please note data excludes ‘not answered’ and ‘refused’ Q9. Which of the following groupings/parties would best represent your views? All All Unionist Nationalist % % % Base: 1,090 TOTAL Base: 585 TOTAL Base: 439 TOTAL Unionist 53.7 UUP 33.3 SDLP 42.1 Nationalist 40.3 DUP 57.6 SF 50.3 Other 6.1 UKU 3.4 RSF 5.9 PUP 3.1 32CSC 1.6 NIUP 2.6 Please note data excludes ‘not answered’ and ‘refused’ Q10. DUP VOTERS ONLY. Should the DUP enter into government with Sinn Fein? % DUP Base: 329 Now without any preconditions 7.3 When Sinn Fein signs up to policing 45.6 Only if the IRA Army Council is disbanded 24.9 They should never share power 22.2 Please note data excludes ‘not answered’ and ‘refused’ Q11. SINN FEIN VOTERS ONLY. Should the Sinn Fein sign up to policing? % Sinn Fein Base: 214 Immediately 7.5 Only after the endorsement of an Ard Fheis 51.4 Only after the Assembly is fully restored 22.9 Never 18.2 Please note data excludes ‘not answered’ and ‘refused’ Q12. ALL UNIONIST ONLY. Ian Paisley is 80. When he retires, who would you like to see lead the DUP? BASE: 565 TOTAL TOTAL % % Peter Robinson Gregory Campbell 32.0 7.1 Nigel Dodds Jeffrey Donaldson 12.7 19.3 Jim Allister Other 5.0 1.2 Ian Paisley Jnr.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • WORSHAM-DOCUMENT-2019.Pdf
    Democracy and the Fallacy of the Post-Conflict Era in Northern Ireland The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Worsham, Nicole A. 2019. Democracy and the Fallacy of the Post- Conflict Era in Northern Ireland. Master's thesis, Harvard Extension School. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:42004239 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Democracy and the Fallacy of the Post -Conflict Era in Northern Ireland Nicole A. Worsham A Thesis in the Field of International Relations for the Degree of Master of Liberal Arts in Extension Studies Harvard University May 2019 © 2019 Nicole A. Worsham Abstract While Northern Ireland has experienced a period of relative peace since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, entrenched, age-old tensions persist between those of opposing political persuasions, and between those of different religions. Those tensions continue to manifest themselves in ways which disprove the notion that Northern Ireland is in a post-conflict era. Further, demographic shifts, social changes, and external pressures make the status quo in Northern Ireland untenable. Profound uncertainty over Brexit now threatens the structure and foundation of government, and, perhaps of more immediate concern, the devolved local Executive and Assembly of Northern Ireland have collapsed, with little evidence that local government may be restored in the near term.
    [Show full text]
  • A Year in Review, the Year Ahead
    2018: A YEAR IN REVIEW, 2019: THE YEAR AHEAD Foreword from Rt Hon Patricia Hewitt, Senior Adviser, FTI Consulting 2018 was the most unpredictable and tumultuous year in politics … since 2017. Which was the most unpredictable and tumultuous year in politics … since 2016. And there’s no sign of let-up as we move into 2019. The unresolved questions of Brexit - how? when? whether at all? - will inevitably dominate the coming year. Even if Theresa May brings back from Brussels a new political declaration sufficiently compelling to command a majority in Parliament - a highly unlikely prospect at the time of writing - the end of March will mean the start of a fresh, complex round of negotiations on a future trade deal, conducted under the shadow of the Irish backstop. For most people, that would be preferable to the collapse of Mrs May’s deal and, almost inevitably, the collapse of her government and a subsequent constitutional crisis. Faced with the choice between revoking Article 50 or leaving the European Union (EU) without a deal, the Commons could well produce a majority for a new referendum. Under the pressure of a leadership contest, the personal and political rancour in the Conservative Party could finally break apart Europe’s hitherto most successful party of government. A no-confidence vote that would be defeated today could command enough votes from the Brexiteers’ kamikaze tendency to force another General Election. And Labour - with most of its moderates MPs replaced by Corbynistas in last-minute candidate selections - could win on a ‘cake and eat it’ manifesto of a Brexit that would end free movement but provide frictionless trade (Irish backstop, anyone?).
    [Show full text]
  • MANIFESTO GENERAL ELECTION 2019 PARTY MANIFESTO Let’S Get the UK Moving AGAIN
    Let’s Get the UK Moving AGAIN MANIFESTO GENERAL ELECTION 2019 PARTY MANIFESTO Let’s Get the UK Moving AGAIN Leader’s Message he Democratic Unionist Party has set The outcome of this election is not assured. This out our 12-point plan to deliver on the manifesto and our 12-point plan for a brighter Tpeople’s priorities on health, education, future would be the basis on which we would jobs, childcare and protecting the vulnerable negotiate with those seeking our support. We through having a working Assembly back and will talk to both Conservatives and Labour but an All-Party Executive in place. we are clear we will not support Jeremy Corbyn We are now offering our manifesto for the United as Prime Minister. Kingdom, the sister document for our plan to get Others seek a mandate to do nothing in this Northern Ireland moving again. election – nothing in the Assembly and nothing in For Northern Ireland to truly flourish then it needs Parliament. The DUP seeks a mandate to turn up, a the United Kingdom to succeed and likewise for mandate to work, and a mandate for: the UK to truly flourish it needs all its constituent • Working with others to get things done for parts and regions to succeed. This can be aided by Northern Ireland. a strong and unified voice for Northern Ireland in • Our plan to get Northern Ireland Parliament. The DUP is that voice. Moving Again. The UK needs to do much more to fulfil its true • Protect Northern Ireland’s place in the Union.
    [Show full text]
  • A Democratic Design? the Political Style of the Northern Ireland Assembly
    A Democratic Design? The political style of the Northern Ireland Assembly Rick Wilford Robin Wilson May 2001 FOREWORD....................................................................................................3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................4 Background.........................................................................................................................................7 Representing the People.....................................................................................................................9 Table 1 Parties Elected to the Assembly ........................................................................................10 Public communication......................................................................................................................15 Table 2 Written and Oral Questions 7 February 2000-12 March 2001*........................................17 Assembly committees .......................................................................................................................20 Table 3 Statutory Committee Meetings..........................................................................................21 Table 4 Standing Committee Meetings ..........................................................................................22 Access to information.......................................................................................................................26 Table 5 Assembly Staffing
    [Show full text]
  • Role of the First Minister in Northern Ireland How Is the First Minister Selected?
    Role of the First Minister in Northern Ireland How is the First Minister selected? Under the Good Friday Agreement the largest party in the Northern Ireland Assembly, be they Unionist or Nationalist chooses a nominee for First Minister. What is the role of the First Minister in decision making? Despite the names the First Minister and deputy First Minister share equal responsibilities within government, and their decisions are made jointly. The First Minister greets official visitors to Northern Ireland and so in that way is the has an equivalent standing to the First Ministers of Scotland or Wales. The First Minister co-chairs meetings of the Northern Ireland Executive, co-ordinates the work of the Executive, and the response of the administration to relationships with other countries. The First Minister and deputy First Minister agree the agenda of Executive meetings and can jointly determine "significant or controversial matters" to be considered by the Executive. The First Minister’s other areas of responsibility include: economic policy equality before the law European Union issues human rights the machinery of government (including the Ministerial Code) public appointments policy standards in public life Who has held the role of First Minister? David Trimble UUP Ian Paisley DUP Peter Robinson DUP Arlene Foster DUP 1998-2002 2007-2008 2002-2016 2016-2017 Leaving Certificate Politics & Society Stand 1: Power and Decision Making Topic 2: Power and Decision Making at National and European Level. Leaning Outcome 2.2: Describe the way in which the Northern Ireland Executive is selected, and the ministers’ roles . .
    [Show full text]
  • The Challenge of the Relationship Between Politics and Paramilitaries for Achieving Peace in Northern Ireland During the Troubles
    From Sunningdale to Good Friday: The Challenge of the Relationship Between Politics and Paramilitaries for Achieving Peace in Northern Ireland During The Troubles Cynthia Rudd McKaughan Faculty Advisor: Dr. Susan Thorne History March 27, 2018 This project was submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate Liberal Studies Program in the Graduate School of Duke University. Copyright by Cynthia Rudd McKaughan 2018 Abstract The British government made three official attempts to end the conflict in Northern Ireland, known as The Troubles: the Sunningdale Agreement of 1973, the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985, and the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. Drawing on media coverage and the actual text of each agreement, as well as the considerable body of scholarly research on each individual process, this project identifies the issues confronting the British government in all three instances: which organizations in Northern Ireland to include at the negotiating table, what role the British government would play in Northern Ireland in the treaty’s aftermath, what security measures to take to stop the violence while ensuring human rights, how to address the political challenges posed by paramilitary organizations, and whether or not to include other nations in negotiating the peace, as well as in Northern Ireland’s affairs once the Troubles ended. The Good Friday Agreement succeeded where its predecessors failed primarily because of the decision to include representatives of paramilitary groups despite their history of complicity in violence. All sides finally agreed to participate in a political power-sharing arrangement that militants on both sides long viewed as a betrayal to the cause for which they willingly killed and died.
    [Show full text]
  • Women in the General Election in Northern Ireland 2015
    Research and Information Service Briefing Paper Paper 48/15 11 May 2015 NIAR 261-15 Michael Potter and Anne Campbell Women in the General Election in Northern Ireland 2015 1 Introduction This paper briefly summarises the results of the UK General Election 2015 in Northern Ireland by gender. The paper is written in the context of the approval by the Northern Ireland Assembly on 9 March 2014 of the report of the Assembly and Executive Review Committee on Women in Politics and the Northern Ireland Assembly, which recommends that political parties consider measures to increase the representation of women in politics. This paper supplements a previous paper on candidates for the election, General Election 2015: Gender Representation1. 1 Research and Information Service Briefing Paper 43/15 General Election 2015: Gender Representation, 14 April 2015: http://www.niassembly.gov.uk/globalassets/documents/raise/publications/2015/exec_review/4315.pdf. Providing research and information services to the Northern Ireland Assembly 1 NIAR 261-15 Briefing Paper 2 Women and the General Election 2015 Constituency Candidates Elected Votes Share M F Belfast East 4 2 Gavin 19,575 49.3% Robinson (DUP) Belfast North 5 1 Nigel Dodds 19,096 47% (DUP) Belfast South 6 3 Alasdair 9,560 25.5% McDonnell (SDLP) Belfast West 9 0 Paul Maskey 19,163 54.2% (SF) East Antrim 6 2 Sammy Wilson 12,103 36.1% (DUP) East 4 3 Gregory 14,663 42.2% Londonderry Campbell (DUP) Fermanagh and 2 3 Tom Elliott 23,608 46.4% South Tyrone (UUP) Foyle 6 1 Mark Durkan 17,725 47.9% (SDLP) Lagan
    [Show full text]
  • 5.IRL Politics and Society in Northern Ireland
    5.IRL Politics and Society in Northern Ireland | Sample answer What was the contribution of Ian Paisley to the affairs of Northern Ireland? (2017) Despite the perspective taken on Ian Paisley, it is fair to claim that he was someone who contributed significantly to affairs in Northern Ireland. The often controversial figure was a mainstay in the social and political arena of the North for decades. Undoubtedly, while he was the thorn in the side for many of his adversaries – be they Nationalist or Unionist – he was an important focal point for the groups he represented. Possibly most famous for his inflammatory speeches in which he used his powerful oration skills to reveal what was a virulent anti-Catholic sentiment, he managed to be seen as a man largely advantageous to the Unionist community. Paisley’s contributions to Northern Ireland can be traced as far back as the 1950s. In 1951 founded the Free Presbyterian Church and in 1956 he joined Ulster Protestant Action in 1956, eventually becoming the group’s leader. The 1960s saw Terence O’Neill in charge of the province where he attempted to bridge gaps between the Nationalist and Unionist communities. This was met with vehement opposition by Paisley who was O’Neill’s constant critic. He saw any concessions to Catholics as an affront to Protestant and Unionist status in the North. He was particularly infuriated when O’Neill met with Irish Taoiseach at this time. In 1966 he founded the Protestant Telegraph which was to become a weekly newspaper, the perfect springboard for promoting the Unionist cause.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Capital's Imagined Benefits in Ardoyne Electoral Ward 'Thesis
    1 Social capital’s imagined benefits in Ardoyne electoral ward ‘Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy by Michael Liggett.’ May 2017 2 3 Abstract Social capital’s imagined benefits in Ardoyne electoral ward Michael Liggett This study examines how access to social capital impacts on the daily lives of residents in an area of Northern Ireland ranked as one of the most deprived areas in the UK but equally, one that is rich in social networks. The thesis challenges social capital paradigms that promote social dividends by highlighting the role of power brokers in locally based social networks. The research uses grounded theory to deconstruct the social capital paradigm to show its negative and positive attributes. Survey and interview data is used to show how social capital contributes to social exclusion because social capital depends on inequitable distribution to give it value and that distribution is related to inequitable forms of social hierarchy access that are influenced by one’s sense of identity. This thesis challenges normative assertions that civil society organisations build trust and community cohesion. The research is unique in that it is focused on a religiously segregated area transitioning from conflict and realising the impact of post industrialisation. The research is important because it provides ethnographic evidence to explain how social capital functions in practice by not only those with extensive participatory experience but also with those excluded from social networks. 4 Table of Contents Chapter 1 - Challenging social capital paradigms ……………..……. 9 1.1 - Definitions of terms …………………………………………………….
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Role of Northern Irish Protestant Religious Denominations
    University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Supervised Undergraduate Student Research Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects and Creative Work 2-1991 The Political Role of Northern Irish Protestant Religious Denominations Henry D. Fincher Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj Recommended Citation Fincher, Henry D., "The Political Role of Northern Irish Protestant Religious Denominations" (1991). Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj/68 This is brought to you for free and open access by the Supervised Undergraduate Student Research and Creative Work at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. - - - - - THE POtJ'TICAIJ I~OI~E OF NOR'TI-IERN IRISH - PROTESrrANrr REI~IGIOUS DENOMINATIONS - COLLEGE SCIIOLAR5,/TENNESSEE SCIIOLARS PROJECT - HENRY D. FINCHER ' - - FEnRlJARY IN, 1991 - - - .. - .. .. - Acknowledgements The completion of this project would have been impossible without assistance from many different individuals in the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Republic of Ireland. I appreciate the gifts of interviews from the MP's for South Belfast and South Wirral, respectively the Reverend Martin Smyth and the Honorable Barry Porter. Li kewi se, these in terv iews would have been impossible without the assistance of the Rt. Hon. Merlyn Rees MP PC, who arranged these two insightful contacts for me. In Belfast my research was aided enormously through the efforts of Mr. Robert Bell at the Linen Hall Library, as well as by the helpful and ever-cheerful librarians at the University of Ulster at Jordanstown.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Northern Ireland
    The Politics of Unionism in Northern Ireland Dominic Bryan The British Isles • Settlers - Plantations in 16th- and 17th-century Ireland • 18th Century: Loyalty, Protestantism and Orangeism • Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland • Act of Union 1800: the idea of a United Kingdom • The landed class and industrial class and a working class • The empire, the bible and the crown • The Irish Unionist Party • The Orange Order • Identity: Britishness – Irishness – Ulster Origins of Unionism • Also the Official Unionist Party or simply the Unionist Party • Derived from the Irish Unionist Party in 19th Century • Foundation – the Ulster Unionist Council of 1905 • Key role of the Orange Order • The role of the gentry and upper-class • Edward Carson, James Craig and the UVF • 1921 – Northern Ireland • Prime Ministers: Craig, Andrews, Brooke, O’Neil and Chichester-Clarke and Faulkner. • Northern Ireland – a study in political control • Ian Paisley and Civil Rights Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) • 1972: The end of Stormont • 1973: splits over the Sunningdale Agreement • Faulkner v Harry West • 1974: Vanguard and the United Ulster Unionist Council • Leader James Molyneaux 1979-1995 • Anglo Irish Agreement • 1995 – 2005 David Trimble and the Belfast Agreement • Division and Defeat. • Leadership of Sir Reg Empey and Mike Nesbitt • Leadership of Robin Swan Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) • Ian Paisley – life and times • 1966 -1971 The Protestant Unionist Party • More Unionist, more Protestant and more working class • Growth in popularity in 1980’s and 1990’s • Staunch opposition to the 1998 Agreement – No talking to terrorists! • Took there seats in Government • 2007: Largest Party in Assembly • First Minister • Peter Robinson and Arlene Foster.
    [Show full text]
  • Divided Cities' Leaders to Gather, Advise Iraqis
    Divided cities’ leaders to gather, advise Iraqis By Kevin Baron, Stars and Stripes Mideast edition, Saturday, March 21, 2009 Photo courtesy of Padraig O'Malley Padraig O’Malley, a professor at the University of Massachusetts Boston, knows firsthand that it's possible for mortal enemies, even religious ones, to shake hands. Kevin Baron / S&S Sinn Fein party leader Gerry Adams speaks at the National Press Club March 16. "There’s no going back," Adams said. "The only way to go is forward." WASHINGTON — While political leaders from Ireland, Northern Ireland and the United Kingdom spent St. Patrick’s Day in the U.S. capital talking about preserving their fragile but sustained 11-year-old peace, an effort is under way in Boston to help transfer the lessons learned in Belfast, Derry and several other conflict cities around world to one of the most contested cities today: Kirkuk, Iraq. Padraig O’Malley, a professor at the University of Massachusetts Boston, is a one-man reconciliation crew. He knows firsthand it is possible for mortal enemies, even religious ones, to shake hands. In 1997, O’Malley brought a group of Northern Ireland negotiators to South Africa to learn how that country had found a lasting peace three years earlier. At first, the sides would not even share a hotel dining room, but soon barriers fell. One year later, the Irish Republican Army and the United Kingdom signed the Good Friday Agreement. A decade later, O’Malley convinced 16 Iraqis from Kirkuk to meet many of those same negotiators, including Martin McGuinness, the former IRA leader who now is deputy first minister, and Mac Maharaj, a prison mate of Nelson Mandela.
    [Show full text]